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	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-14:/282659</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133970/legal-advice-hegseth-no-quarter-hypo/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=legal-advice-hegseth-no-quarter-hypo" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Hypothetical Legal Advice to SecDef Hegseth on “No Quarter” Statement (from Office of General Counsel)</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>The following hypothetical legal memorandum imagines what the General Counsel for the U.S. Departmen...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p><em>The following hypothetical legal memorandum imagines what the General Counsel for the U.S. Department of Defense would advise the Secretary of Defense immediately following the SecDef&rsquo;s remarks on March 13, 2026, in which he appeared to suggest that U.S. forces would deny &ldquo;quarter&rdquo; to Iranian combatants during Operation Epic Fury. The memorandum presumes that Secretary Hegseth did not know what &ldquo;no quarter&rdquo; means under international humanitarian law or knew its legal meaning but intended only to panic and terrify Iranian combatants or knew its legal meaning and intended for &ldquo;no quarter&rdquo; to be executed by his subordinates. The memorandum is agnostic as to those conditions; its analysis applies regardless.</em></p>
<p><strong>FOR</strong>: Pete Hegseth, Secretary of War<br>
<strong>DATE</strong>: Mar. 14, 2026<br>
<strong>FROM</strong>: General Counsel, Department of War</p>
<p><strong>SUBJECT</strong>: The Secretary&rsquo;s &ldquo;no quarter, no mercy&rdquo; remarks during Operation Epic Fury</p>
<p>1. <span>Purpose</span>: to inform you that a <a href="https://www.war.gov/News/Transcripts/Transcript/Article/4434484/secretary-of-war-pete-hegseth-and-chairman-of-the-joint-chiefs-air-force-gen-da/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">public statement</a> you made on Mar. 13, 2026, may be construed as counseling, commanding, encouraging, ordering, or threatening the commission of a war crime. This may expose you to criminal liability under <a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/18/2441" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">18 U.S.C. 2441(c)(2)</a>, and expose any subordinate servicemembers who carry it out to prosecution under the <a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/10/subtitle-A/part-II/chapter-47" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Uniform Code of Military Justice</a> as well as 18 U.S.C. 2441(c)(2). Your statement may also be used adversely in future unforeseeable incidents. We recommend that you publicly retract this statement immediately and to clarify to all subordinates within the DoW that under no circumstances shall U.S. forces order, threaten, or tolerate &ldquo;no quarter&rdquo; with respect to Iranian combatants, under penalty of criminal investigation and potential prosecution.</p>
<p>2. <span>Background</span>:</p>
<p>a. At a Pentagon press briefing on Friday, Mar. 13, 2026, you stated: &ldquo;the military capabilities of their evil regime are crumbling. They can barely communicate, let alone coordinate; they&rsquo;re confused and we know it. Our response? We will keep pressing. We will keep pushing, keep advancing, no quarter, no mercy for our enemies.&rdquo;</p>
<p>b. This statement follows several other remarks you made regarding the use of force, rules of engagement, and the law of armed conflict, including:</p>
<ul>
<li>In your book, <em>The War on Warriors</em>, you <a href="https://www.amazon.com/War-Warriors-Behind-Betrayal-Keep/dp/0063389428" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">described</a> your service as a junior Army officer in Iraq and ordering your subordinate soldiers to ignore legal advice regarding then-current Rules of Engagement with which you disagreed.<br>
In that book, you wrote: &ldquo;Our boys should not fight by rules written by dignified men in mahogany rooms eighty years ago. America should fight by its own rules.&rdquo;</li>
<li>When asked about that sentence in your book during your Senate nomination hearing on Jan. 14, 2025, you <a href="https://www.rev.com/transcripts/pete-hegseth-senate-confirmation-hearing" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">replied</a>: &ldquo;The applications of the Geneva Conventions are incredibly important, but we would all have to acknowledge that the way we fought our wars back when the Geneva Conventions were written are a lot different than the asymmetric, nonconventional environment of counterinsurgency that I confronted in Iraq and Afghanistan.&rdquo;</li>
<li>In an Oval Office press briefing on Sep. 5, 2025, you stated that the Department of War will conduct its operations with &ldquo;<a href="https://www.war.gov/News/News-Stories/Article/Article/4295826/trump-renames-dod-to-department-of-war/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">maximum lethality, not tepid legality</a>.&rdquo;</li>
<li>On Sep. 30, 2025, you spoke before more than 800 flag officers at Marine Corps Base Quantico, during which you <a href="https://www.war.gov/News/Transcripts/Transcript/Article/4318689/secretary-of-war-pete-hegseth-addresses-general-and-flag-officers-at-quantico-v/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">said</a>: &ldquo;We fight to win. We unleash overwhelming and punishing violence on the enemy. We also don&rsquo;t fight with stupid rules of engagement. We untie the hands of our warfighters to intimidate, demoralize, hunt and kill the enemies of our country. No more politically correct and overbearing rules of engagement, just common sense, maximum lethality and authority for warfighters.&rdquo;</li>
<li>Just days into Operation Epic Fury, in a press briefing on Mar. 2, 2026, you said the U.S. military would be bound by &ldquo;<a href="https://www.war.gov/News/Transcripts/Transcript/Article/4418959/secretary-of-war-pete-hegseth-and-chairman-of-the-joint-chiefs-of-staff-gen-dan/#:~:text=America%2C%20regardless%20of%20what%20so,t%20waste%20time%20or%20lives." rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">no stupid rules of engagement</a>.&rdquo;</li>
</ul>
<p>3. <span>&ldquo;No quarter&rdquo; is a war crime</span>:</p>
<p>a. As law of armed conflict experts Michael Schmitt and John Tramazzo have <a href="https://lieber.westpoint.edu/wagner-groups-no-quarter-order-international-law/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">explained</a>, &ldquo;no quarter&rdquo; is <strong>&ldquo;an&nbsp;<em>order</em>&nbsp;that there shall be no survivors, a&nbsp;<em>threat</em>&nbsp;to conduct operations on that basis, or&nbsp;<em>fighting</em>&nbsp;in that manner&rdquo; </strong>(emphasis in the original).&nbsp;To command, threaten, or practice that &ldquo;no quarter&rdquo; be given to one&rsquo;s enemies in battle is to simply say to subordinates: &ldquo;do not accept surrender;&rdquo; this implies killing every combatant regardless of their expressed desire to surrender and become a prisoner of war.</p>
<p>b. Such orders, threats, and fighting have been long recognized under customary international law (see <a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/brussels-decl-1874" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a> and <a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/oxford-manual-1880" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>), the Hague Convention (<a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/hague-conv-iv-1907/regulations-art-23?activeTab=undefined" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">art. 23, Annex to Convention IV, 1907</a>) and the Geneva Convention&rsquo;s <a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/api-1977/article-40?activeTab=undefined" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Additional Protocol I (art. 40)</a> as absolutely prohibited. Though not a signatory to AP I, the U.S. recognizes and <a href="https://2009-2017.state.gov/documents/organization/139394.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">affirms</a> this prohibition as <a href="https://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1660&amp;context=auilr" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">reflective</a> of customary international law. The prohibition extends as far back as the <a href="https://avalon.law.yale.edu/19th_century/lieber.asp" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Lieber Code</a> issued by President Lincoln during the Civil War; in 1948, a U.S. military court convicted high-ranking German military officers of the crime of no quarter (the so-called <a href="https://encyclopedia.ushmm.org/content/en/article/subsequent-nuremberg-proceedings-case-12-the-high-command-case" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">High Command Case</a>).</p>
<p>c. The prohibition applies not only to an order to subordinates but also, independently, to a threat of no quarter communicated to enemy forces. The Department of Defense <a href="https://ogc.osd.mil/Portals/99/Law%20of%20War%202023/DOD-LAW-OF-WAR-MANUAL-JUNE-2015-UPDATED-JULY%202023.pdf?ver=Qbxamfouw4znu1I7DVMcsw%3D%3D" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Law of War Manual, Section 5.4.7</a> cites to <a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/hague-conv-iv-1907/regulations-art-23?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Hague IV Regulation article 23(d)</a> as conclusive: &ldquo;it is especially forbidden . . . [t]o declare that no quarter will be given.&rdquo; In describing that rule, the Manual further warns &ldquo;it is also prohibited to conduct hostilities on the basis that there shall be no survivors, <em>or to threaten the adversary with the denial of quarter</em>,&rdquo; quoting the <a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/api-1977/article-40/commentary/1987?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">ICRC&rsquo;s Commentary to AP I, art. 40 (para. 1595)</a> (emphasis added).</p>
<p>4. <span>War Crime liability under <a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/18/2441" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">18 U.S.C. 2441</a>:</span></p>
<p>a. The U.S. War Crimes statute makes it a federal offense to commit a &ldquo;war crime,&rdquo; subject to being &ldquo;fined &hellip; or imprisoned for life or any term of years, or both, and if death results to the victim, shall also be subject to the penalty of death.&rdquo;</p>
<p>b. The statute defines &ldquo;war crime&rdquo; by incorporating those offenses described as &ldquo;grave breaches&rdquo; of the Geneva Conventions or its additional protocols and acts specifically &ldquo;prohibited by Article 23, 25, 27, or 28 of the Annex to the Hague Convention IV.&rdquo;</p>
<p>c. As stated above, Article 23(d) in that Annex is unambiguous: &ldquo;it is especially forbidden . . . [t]o declare that no quarter will be given.&rdquo;</p>
<p>d. In describing ongoing and future combat operations in the current international armed conflict between the United States and Iran, your statement &ldquo;no quarter, no mercy for our enemies&rdquo; likely violates Art. 23(d) of the Annex to Hague IV and thereby violates 18 U.S.C. &sect; 2441. This interpretation is reinforced when your remarks are considered alongside your previous public comments about the Rules of Engagement, &ldquo;maximum lethality, not tepid legality,&rdquo; and the laws of armed conflict noted above in para. 2.b.</p>
<p>e. An intention to merely cause panic and terror within the Iranian armed forces is not a defense because Article 23(d) prohibits the &ldquo;declar[ation] that no quarter will be given.&rdquo; It is a speech offense; under normal principles of criminal law, a command to unlawfully kill another person, even if never performed, is still prohibited (&ldquo;Whoever commits an offense against the United States <em>or aids, abets, counsels, commands, induces or procures its commission, is punishable as a principal</em>&rdquo; &ndash; see <a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/18/2" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">18 U.S.C. &sect; 2</a>). Whether the order is ever consummated by your subordinates is immaterial to your criminal exposure under 18 U.S.C. &sect; 2441.</p>
<p>f. Any U.S. servicemember who interprets your comments as an order and who subsequently commands, directs, orders, or gives &ldquo;no quarter&rdquo; to Iranian forces will be exposed to criminal liability under <a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/10/918" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Article 118, UCMJ, for murder</a> (a premeditated killing of another with no legal justification or excuse). Such an order is &ldquo;patently&rdquo; or &ldquo;<a href="https://www.militarytimes.com/opinion/commentary/2025/08/14/4-in-5-us-troops-surveyed-understand-duty-to-disobey-illegal-orders/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">manifestly</a>&rdquo; unlawful; therefore, a servicemember accused of murder for ordering or giving &ldquo;no quarter&rdquo; cannot raise an &ldquo;<a href="https://www.armfor.uscourts.gov/newcaaf/opinions/2009SepTerm/09-0169.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">obedience to orders</a>&rdquo; defense in their court-martial. Alternatively, servicemembers would also be exposed to prosecution in U.S. district court for violation of 18 U.S.C. &sect; 2441.</p>
<p>5. <span>Recommendations</span> : In your remarks on Mar. 13, 2026, you twice <a href="https://www.war.gov/News/Transcripts/Transcript/Article/4434484/secretary-of-war-pete-hegseth-and-chairman-of-the-joint-chiefs-air-force-gen-da/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">said</a> that the first ten days of Operation Epic Fury has been a military campaign like nothing the &ldquo;world has never seen before.&rdquo; In light of your assertion that &ldquo;[n]ever before has a modern capable military, which Iran used to have, been so quickly destroyed and made combat ineffective, devastated,&rdquo; there is no discernible strategic, operational, or tactical logic for the proposition that &ldquo;no quarter&rdquo; is militarily sound or necessary. Given that &ldquo;no quarter&rdquo; is a clear violation of the Hague Convention IV and, as a consequence, U.S. federal law, we recommend the following immediate actions:</p>
<p>a. Publicly retract the comments and disavow any intention to induce, inspire, counsel, encourage, incite, order, threaten, tolerate, or give &ldquo;no quarter&rdquo; to Iranian combatants.</p>
<p>b. Communicate through the chain-of-command conducting Operation Epic Fury that &ldquo;no quarter&rdquo; is a war crime that will be thoroughly investigated and prosecuted under the Uniform Code of Military Justice or 18 U.S.C. &sect; 2441.</p>
<p>6. The point of contact for this opinion is the General Counsel, Department of War.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133970/legal-advice-hegseth-no-quarter-hypo/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Hypothetical Legal Advice to SecDef Hegseth on &ldquo;No Quarter&rdquo; Statement (from Office of General Counsel)</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-14T13:46:34+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Daniel Maurer</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-14T13:46:34+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="armed conflict"/>

	<category term="armed conflicts"/>

	<category term="featured articles"/>

	<category term="international humanitarian law (ihl)"/>

	<category term="law of armed conflict (loac)"/>

	<category term="law of armed conflict/ihl"/>

	<category term="operation epic fury"/>

	<category term="quarter"/>

	<category term="trump administration second term"/>

	<category term="use of force"/>

	<category term="war crimes"/>

	<category term="war crimes act"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-14:/282592</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133442/digest-recent-articles-just-security-mar-8-13-2026/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=digest-recent-articles-just-security-mar-8-13-2026" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Digest of Recent Articles on Just Security (Mar. 8-13, 2026)</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>U.S.-Israel-Iran War

Iran, War Powers, and the Power of the Purse: Leverage or Legalization
by Bria...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<h2>U.S.-Israel-Iran War</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133361/iran-war-powers-purse-leverage-legalization/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Iran, War Powers, and the Power of the Purse: Leverage or Legalization</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Brian Finucane" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/finucanebrian/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Brian Finucane</a></li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133417/aggression-iran-response-shany-cohen/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Aggression, Plain and Simple: A Response to Shany and Cohen on the Attack on Iran</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Tom Dannenbaum" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/dannenbaumtom/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Tom Dannenbaum</a> and <a title="Profile and articles by Rebecca Hamilton" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/hamiltonrebecca/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Rebecca Hamilton</a></li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133397/sinking-iran-frigate-dena-law-naval-warfare/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Sinking Iran&rsquo;s Frigate IRIS Dena and the Law of Naval Warfare</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Michael Schmitt" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/schmittmichael/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Michael Schmitt</a> and <a title="Profile and articles by Elizabeth Hutton" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/huttonelizabeth/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Elizabeth Hutton</a></li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133579/operation-epic-fury-international-law/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Operation Epic Fury: Reports of the Death of International Law are Greatly Exaggerated</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Kenneth Watkin" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/watkinken/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Kenneth Watkin</a></li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133550/illegality-israels-military-campaign-lebanon/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Illegality of Israel&rsquo;s Military Campaign in Lebanon</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Adil Ahmad Haque" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/haqueadil/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Adil Ahmad Haque</a></li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133685/iranian-attacks-amazon-data-centers-legal-analysis/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Iranian Attacks on the Amazon Data Centers: A Legal Analysis</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Klaudia Klonowska" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/klonowskaklaudia/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Klaudia Klonowska</a> and <a title="Profile and articles by Michael Schmitt" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/schmittmichael/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Michael Schmitt</a></li>
</ul>
<h2>U.S. Lethal Strikes / Drug Trafficking</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133744/did-united-states-bomb-ecuador/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Did the United States Just Bomb Ecuador?</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Brian Finucane" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/finucanebrian/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Brian Finucane</a></li>
</ul>
<h2>Sudan</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131508/report-new-evidence-starvation-darfur/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Report Offers New Evidence of Starvation Crimes in Darfur</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Tom Dannenbaum" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/dannenbaumtom/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Tom Dannenbaum</a> and <a title="Profile and articles by Oona A. Hathaway" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/hathawayoona/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Oona A. Hathaway</a></li>
</ul>
<h2>Epstein Files</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133761/epstein-co-conspirators-new-york/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Epstein and His Co-Conspirators&rsquo; New York Crimes: What NY Officials Can Now Do</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Ryan Goodman" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/goodmanryan/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Ryan Goodman</a></li>
</ul>
<h2>AI Governance</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131377/what-ungoverned-ai-looks-like/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Grok Showed the World What Ungoverned AI Looks Like</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Cyrus Hodes" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/hodescyrus/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Cyrus Hodes</a></li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132615/ai-new-plastics-govern-better/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AI is the New Plastics. Can We Govern it Better?</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Caroline Baxter" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/baxtercaroline/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Caroline Baxter</a></li>
</ul>
<h2>Symposium: Updated ICRC Commentary</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132950/technology-icrc-gc-iv-2025-commentary/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Technology and the ICRC&rsquo;s GC IV 2025 Commentary</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Michael Schmitt" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/schmittmichael/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Michael Schmitt</a></li>
</ul>
<h2>United Nations</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133160/crimes-against-humanity-first-preparatory-committee/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Crimes Against Humanity Treaty Advances with First Preparatory Committee</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Leila Nadya Sadat" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/sadatleila/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Leila Nadya Sadat</a> and <a title="Profile and articles by Akila Radhakrishnan" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/radhakrishnanakila/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Akila Radhakrishnan</a></li>
</ul>
<h2>Anti-Corruption Series</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133481/year-later-fcpa-enforcement-pause/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">A Year Later &ndash; What Did the Pause on FCPA Enforcement Do?</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Richard Nephew" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/nephewrichard/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Richard Nephew</a></li>
</ul>
<h2>Military Justice</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133861/military-law-on-contemptuous-words/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Military Law on &ldquo;Contemptuous Words&rdquo; Should be Reformed</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Eugene R. Fidell" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/fidelleugene/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Eugene R. Fidell</a>, <a title="Profile and articles by Steven J. Lepper" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/leppersteven/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Steven J. Lepper</a> and <a title="Profile and articles by William D. Baumgartner" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/baumgartnerwilliam/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">William D. Baumgartner</a></li>
</ul>
<h2>Counterextremism</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/119009/counterextremism-counterterrorism-series/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Collection: Just Security&rsquo;s Counterextremism Initiative</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Tom Joscelyn" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/joscelyntom/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Tom Joscelyn</a></li>
</ul>
<h2>Trump Executive Actions</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/107087/tracker-litigation-legal-challenges-trump-administration/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Litigation Tracker: Legal Challenges to Trump Administration Actions (Updated)</a><br>
by&nbsp;<a title="Profile and articles by Just Security" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/just-security-admin/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a></li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133353/new-global-gag-rules-undermine-us-interests/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">How Trump&rsquo;s New Global Gag Rules Will Undermine US Interests Abroad</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Ari Shaw" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/shawari/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Ari Shaw</a> and <a title="Profile and articles by Laurel Sprague" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/spraguelaurel/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Laurel Sprague</a></li>
</ul>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133442/digest-recent-articles-just-security-mar-8-13-2026/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Digest of Recent Articles on Just Security (Mar. 8-13, 2026)</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-14T10:55:13+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Just Security</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-14T10:55:13+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="other"/>

	<category term="weekly recap"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-13:/282480</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133353/new-global-gag-rules-undermine-us-interests/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=new-global-gag-rules-undermine-us-interests" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">How Trump’s New Global Gag Rules Will Undermine US Interests Abroad</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>For four decades, the Mexico City Policy&mdash;commonly known as the Global Gag Rule&mdash;has been a political ...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>For four decades, the Mexico City Policy&mdash;commonly known as the Global Gag Rule&mdash;has been a political ping pong. Republican presidents <a href="https://www.politico.com/story/2017/01/trump-revives-funding-ban-to-groups-promoting-abortion-overseas-234038" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">impose</a> it; Democratic presidents <a href="https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/biden-rescinds-abortion-restrictions-on-u-s-foreign-aid" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">rescind</a> it. The policy blocks U.S. funding to foreign organizations that provide or promote abortion, even if those activities are funded by separate, non-U.S. government sources. Until now, its scope was always limited to reproductive health programs.</p>
<p>On Jan. 27, the Trump administration <a href="https://www.devex.com/news/new-us-funding-rules-tie-aid-to-abortion-gender-ideology-dei-bans-111763" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">published</a> three final rules that represent the broadest overt application of ideological conditions on U.S. foreign aid in history, together called the Promoting Human Flourishing in Foreign Assistance policy. This policy conditions about $<a href="https://www.usglc.org/the-budget/congress-reaches-agreement-on-fy26-international-affairs-spending/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">40 billion dollars</a> in non-military aid&mdash;global health programs, humanitarian assistance, refugee services, development funding&mdash;on compliance with the administration&rsquo;s positions on abortion, &ldquo;gender ideology,&rdquo; and diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) programming.</p>
<p>The expanded policy is categorically different from previous iterations of the Mexico City Policy in both scope and ambition. It has taken the Gag Rule model and applied it across nearly all core domains of U.S. foreign assistance, exporting the United States&rsquo; culture war over gender identity and DEI through the machinery of U.S. foreign aid. While this article focuses on how the new policy will affect LGBTQI+ populations in particular&mdash;communities explicitly targeted by the gender ideology rule and likely to bear significant consequences from all three&mdash;the operational problems that the rules create will compromise the effectiveness of U.S. foreign assistance and undermine American strategic interests more broadly.</p>
<h2><strong>How the New Rules Expand the Global Gag Rule</strong></h2>
<p>The policy includes three components. The Protecting <a href="https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2026/01/27/2026-01519/protecting-life-in-foreign-assistance" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Life</a> in Foreign Assistance rule expands the traditional Mexico City Policy&rsquo;s abortion restrictions beyond family planning programs to virtually all foreign assistance. For the first time, it also prohibits U.S. NGOs from providing abortion services abroad with any funds.</p>
<p>The Combating <a href="https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2026/01/27/2026-01516/combating-gender-ideology-in-foreign-assistance" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Gender Ideology</a> in Foreign Assistance rule is the most sweeping in its reach. It explicitly defines transgender identities as an ideology to be &ldquo;combated&rdquo; and prohibits a broad range of activities affecting transgender, nonbinary, and intersex individuals: providing gender-affirming care, using pronouns that correspond with a person&rsquo;s gender identity, operating facilities that counsel on gender transition, and lobbying foreign governments for legal gender recognition. The rules adopt the definitions of sex and gender identity from <a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/01/defending-women-from-gender-ideology-extremism-and-restoring-biological-truth-to-the-federal-government/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Executive Order</a> 14168, &ldquo;Defending Women from Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government,&rdquo; that President Donald Trump signed in January 2025.</p>
<p>The Combating Discriminatory <a href="https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2026/01/27/2026-01517/combating-discriminatory-equity-ideology-in-foreign-assistance-rules" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Equity Ideology</a> in Foreign Assistance rule restricts DEI programming more broadly, targeting what it calls &ldquo;discriminatory equity ideology&rdquo; with reference to race, color, religion, sex, and national origin. Whether its restrictions extend to programming serving cisgender lesbian, gay, and bisexual populations is less clear from its operative text. However, the rule&rsquo;s preamble cites prior USAID work on &ldquo;LGBTQI+&rdquo; inclusion as a problem to eliminate, and its vague terms may have a chilling effect on such programming.</p>
<p>Across the three rules, foreign NGOs and international organizations face the most restrictive terms. They must agree not to engage in prohibited activities across their entire operations, with funds from any source, while receiving any U.S. foreign assistance. For example, an organization receiving U.S. funding for tuberculosis treatment that also operates gender-affirming healthcare programs with European funding must abandon the latter entirely or forfeit U.S. funds. U.S.-based NGOs face a different but still onerous standard: physical and financial separation between U.S. government-funded and prohibited activities, including separate facilities, personnel, health records, accounts, and signage.</p>
<p>The compliance mechanisms impose a substantial burden. Organizations must flow restrictions down to all subgrantees, creating liability throughout funding chains. The government retains authority to conduct unannounced inspections of facilities, records, and personnel, and to make &ldquo;independent inquiries in the community&rdquo; about compliance. Violations can result in funding termination, debarment, and requirements to refund amounts already spent on prohibited activities.</p>
<p>The rules were issued <a href="https://www.kaine.senate.gov/press-releases/senate-foreign-relations-democrats-statement-on-trump-administrations-expanded-global-gag-rule" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">without</a> the standard notice-and-comment process. The administration&rsquo;s own regulatory analysis in each rule estimates $16 million in one-time familiarization costs and $114 million in annual compliance costs across 2,500 implementing organizations. A waiver provision exists for &ldquo;national security or foreign policy purposes,&rdquo; but with no criteria, process, or timeline for obtaining one, leaving organizations unable to plan around potential exceptions.</p>
<h2><strong>Targeted Harms and Collateral Damage</strong></h2>
<p>The Combatting Gender Ideology rule most directly targets transgender, nonbinary, and intersex people. But the consequences extend far beyond those populations and into the core effectiveness of programs that have nothing to do with gender identity debates. This matters because gender identity restrictions cannot be neatly siloed.</p>
<p>PEPFAR, launched under President George W. Bush and credited with saving an estimated 26 million lives, works precisely because it targets HIV prevention and treatment to populations at highest risk: gay and bisexual men, transgender women, sex workers, people who inject drugs, and their partners. In 2023, PEPFAR <a href="https://www.state.gov/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/HIV-and-AIDS-Prevention-and-Treatment-Programs-for-Key-Populations-006129-Accessible-8.12.2024.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">provided</a> preventive services to more than 2.4 million key population members, including nearly 800,000 gay and bisexual men and more than 85,000 transgender people. That same year, nearly 150,000 gay and bisexual men and 12,000 transgender people were initiated on pre-exposure prophylaxis. An analysis in <em>The Lancet HIV</em> <a href="https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lanhiv/article/PIIS2352-3018(25)00192-4/fulltext" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">estimates</a> that withdrawing targeted support from these populations could result in thousands of additional infections annually. If organizations cannot acknowledge gender identity in intake forms or clinical records, differentiate outreach to reach transgender populations, or provide culturally competent care, they cannot conduct the targeted work that effective HIV prevention requires.</p>
<p>Humanitarian response will also slow. LGBTQI+ refugees <a href="https://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/LGBTQI-Refugee-Review-Jul-2022.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">face</a> compounding risks at every stage of displacement. In transit countries, they routinely experience harassment, physical violence, and discrimination; even where services nominally exist, homophobia and transphobia among providers frequently block access to health care, mental health support, and legal aid. Transgender refugees face additional, acute barriers: difficulty obtaining gender-affirming medication, lack of appropriate medical care, and identity documents that do not reflect their gender identity, creating constant exposure to scrutiny and risk.</p>
<p>The new rules will directly constrain organizations working with these populations. Providers will be restricted from affirming clients&rsquo; gender identities, making appropriate referrals, or advocating for their protection with host governments. Most concretely, the rules bar &ldquo;lobbying or encouraging a foreign government to provide legal status or protections based on gender identity,&rdquo; prohibiting advocacy for transgender refugees in some host countries where their identities may even be criminalized. The cumulative effect is likely to drive LGBTQI+ refugees further underground, compounding the invisibility that already makes them targets for exploitation and violence.</p>
<p>Because these rules require foreign NGOs and international organizations receiving <em>any</em> U.S. foreign assistance to observe these prohibitions across <em>all</em> of their activities, an organization receiving U.S. support for girls&rsquo; education or small-business development would thus be barred from advocating for legal gender recognition, or running public information campaigns on transgender rights, even where those activities are entirely funded by other donors.</p>
<p>This could include multilateral entities like the United Nations and other U.N. agencies that receive funding through U.S. voluntary contributions and direct funding. For example, it is unclear whether emergency support programs and legal aid for transgender people facing violence or arrest, as currently delivered by UNDP and UNAIDS, would lead to the loss of U.S. funds. Under the Mexico City Policy, the U.N. Population Fund (UNFPA) <a href="https://www.guttmacher.org/gpr/2015/06/global-gag-rule-and-fights-over-funding-unfpa-issues-wont-go-away" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">repeatedly</a> lost U.S. funding under Republican administrations, but those restrictions were limited to reproductive health. The current rules extend ideological conditions across non-military foreign assistance, meaning U.N. entities receiving U.S. support for development, humanitarian, or governance work now face compliance obligations with no precedent in prior policy cycles.</p>
<p>The DEI rule&rsquo;s effect on broader LGBTQI+ programming is harder to assess with precision, given the vagueness of its prohibitions, but the compliance risk it creates is likely to produce similar restrictions in practice. Indeed, research on previous iterations of the Mexico City Policy offers a preview of what could happen. One study <a href="https://www.kff.org/global-health-policy/impact-of-the-mexico-city-policy-literature-review/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">found</a> that organizations routinely &ldquo;over-implemented&rdquo; restrictions, curtailing services well beyond what was legally required to avoid any compliance risk. The policy created confusion, fragmented civil society partnerships, and disrupted services far beyond abortion care, including HIV programs with no connection to reproductive health. These new rules are broader, cover more funding, and impose more onerous compliance requirements. The chilling effects will likely be correspondingly greater and fall hardest on the most vulnerable populations.</p>
<h2><strong>The Strategic Costs</strong></h2>
<p>These restrictions do not operate in a vacuum. At the 2024 Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, President Xi Jinping <a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2024/09/05/chinas-xi-pledges-over-50-billion-in-financial-aid-to-africa-to-deepen-ties-.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">announced</a> $50 billion in <a href="https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/eng/xw/zyxw/202409/t20240905_11485607.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">African development commitments</a> over three years, explicitly positioned as partnership without ideological conditions. The contrast with U.S. restrictions is not lost on partner governments evaluating their options.</p>
<p>The downstream effects on the implementing partner ecosystem are harder to predict. Some donors (e.g. <a href="https://commission.europa.eu/document/download/b4952371-4308-47ad-b995-02c539b75dda_en?filename=JUST_template_comingsoon_standard.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">EU</a>, <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/fcdo-international-lgbt-rights-programme-2023-to-2028-objectives/summary-fcdo-international-lgbt-rights-programme-2023-to-2028" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">UK</a>) have signaled commitments to inclusive programming, and may partially absorb organizations unwilling to operate under U.S. restrictions. But whether alternative funding will materialize at sufficient scale, and on a timeline that prevents organizational disruption, remains uncertain. Many implementing partners lack the flexibility to simply redirect their funding relationships, and some may have no viable alternative but to comply or cease operations.</p>
<p>The rules are also part of a broader international agenda. Both the abortion rule and the gender ideology rule state explicitly that they are &ldquo;necessary to secure the foreign policy goals of the United States&rdquo; as articulated in the <a href="https://www.theiwh.org/the-gcd/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Geneva Consensus</a> Declaration on Promoting Women&rsquo;s Health and Strengthening the Family, a political statement the United States first championed in 2020 and <a href="https://www.state.gov/united-states-renewed-membership-in-the-geneva-consensus-declaration-on-promoting-womens-health-and-strengthening-the-family" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">rejoined</a> in 2025. Understood by both supporters and critics primarily as a vehicle for contesting abortion rights internationally, the Declaration also reaffirms &ldquo;the family as the natural and fundamental group unit of society.&rdquo; Such language has a <a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2017/11/06/traditional-values-potent-weapon-against-lgbt-rights#:~:text=Russia%20and%20Egypt%20have%20long%20led%20the,values%E2%80%9D%20is%20the%20staple%20language%20of%20Russia's" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">documented</a> history of use in multilateral settings to resist recognition of same-sex families and LGBTQI+ rights. Its original co-sponsors include Egypt, Hungary, Indonesia, and Uganda, and the sovereignty arguments it enshrines have been routinely deployed in U.N. spaces to block protections based on sexual orientation and gender identity by framing them as &ldquo;<a href="https://carnegieendowment.org/russia-eurasia/research/2025/06/the-new-global-struggle-over-gender-rights-and-family-values" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">ideological impositions</a>.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The stakes further extend to issues of governance. Research by the Williams Institute at UCLA, where we both work (and co-authored by one of us), has <a href="https://williamsinstitute.law.ucla.edu/wp-content/uploads/GAI-Democracy-Sep-2023.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">documented</a> a strong association between attacks on LGBTQI+ people and democratic backsliding: countries that protect LGBTQI+ rights tend to have stronger democratic institutions, and the erosion of those protections often accompanies broader erosion of rule of law and human rights norms. Foreign assistance has long been one instrument through which the United States supports democratic governance abroad. Rules that undermine the wellbeing and inclusion of LGBTQI+ populations do not merely abandon a vulnerable group&mdash;they accelerate conditions that global democracy programming is simultaneously trying to reverse.</p>
<h2><strong>What Should Happen Now</strong></h2>
<p>Congress, implementing organizations, and donors have a range of tools to address the effects of this expanded policy.</p>
<p>First, Congress <a href="https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/USCODE-2024-title5/pdf/USCODE-2024-title5-partI-chap8-sec808.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">retains</a> appropriations and oversight authority over these rules, which were issued without public input under claimed exemptions from standard notice-and-comment rulemaking. Legislators concerned about the foreign assistance effectiveness should <a href="https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/R45248" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">use</a> that authority to demand data on waiver requests and denials, compliance enforcement actions, and measurable impacts on program outcomes; hold oversight hearings that examine the evidentiary basis for these changes and scrutinize the administration&rsquo;s failure to quantify key implementation costs; and use the State/Foreign Operations appropriations process to require independent evaluation of health and development outcomes under the new restrictions. Congress should also press the administration to make public the promised guidance on waiver criteria&mdash;which had not been issued at the time these rules took effect&mdash;and to report on how waivers are being applied in practice across sectors.</p>
<p>Second, organizations with the capacity to do so should systemically document real-world effects the foundation for any future course correction. The most valuable evidence from previous policy cycles came from organizations that tracked service disruptions, partnership fragmentation, and health outcomes in real time. Organizations should establish baseline metrics now&mdash;particularly for LGBTQI+ populations&mdash;and processes for tracking changes. Donors should allow reprogramming for community-led monitoring of these impacts.</p>
<p>Third, implementing organizations should build relationships with alternative donors. Service disruption happens faster than funding replacement. When organizations previously declined U.S. funding, gaps emerged immediately; alternative funding took longer to materialize. Organizations serving LGBTQI+ and other key populations and potential donors should initiate conversations now, map support, and plan urgent responses.</p>
<p>Finally, groups should coordinate to maintain coverage. Some organizations will decline U.S. funding. Others will accept restrictions. Uncoordinated decisions create coverage gaps. Organizations should look collectively to ensure access to services, whether through referral networks, strengthening local organizations outside U.S. funding streams, or strategic division of programming across funding profiles. Development donors should prioritize core funding for community-led networks, groups, and service providers to engage in critical coordination efforts.</p>
<p>The administration frames these rules as promoting &ldquo;human flourishing,&rdquo; but the evidence points in a different direction: reduced effectiveness in HIV prevention, slower humanitarian response, fragmented implementing partnerships, and diminished American influence abroad. These rules reject decades of evidence about what makes foreign assistance effective and instead impose real costs on vulnerable populations and American strategic interests alike.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133353/new-global-gag-rules-undermine-us-interests/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">How Trump&rsquo;s New Global Gag Rules Will Undermine US Interests Abroad</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-13T13:07:31+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Ari Shaw</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-13T13:07:31+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="congress"/>

	<category term="diplomacy"/>

	<category term="executive branch"/>

	<category term="foreign policy"/>

	<category term="global gag rule"/>

	<category term="healthcare"/>

	<category term="humanitarian"/>

	<category term="international and foreign"/>

	<category term="lgbtq+"/>

	<category term="public health"/>

	<category term="reproductive rights"/>

	<category term="trump administration second term"/>

	<category term="women"/>

	<category term="womens rights"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-13:/282481</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133744/did-united-states-bomb-ecuador/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=did-united-states-bomb-ecuador" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Did the United States Just Bomb Ecuador?</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Amidst the Trump administration&rsquo;s unauthorized war on Iran and the resulting hostilities from Cyprus...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p><span>Amidst the Trump administration&rsquo;s unauthorized war on Iran and the resulting hostilities from Cyprus to the waters off Sri Lanka, it is easy to overlook the fact that the administration also continues to wage </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/128517/war-powers-venezuela-drug-boats-and-congress/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>unauthorized hostilities</span></a><span> in the Western Hemisphere. The U.S. military is still conducting </span><a href="https://x.com/Southcom/status/2030800534052196608?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>lethal maritime strikes</span></a><span> against alleged drug smugglers, killing over </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/124002/timeline-vessel-strikes-related-actions/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>150 people</span></a><span> to date. (See here for previous </span><i><span>Just Security </span></i><span>analysis of the </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/120753/collection-u-s-lethal-strikes-on-suspected-drug-traffickers/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>maritime bombing campaign</span></a><span>.)&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>And the administration may have begun its long advertised &ldquo;strikes on land&rdquo; against supposed drug trafficking targets&mdash;in Ecuador, targeting a dissident faction of the </span><i><span>Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia</span></i><span> (FARC).</span></p>
<h2><b>Clues from Social Media Bombast</b></h2>
<p><span>On March 3, U.S. Southern Command </span><a href="https://x.com/Southcom/status/2029011785567572285?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>announced</span></a><span> on social media that &ldquo;Ecuadorian and U.S. military forces launched operations against Designated Terrorist Organizations in Ecuador&rdquo; accompanied by the hashtag of Operation Southern Spear&mdash;the label also used for the boat strike campaign. On March 6, Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth shared a </span><a href="https://x.com/SeanParnellASW/status/2030030098443948129?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>video</span></a><span> on an apparent airstrike in a jungle environ and </span><a href="https://x.com/PeteHegseth/status/2030050665221792182?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>stated</span></a><span>:&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Yes &mdash; as @POTUS has said &mdash; we are bombing Narco Terrorists on land as well.</span></p>
<p><span>Thank you to our partners in Ecuador. Much more to come from @Southcom&hellip;</span></p>
<p><span>Notwithstanding the explosion in the video and accompanying dramatic music, Hegseth&rsquo;s post did not explicitly state that the United States had conducted an airstrike and seemed to leave open the possibility that the U.S. military was supporting direct action by Ecuadorian partners.</span></p>
<p><span>An unusual report from the White House to Congress under the 1973 </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/128517/war-powers-venezuela-drug-boats-and-congress/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>War Powers Resolution</span></a><span> suggests that yes, the U.S. military may indeed have conducted one or more airstrikes in Ecuador.&nbsp;</span></p>
<h2><b>War Powers Resolution Background</b></h2>
<p><span>Section 4(a) of the 1973 Resolution establishes reporting requirements to prevent the president from taking the country to war in secret. In the absence of a declaration of war or other statutory authorization, the executive branch is subject to multi-tiered obligations to report to Congress within 48 hours of certain activities by U.S. armed forces.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>First</i></b><span>, under subsection 4(a)(1) the president must report when U.S. military forces are introduced into &ldquo;hostilities&rdquo; or introduced into &ldquo;situations where imminent involvement in hostilities is clearly indicated by the circumstances.&rdquo; Such hostilities reports are the focus of this essay.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>Second</i></b><span>, even if U.S. forces are not engaging in hostilities, subsection 4(a)(2) requires the president to report the introduction of &ldquo;combat equipped&rdquo; forces into a country (the executive branch defines &ldquo;combat-equipped&rdquo; as forces equipped with crew-served weapons such as machine guns requiring more than one person to operate and mortars; Congress does not seem to have meaningfully differed in its understanding of the term).</span></p>
<p><b><i>Third</i></b><span>, pursuant to subsection 4(a)(3), the president must also report a substantial enlargement of combat equipped forces in a country where such forces are already present.</span></p>
<p><span>Notably, under Section 5(b) of the 1973 Resolution, the submission of a report under the first of these scenarios &mdash; introduction of U.S. forces into hostilities or situations of imminent hostilities &mdash; also starts a 60-day clock for the withdrawal of U.S. armed forces from such hostilities unless Congress declares war or otherwise enacts specific statutory authorization for the use of force.</span></p>
<p><span>Although Congress did not define &ldquo;hostilities,&rdquo; or &ldquo;imminent involvement in hostilities,&rdquo; in the text of the statute, the legislative history shows that Congress intended those terms to be construed broadly to establish a low threshold for both the reporting and withdrawal provisions of the War Powers Resolution. The House Foreign Affairs Committee&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://www.fordlibrarymuseum.gov/sites/default/files/pdf_documents/library/document/0019/4520942.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>report</span></a><span> on the Resolution explains:</span></p>
<p><span>The word hostilities was substituted for the phrase armed conflict during the subcommittee drafting process because it was considered to be somewhat broader in scope. In addition to a situation in which fighting actually has begun, hostilities also encompasses a state of confrontation in which no shots have been fired but where there is a clear and present danger of armed conflict. &ldquo;Imminent hostilities&rdquo; denotes a situation in which there is a clear potential either for such a state of confrontation or for actual armed conflict.</span></p>
<p><span>Unsurprisingly, the executive branch has for decades espoused different, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/73160/good-governance-paper-no-14-war-powers-reform/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>narrower interpretations</span></a><span> of these terms that are less likely to constrain the president&rsquo;s ability to use military force without congressional authorization.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>In the most-often-repeated formulation, the State Department&rsquo;s Legal Adviser informed Congress in a </span><a href="http://journaloflaw.us/1%20Pub.%20L.%20Misc./1-2/JoL1-2,%20PLM1-2,%20Leigh-Zablocki%20correspondence%201975.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>1975 letter</span></a><span> that its working definition of &ldquo;hostilities&rdquo; meant &ldquo;a situation in which units of the U.S. armed forces are actively engaged in exchanges of fire with opposing units of hostile forces.&rdquo; &ldquo;Imminent hostilities&rdquo; means, according to the letter, &ldquo;a situation in which there is a serious risk from hostile fire to the safety of United States forces.&rdquo;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>In practice, administrations of both parties have routinely treated military actions such as airstrikes, in which U.S. forces were not in harm&rsquo;s way, as &ldquo;hostilities&rdquo; for the purposes of the&nbsp;</span><span>War Powers Resolution (see a catalog of dozens of such reports on U.S. airstrikes at the NYU Law Reiss Center&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://warpowers.lawandsecurity.org/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>War Powers Reporting Project)</span></a><span>. Indeed, the Trump administration reported the </span><a href="https://warpowers.lawandsecurity.org/reports/20250904a/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>first maritime strike</span></a><span> to Congress in September&mdash;presumably as </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/128517/war-powers-venezuela-drug-boats-and-congress/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>hostilities</span></a><span>&ndash;before it </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/123844/war-powers-resolution-venezuela-boat-strikes/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>changed its mind</span></a><span> on the characterization of the strikes as the 60-day deadline approached.</span></p>
<p><span>Although the White House under administrations of both parties submits these reports to Congress stating it is doing so &ldquo;consistent with the War Powers Resolution&rdquo; (rather than &ldquo;pursuant to&rdquo; that law), in practice reports are submitted only when required by law&mdash;and sometimes not even then.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>In other words, the submission of a War Powers report does generally indicate that the White House has undertaken one of the triggering military actions. Another long-running practice of the executive branch is </span><a href="https://warpowers.lawandsecurity.org/findingsandanalysis/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>not to specify</span></a><span> which prong of the War Powers Resolution the reports are being submitted under (hostilities, combat-equipped introduction, or a substantial enlargement). It is therefore necessary to assess what military action triggered the report based on the description of the action in the report, and often outside reporting is also needed given how sparse the reports tend to be in modern practice.</span></p>
<h2><b>March 9th War Powers Report</b></h2>
<p><span>Based on its contents, the March 9 report to Congress pertains to the introduction of U.S. armed forces into &ldquo;hostilities,&rdquo; rather than the deployment of combat equipped forces or their substantial enlargement. The report notifies Congress of &ldquo;military action taken on March 6, 2026, against the facilities of narco-terrorists affiliated with a designated terrorist organization.&rdquo;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>The report situates this military action in the broader context of &ldquo;operations to protect the United States by combatting extraordinarily violent drug trafficking cartels designated as terrorist organizations&rdquo;&mdash;a seeming reference to the maritime bombing campaign.</span></p>
<p><span>The War Powers report provides only a vague description of the March 6 military action:&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>United States Armed Forces partnered with Ecuadorian Armed Forces </span><i><span>to strike</span></i><span> on March 6, 2026, the facilities of narco-terrorists affiliated with a designated terrorist organization. United States Armed Forces planned and </span><i><span>executed</span></i><span> this mission in a manner designed to empower a partner nation, degrade narco-terrorist activities, and minimize civilian casualties. Although present for this partnered operation, United States </span><i><span>ground forces</span></i><span> did not come into contact with hostile forces. (emphases added)</span></p>
<p><span>There are a few notable aspects to this description.</span></p>
<p><span>First, the description of a particular &ldquo;strike,&rdquo; on a specific date, often indicates a &ldquo;hostilities&rdquo; trigger. Reports necessitated by either of the other two prongs rarely describe specific strikes, although there may be exceptions to the rule. Moreover, the notification not only refers to a specific military confrontation, it does</span><i><span> not</span></i><span> mention the deployment or augmentation of the U.S. armed forces in Ecuador, as would generally be the case for reports under the other two 48-hour reporting prongs.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Second, the disclaimer that U.S. &ldquo;</span><i><span>ground forces</span></i><span> did not come into contact with hostile forces&rdquo; is oddly specific. The clear implication is that other U.S. forces </span><i><span>did</span></i><span> come into contact with hostile forces, such as for example through an airstrike. Indeed, presumably some such U.S. direct action was involved in this incident, because the executive would not report partnered military operations if they did not involve U.S. direct action (and in some cases </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/78450/failure-to-warn-war-powers-reporting-and-the-war-on-terror-in-africa/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>fails</span></a><span> to even when they did engage in direct action with partner forces). Nonetheless, the report implies, rather than explicitly states, that the U.S. conducted a strike (&ldquo;partnered&hellip; to strike&rdquo;). The Ecuadorian Ministry of Defense&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://www.defensa.gob.ec/operacion-exterminio-total-destruye-a-los-comandos-de-frontera/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>statement</span></a><span> on this attack near the Colombian border refers to U.S. intelligence and support and the bombing of a camp belonging to drug traffickers, but does not explicitly specify </span><i><span>who</span></i><span> bombed the camp.</span></p>
<p><span>Third, the War Powers report does not specify the target of this partnered military operation beyond describing them as the &ldquo;facilities of narco-terrorists affiliated with a designated terrorist organization.&rdquo; The &ldquo;designated terrorist organization&rdquo; is unidentified. In other words, the administration is suggesting the United States is engaged in hostilities in Ecuador, but won&rsquo;t say with whom. Notably however, the Government of Ecuador did </span><a href="https://www.defensa.gob.ec/operacion-exterminio-total-destruye-a-los-comandos-de-frontera/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>identify</span></a><span> the target of the operation as </span><i><span>Comandos de la Frontera</span></i><span>&mdash;a dissident element of the Colombian rebel group the FARC.</span></p>
<h2><b>Making Sense of the Administration&rsquo;s Messaging</b></h2>
<p><span>The messaging from the administration regarding military operations is a strange combination of bluster and ambiguity. On the one hand, the so-called &ldquo;Secretary of War&rdquo; is eager to boast on social media about &ldquo;bombing Narco Terrorists on land.&rdquo; On the other hand, the administration does not clearly state whether it is the United States doing the bombing, nor does it specify who is being bombed.</span></p>
<p><span>This tension might be explained by competing interests. Military action for the sake of spectacle is a defining feature of this administration&rsquo;s approach to the use of force with the President and Secretary of Defense regularly posting dramatic footage of airstrikes and special operations raids on social media. Indeed, the President recently </span><a href="https://x.com/jonkarl/status/2029654727093325965" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>boasted</span></a><span> about the U.S. attack on Iran as a &ldquo;performance&rdquo; (&ldquo;I hope you are impressed. How do you like the performance? I mean, Venezuela is obvious. This might be even better. How do you like the performance?&rdquo;). There appears to be a strong urge within the administration to promote its performative military &ldquo;wins.&rdquo;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>At the same time, U.S. military operations in Ecuador are being conducted with the consent of and in partnership with the Ecuadorian government. And the administration may thus need to heed Ecuadorian sensitivities regarding public acknowledgment of direct U.S. military action on Ecuadorian territory. Even if the Ecuadorian government may be enthusiastic about partnered military operations with the United States, the Ecuadorian public may be more wary&mdash;having only recently voted in a </span><a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c891zkwvjl2o" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>referendum</span></a><span> to reject foreign military bases in the country.&nbsp;</span></p>
<h2><b>Implications</b></h2>
<p><span>The implications of recent U.S. military operations in Ecuador may be significant. The Trump administration appears to have resorted to the use of military force in yet another country. Indeed, the United States may be involved in an entirely new armed conflict, if for example, (a) the group targeted in the March 6 strike was an &ldquo;organized armed group&rdquo; (an international law term for entities with sufficient military structure, hierarchy, and capabilities to engage in armed conflict); (b) an armed conflict already exists between Ecuador and that group; and (c) the United States has joined the conflict on Ecuador&rsquo;s side. Indeed the Ecuadorian Government has </span><a href="https://apnews.com/article/ecuador-us-military-operation-southern-command-reimberg-c699d564204fcad98625a2b87f386d70" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>announced</span></a><span> that it will undertake a new offensive against criminal groups in that country with unspecified U.S. support&mdash;while warning of the potential for collateral damage.</span></p>
<p><span>As is now typical for the Trump administration, decisions to use force and engage in a new armed conflict were undertaken unilaterally by the White House without prior congressional authorization and its accompanying public debate. That means no public deliberation regarding the goals, strategy, and costs of military action. The U.S. government has not even identified the enemy, let alone the objectives of this military action.</span></p>
<p><span>As a legal matter, the submission of the March 9 report means that the War Powers Resolution&rsquo;s 60-day clock is now ticking. In addition, Congress&mdash;which did not authorize these actions beforehand&mdash;can now force a vote under the War Powers Resolution to remove U.S. armed forces from hostilities in Ecuador if it has the votes to do so.&nbsp;</span></p>
<h2><b>The Legislature&rsquo;s and the People&rsquo;s Turns</b></h2>
<p><span>In an all too common pattern, the White House has used military force unilaterally and now it is up to Congress to respond. This repeated dynamic&mdash;particularly prominent under Trump 2.0&mdash;upends the framework of the U.S. Constitution. As described by </span><a href="https://press-pubs.uchicago.edu/founders/documents/v1ch7s17.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>James Wilson</span></a><span> to the Pennsylvania ratifying convention in 1787:&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>This system will not hurry us into war; it is calculated to guard against it. It will not be in the power of a single man, or a single body of men, to involve us in such distress; for the important power of declaring war is vested in the legislature at large.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Contrary to this constitutional vision, one man is currently able to &ldquo;hurry us into war.&rdquo;</span></p>
<p><span>The immediate question is whether Congress as an institution can muster the will to discharge its constitutional responsibilities with respect to the use of force&mdash;both with respect to U.S. military operations in Ecuador and elsewhere in the </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/128517/war-powers-venezuela-drug-boats-and-congress/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>western hemisphere</span></a><span>, but also more generally as Trump&rsquo;s war rages in the Middle East.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Recent history is not particularly encouraging. Despite strong bipartisan efforts to block many recent military adventures by the White House through resolutions of disapproval, partisan loyalty has triumphed over constitutional fealty.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Ultimately, the American people will need to weigh in. The results of the 2026 midterms may improve the legislature&rsquo;s ability to check executive military adventurism&mdash;including through the power of the purse. Over the longer term, a White House and Congress committed to the Constitution&rsquo;s separation of war powers will need to create more robust legislative guardrails, including by reforming the War Powers Resolution to give it sharper teeth.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133744/did-united-states-bomb-ecuador/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Did the United States Just Bomb Ecuador?</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-13T12:53:31+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Brian Finucane</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-13T12:53:31+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="airstrikes"/>

	<category term="armed conflict"/>

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	<category term="congress"/>

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	<category term="democracy &amp; rule of law"/>

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	<category term="direct participation in hostilities"/>

	<category term="ecuador"/>

	<category term="executive branch"/>

	<category term="farc"/>

	<category term="featured articles"/>

	<category term="hostilities"/>

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	<category term="international and foreign"/>

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	<category term="white house"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-13:/282482</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133861/military-law-on-contemptuous-words/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=military-law-on-contemptuous-words" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Military Law on “Contemptuous Words” Should be Reformed</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Now in its second year, the Trump administration continues to set new records for legal controversy,...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Now in its second year, the Trump administration continues to set new records for legal controversy, much of which surrounds the president. Controversy has also swirled around Pete Hegseth, the Secretary of Defense, and Kristi Noem, who was recently fired as Secretary of Homeland Security. The three have something in common: they are all among those official positions that are protected by <a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/10/888" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Article 88</a> of the Uniform Code of Military Justice against contemptuous statements by members of the military.</p>
<h2>Article 88: A Primer</h2>
<p>Article 88 is one of the punitive provisions of the UCMJ that create military crimes. The article states:</p>
<blockquote><p>Any commissioned officer who uses contemptuous words against the President, the Vice President, Congress, the Secretary of Defense, the Secretary of a military department, the Secretary of Homeland Security, or the Governor or legislature of any State, Commonwealth, or possession in which he is on duty or present shall be punished as a court-martial may direct.</p></blockquote>
<p>Under the <a href="https://jsc.defense.gov/Portals/99/2024%20MCM%20files/MCM%20(2024%20ed)%20(2024_01_02)%20(adjusted%20bookmarks).pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><em>Manual for Courts-Martial</em></a>, violations of Article 88 are punishable by dismissal (the officers&rsquo; equivalent to a dishonorable discharge for enlisted personnel), forfeiture of all pay and allowances, and confinement for a year. The <em>Manual</em> explains that officers can be prosecuted for their speech if &ldquo;the words used were contemptuous, either in themselves or by virtue of the circumstances under which they were used.&rdquo; In addition, the <em>Manual</em> explains:</p>
<blockquote><p>It is immaterial whether the words are used against the official in an official or private capacity. If not personally contemptuous, adverse criticism of one of the officials or legislatures named in the article in the course of a political discussion, even though emphatically expressed, may not be charged as a violation of the article. Similarly, expressions of opinion made in a purely private conversation should not ordinarily be charged. Giving broad circulation to a written publication containing contemptuous words of the kind made punishable by this article, or the utterance of contemptuous words of this kind in the presence of military subordinates, aggravates the offense. The truth or falsity of the statements is immaterial.</p></blockquote>
<p>Nearly all of the punitive articles apply to any person &ndash; officer or enlisted &ndash; who is subject to the UCMJ. Article 88, in contrast, applies only to commissioned officers; as with &ldquo;conduct unbecoming&rdquo; (Art. 133), enlisted personnel are beyond its reach. Ever since the <a href="https://www.youtube.com/shorts/Fk9Gh3qwW4I" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">&ldquo;Don&rsquo;t Give Up the Ship&rdquo;</a> video that made Sen. Mark Kelly a Hegseth target, it is now more commonly known that the UCMJ even applies to retired regular officers who, like him, are entitled to retired pay. Assuming those provisions are constitutional (a question the Supreme Court has never directly ruled on), this means that Article 88 could be applied to the well over 100,000 retired commissioned officers as well as the over 200,000 commissioned officers who are currently on active duty.</p>
<h2><strong>The Retired Officer Conundrum: Article 88 v. The First Amendment</strong></h2>
<p>Last month, in <a href="https://ecf.dcd.uscourts.gov/cgi-bin/show_public_doc?2026cv0081-37" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">a scathing opinion</a>, federal district court judge Richard J. Leon, an appointee of President George W. Bush, ordered Hegseth to cease efforts to punish Kelly for exercising the freedom of speech. Judge Leon concluded that while the speech of active duty military personnel may be constrained in certain circumstances, no such limitations exist for military retirees. In language certain to reverberate in the White House, Pentagon, and Congress, the judge silenced Hegseth for trying to silence Kelly:</p>
<blockquote><p>Defendants respond that Senator Kelly is seeking to exempt himself from the rules of military justice that &ldquo;Congress has expressly made applicable to retired servicemembers&rdquo; Horsefeathers! While Congress has chosen to apply the Uniform Code of Military Justice to <a href="https://scholar.google.com/scholar_case?case=5069913282116622209&amp;hl=en&amp;as_sdt=6&amp;as_vis=1&amp;oi=scholarr" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">military retirees</a> as well as active-duty servicemembers, that choice has little bearing on the scope of First Amendment protections for retirees. The First Amendment &ldquo;is a limitation on the power of Congress,&rdquo; not the other way around!</p></blockquote>
<p>Anyone reading this ruling &ndash; including us &ndash; must now ask whether Article 88 can or should continue to extend to retired military officers.</p>
<p>On the one hand, it could be argued that Article 88 is too narrow because the mischief it seeks to deter can be committed by military personnel who are not commissioned. Thus, if the goal is to set a proper example for subordinates and to respect the dignity of the offices and legislative bodies protected by Article 88, one would think that warrant, noncommissioned (NCO), and petty officers &ndash; particularly senior or &ldquo;staff&rdquo; NCOs and petty officers (pay grades E-7 through E-10) &ndash; also ought to come within its sweep.</p>
<p>On the other hand, it could be argued with at least equal force that no substantial purpose is served by subjecting retired officers to the free-speech-suppressing effects of Article 88. Judge Leon pointed out that retirees &ldquo;are not fully immersed in the &lsquo;specialized society&rsquo; of the active armed forces.&rdquo; He continued, &ldquo;Speech from retired servicemembers&mdash;even speech opining on the lawfulness of military operations&mdash;does <em>not</em> threaten &lsquo;obedience, unity, commitment, and esprit de corps&rsquo; in the same way as speech from active-duty soldiers&rdquo; (emphasis in original).</p>
<p>Experience teaches that retired officers&mdash;unless they happen to hold some other official position (like Sen. Kelly)&mdash; have limited impact on their successors, on those who hold elective or other high office in the political branches, or even on the general public. Surprisingly few such officers have spoken publicly about the litany of questionable (or worse) actions taken by the federal government since last year. Some of that silence is a reflection of deep cultural norms within the officer corps; much of that silence stems from concern about being drawn into a court-martial. In Judge Leon&rsquo;s words, &ldquo;That is a troubling development in a free country!&rdquo;</p>
<p>Whatever one might think about the free speech rights of active duty commissioned officers, we agree with Judge Leon that it seems unjustified to stifle the speech of retired officers.</p>
<h2>Abandonment of Office: The &ldquo;They Asked For It&rdquo; Defense</h2>
<p>Finally, there is the military law doctrine of &ldquo;the unprotected victim&rdquo; (also referred to as &ldquo;abandonment of office&rdquo; or &ldquo;divestiture of office&rdquo;). It holds that a military superior who engages in serious misconduct is denied the normal protection against assault or disrespect prohibited by <a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/10/889" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Article 89</a> of the UCMJ. Such a superior has, in effect, abandoned his office.</p>
<blockquote><p>A superior commissioned officer whose conduct in relation to the accused under all the circumstances departs substantially from the required standards appropriate to that officer&rsquo;s rank or position under similar circumstances loses the protection of this article. That accused may not be convicted of being disrespectful to the officer who has so lost the entitlement to respect protected by Article 89.</p></blockquote>
<p>Could this doctrine also apply to Article 88? It&rsquo;s a fair question and, in a democratic society committed to civilian control of the military, it is not that hard to imagine cases where a senior official might so plainly depart from settled norms of conduct as to warrant its application. For example, suppose the Secretary of Defense took it upon himself to repeatedly and publicly vilify a junior officer. Should the law afford that junior officer a defense when she responds in kind? If Congress were to pass a bill improperly singling out a particular member of the armed forces for censure or loss of pay or some other benefit, must that individual remain silent or respond only in kid-glove measured tones?</p>
<p>The current administration is not likely to amend the <em>Manual</em> to end Article 88&rsquo;s application to retired officers or to encourage Congress to amend the UCMJ to do likewise. If, however, anyone is prosecuted for an Article 88 offense under circumstances where the protected official or legislative body had, by serious misbehavior in word or deed, abandoned his or its office, we would expect defense counsel to argue that the law should recognize the abandonment of office defense under Article 88 as it long has under Article 89.</p>
<p>Free speech, both for retirees and currently serving personnel, needs to be protected. As welcome as Judge Leon&rsquo;s decision is for retirees, the law should be changed to strike a better balance for everyone.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133861/military-law-on-contemptuous-words/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Military Law on &ldquo;Contemptuous Words&rdquo; Should be Reformed</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-13T12:34:00+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Eugene R. Fidell</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-13T12:34:00+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="department of defense (dod)"/>

	<category term="executive branch"/>

	<category term="military"/>

	<category term="military justice"/>

	<category term="pete hegseth"/>

	<category term="uniform code of military justice"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-13:/282483</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133814/early-edition-march-13-2026/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=early-edition-march-13-2026" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Early Edition: March 13, 2026</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Signup to receive the Early Edition in your inbox&nbsp;here.
A curated weekday guide to major news and de...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Signup to receive the Early Edition in your inbox&nbsp;<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/newsletter-signup/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>.</p>
<p>A curated weekday guide to major news and developments over the last 24 hours. Here&rsquo;s today&rsquo;s news:</p>
<p><b><i>IRAN WAR&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>The U.S. military says four crew members were killed when a KC-135 refueling aircraft crashed in western Iraq on Thursday.</b> In its Friday morning <a href="https://x.com/CENTCOM/status/2032389087491985700?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">statement</a>, U.S. Central Command said, &ldquo;The circumstances of the incident are under investigation. However, the loss of the aircraft was not due to hostile fire or friendly fire.&rdquo;<b>On Friday, Turkey said NATO defenses had intercepted a third missile from Iran. </b>Reuters <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/turkey-says-nato-defences-intercepted-third-missile-iran-asks-tehran-clarify-2026-03-13/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">reports</a>.</p>
<p><b>Israel&rsquo;s military said Friday it had launched a &ldquo;broad wave&rdquo; of strikes in Tehran after hitting more than 200 targets across western and central Iran over the previous day,</b> including what it described as ballistic missile launchers, air-defense systems, and weapons-production sites. Eugenia Yosef and Helen Regan report for <a href="https://www.cnn.com/world/live-news/iran-war-us-israel-trump-03-13-26?post-id=cmmog6c8n000g3b6rt7wi4avn" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">CNN</a>.</p>
<p><b>Explosions were reported in central Tehran near one of Friday&rsquo;s Al Quds Day rallies as Israel issued new evacuation warnings for parts of the capita</b>l. Thousands had marched across Iran earlier in the day to mark the annual pro-Palestinian event, with state media showing demonstrators carrying portraits of Iran&rsquo;s leaders. Ivana Kottasov&aacute; and Mostafa Salem report for <a href="https://www.cnn.com/world/live-news/iran-war-us-israel-trump-03-13-26?post-id=cmmoou7t000093b6rpaarpp63" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">CNN</a>; Adam Pourahmadi and Ivana Kottasov&aacute; report for <a href="https://www.cnn.com/world/live-news/iran-war-us-israel-trump-03-13-26?post-id=cmmonvfsj00003b6rsq0z3aoo" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">CNN</a>; Helen Regan reports for <a href="https://www.cnn.com/world/live-news/iran-war-us-israel-trump-03-13-26?post-id=cmmokhkmt000o3b6rr6m44ami" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">CNN</a>.</p>
<p><b>A missile strike caused heavy damage to a residential compound in the northern Israeli town of Zarzir early Friday, wounding at least two people. </b>Lauren Izso and Helen Regan report for <a href="https://www.cnn.com/world/live-news/iran-war-us-israel-trump-03-13-26?post-id=cmmoct8ge00003b6rvp9eh941" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">CNN</a>.</p>
<p><b>In his first message since becoming Iran&rsquo;s new supreme leader after his father&rsquo;s death, Mojtaba Khamenei, vowed on Thursday to keep blocking the Strait of Hormuz </b>and to avenge &ldquo;the blood of the martyrs.&rdquo; His message was read out on state TV. He said Iran will continue to attack Gulf countries that host U.S. military bases. &ldquo;I recommend that they close those bases as soon as possible,&rdquo; he said in his statement. Patrick Wintour reports for the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/mar/12/iran-vows-to-fight-on-in-first-message-issued-in-name-of-mojtaba-khamenei" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Guardian</a>.</p>
<p><b>The Trump administration denounced CNN for airing a portion of his message.</b> It was the second second time in three days that the administration has publicly targeted the network for reporting on the Iranian government&rsquo;s response to the war, David Bauder reports for <a href="https://apnews.com/article/khamenei-trump-cnn-iran-criticism-speech-war-6c5d24c0de5469d01c4c41b2b432a879" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AP</a>.</p>
<p><b>U.S.officials say Iran has begun laying mines in the Strait of Hormuz. </b>Using small boats for the effort, Iranians &ldquo;appear to be hoping that they can lay them faster than the United States can clear them and, therefore, create a further deterrent for ships to move through the strait.&rdquo; Julian E. Barnes reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/12/world/middleeast/iran-mines-strait-of-hormuz-us.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times.</a></p>
<p><b>The Trump administration has already burned through what officials described as &ldquo;years&rdquo; worth of some key munitions since the Iran war began, including heavy use of long-range Tomahawk missiles,</b> the <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/14713f6f-a1a6-4477-bd10-d3780fbc8ab5?shareType=nongift" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i>Financial Times</i></a> reported, citing three sources. One source called it a &ldquo;massive expenditure of Tomahawks&rdquo; that the Navy will feel &ldquo;for several years.&rdquo; Abigail Hauslohner, Steff Ch&aacute;vez, Lauren Fedor, and James Politi report.</p>
<p><b>To address the disruptions to shipping caused by the war, the White House said Thursday it was considering waiving the Jones Act</b>, which would allow foreign-flagged ships to deliver oil and gas between U.S. ports. Experts said temporarily lifting Jones Act restrictions could bring down U.S. gas prices slightly but ultimately would be unable to &ldquo;alter underlying market fundamentals.&rdquo; Rachel Lerman and Evan Halper report for the <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2026/03/12/trump-jones-act-energy-prices/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Washington Post</a>.</p>
<p><b>On Thursday, the Trump administration lifted sanctions on Russian oil already at sea in an effort to contain energy prices. </b>The exemptions are temporary and will be in place until April 11. Alan Rappeport reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/12/us/politics/trump-russia-oil-sanctions.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>Russia is already benefiting from the war in Iran, bringing in $150 million a day in extra revenue from surging oil prices. </b>The Financial Times <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/dd973148-b6a1-4096-97da-3090a058fe08" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">reports</a>.</p>
<p><b>From Kansas to India, the economic fallout from the war in Iran is spreading across the globe. </b>&ldquo;Cargo deliveries have been stranded, shipping charges have increased and insurance premiums have skyrocketed. Yes, the price of gas at the pump is affected. But so is the price of food, medicine, airplane tickets, electricity, cooking oil, semiconductors and more,&rdquo; Patricia Cohen reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/12/business/economy/iran-oil-shock-economy-global-impact.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>Israeli officials assess the Iranian regime is not likely to fall soon and that &ldquo;conditions on the ground aren&rsquo;t yet ripe for a popular uprising.&rdquo; </b>They believe it would take &ldquo;many more weeks or months of fighting&rdquo; to change the situation. Anat Peled, Dov Lieber, Margherita Stancati report for the <a href="https://www.wsj.com/world/middle-east/israeli-officials-think-irans-regime-isnt-likely-to-fall-soon-9a419571" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Wall Street Journal</a>.</p>
<p><b>Meanwhile, Trump told G7 leaders in a virtual meeting Wednesday that Iran is &ldquo;about to surrender.&rdquo; </b>Barak Ravid reports for <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/13/trump-iran-surrender-hormuz-oil" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Axios</a>.</p>
<p><b>The Trump administration failed to fully anticipate that Iran might try to close the Strait of Hormuz in response to U.S. strikes, </b>sources told <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2026/03/12/politics/hormuz-trump-administration-underestimated-iran" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">CNN</a>. The same sources said Trump&rsquo;s preference to rely on a small circle of advisers had sidelined the interagency analysis and debate that would have been central in past administrations. Zachary Cohen, Phil Mattingly, Kevin Liptak, and Kylie Atwood report.</p>
<p><b>The Iranian girls school the United States bombed on Feb. 28 had a yearslong online presence, a Reuters investigation found. </b>Journalists discovered online photos of children in class and at play, and satellite images that show colored walls and playground markings. &ldquo;The school&rsquo;s online activity calls into question how the American military vets and reviews strike locations,&rdquo; James Pearson and Ryan McNeill <a href="https://www.reuters.com/investigations/bombed-iranian-girls-school-had-vivid-website-yearslong-online-presence-2026-03-12/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">report</a>.</p>
<p><b>Inside the White House, aides are competing to shape how President Trump defines and exits the Iran war,</b> with economic and political advisers urging him to frame the operation as limited and nearly complete, while hawks push for sustained pressure on Tehran. Figures such as Sen. Lindsey Graham (R-SC), Sen. Tom Cotton (R-AK), Mark Levin, Steve Bannon, and Tucker Carlson are pulling Trump in opposite directions over whether to escalate or wind down the conflict. Reuters <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/us/with-iran-war-exit-elusive-trump-aides-vie-affect-outcome-2026-03-13/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">reports</a>.</p>
<p><b>Vice President J.D. Vance is trying to distance himself from Trump&rsquo;s decision to go to war with Iran. </b>Two Trump officials told <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/13/jd-vance-skeptical-iran-operation-00826780" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">POLITICO</a> that the vice president &ldquo;made his opposition known in the leadup&rdquo; to the war and is now &ldquo;worried about success.&rdquo; Diana Nerozzi and Eli Stokols report.</p>
<p><b><i>LEBANON</i></b></p>
<p><b>Israel expanded its bombing campaign in Lebanon on Thursday, issuing sweeping warnings as it pounded Beirut and the country&rsquo;s southern borderlands.</b> &ldquo;Lebanon&rsquo;s government, trying to stave off a disaster that threatens to overwhelm it, has appealed to U.S. and European leaders to intervene,&rdquo; Mohamad El Chamaa, Suzan Haidamous and Ellen Francis report for the <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2026/03/12/israel-hezbollah-lebanon-war/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Washington Post</a>.</p>
<p><b>On Friday, an Israeli military spokesman confirmed that Israel had struck in the vicinity of the campus of the Lebanese University in Beirut on Thursday. </b>Lebanon&rsquo;s state news agency said two academics had been killed in the strike. Johnatan Reiss reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/live/2026/03/13/world/iran-war-trump-oil-israel/f941d326-9442-5fb2-9f30-2d6aab7dcc13?smid=url-share" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>The British government warned its citizens to leave Lebanon on Thursday</b> unless their presence in the country was &ldquo;essential.&rdquo; If people decide to stay &ldquo;we cannot guarantee we will be able to help you,&rdquo; the bulletin said. Lizzie Dearden reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/live/2026/03/12/world/iran-war-news-trump-oil-israel/b7ba3fc2-7eba-5091-b411-a09266eef53e?smid=url-share" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>OTHER GLOBAL DEVELOPMENTS&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>Trump has advised Mar&iacute;a Corina Machado, the Venezuelan opposition leader, not to return home. </b>Trump told her the situation in the country is volatile and that he has concerns for her safety, but the focus on maintaining continuity in the Venezuelan government &ldquo;has put the White House increasingly at odds&rdquo; with Machado. Anatoly Kurmanaev and Tyler Pager report for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/12/world/americas/trump-maria-corina-machado-venezuela.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>A roughly $14 billion U.S. arms package for Taiwan, including advanced interceptor missiles, is ready for President Trump&rsquo;s approval</b> and could be announced after his planned trip to Beijing later this month. The package would be the largest ever for Taiwan and suggests the administration intends to sustain, or even expand, military support for Taipei despite concerns that Trump might scale it back while pursuing a trade deal with China. <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/china/new-us-weapons-taiwan-could-be-approved-after-trumps-china-trip-sources-say-2026-03-13/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a> reports.</p>
<p><b>Serbia has acquired Chinese CM-400AKG air-to-surface ballistic missiles for its air force </b>after images of the weapons mounted on a Serbian aircraft leaked online, Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic acknowledged Thursday. The disclosure makes Serbia the missile&rsquo;s first known European operator, and Vucic said the Serbian air force modified its Soviet-made MiG-29 jets to carry them. <a href="https://www.reuters.com/business/aerospace-defense/nato-partner-serbia-admits-buying-chinese-missiles-after-photos-leaked-2026-03-13/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a> reports.<b>&nbsp;</b></p>
<p><b><i>U.S. DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth has ordered a review of the legal shops across the military services.</b> He announced the review in a <a href="https://x.com/dowresponse/status/2031860887225561390?s=46&amp;t=ZkiANWyxg_S__jwf6O7yBA" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">video</a>, saying it would be a &ldquo;ruthless, no-excuses review,&rdquo; with the aim of re-focusing judge advocate generals (JAGs) on providing legal advice to commanders so that JAGs can avoid &ldquo;getting stuck on civilian side work that belongs to general counsels instead.&rdquo; Members of the military&rsquo;s legal community are skeptical of Hegseth&rsquo;s message and its timing, Thomas Novelly reports for <a href="https://www.defenseone.com/policy/2026/03/hegseth-orders-ruthless-review-jag-offices-some-see-attempt-evade-accountability/412076/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Defense One</a>.</p>
<p><b>Hegseth also </b><a href="https://x.com/secwar/status/2032269972576022953?s=46" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>announced</b></a><b> the formation of a new task force on Thursday to review U.S. war colleges.</b> &ldquo;Professional Military Education should produce warfighters and leaders&mdash;not wokesters,&rdquo; he said.</p>
<p><b>The Pentagon says a box on the Washington Post&rsquo;s website that appeals for tips about the U.S. military crosses a line</b> &ldquo;into the sort of &lsquo;solicitation&rsquo; that is not protected by the First Amendment and that could prompt punishment under the new restrictions.&rdquo; A similar request from right-wing influencer Laura Loomer, however, did not prompt similar concerns. Erik Wemple reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/12/business/media/a-call-for-reporting-tips-rankles-pentagon-officials.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>U.S. DOMESTIC DEVELOPMENTS&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>A driver rammed his truck into Temple Israel, a synagogue outside Detroit, MI, on Thursday. </b>Federal officials identified the suspect, who died during the attack, as Ayman Mohamad Ghazali, a naturalized U.S. citizen from Lebanon. He lost several family members, including two brothers and a niece and nephew, during an Israeli strike in Lebanon last week, according to a local Lebanese official and a mayor in Michigan. The brothers were known to be members of Hezbollah, the Lebanese official told NBC. None of the synagogue&rsquo;s teachers and students were hurt. Raf Sanchez, Mustafa Kassem, and Mo Abbas report for <a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/world/iran/live-blog/live-updates-iran-war-trump-threat-oil-refueling-plane-israel-gulf-rcna263302/rcrd104131?canonicalCard=true" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">NBC news</a>.</p>
<p><b>The assault comes as instances of antisemitism are on the rise. </b>Ruth Graham and Campbell Robertson report for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/12/us/antisemitism-synagogue-attack-michigan.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>The shooter who opened fire at Old Dominion University in Virginia on Thursday was previously convicted of providing material support to ISIS. </b>The man, Mohamed Bailor Jalloh, allegedly targeted a ROTC class and was a former member of the Army National Guard. He was killed during Thursday&rsquo;s shooting. Ryan J. Reilly, Gary Grumbach and Tim Stelloh report for <a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/suspect-old-dominion-university-shooting-was-convicted-isis-supporter-rcna263256" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">NBC News</a>.</p>
<p><b>On Thursday, Senate Democrats blocked a House-passed bill to reopen the Department of Homeland Security (DHS). </b>Senator John Fetterman was the only Democrat to vote with Republicans to advance the funding bill. Democrats voted against the bill because it provides funding for Immigration and Customs Enforcement and Customs and Border Protection, two agencies they want to reform. The DHS shutdown has been going on for 27 days. Alexander Bolton reports for <a href="https://thehill.com/homenews/senate/5781155-democrats-blocks-homeland-security-funding-bill/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Hill</a>.</p>
<p><b>Trump nominated a senior State Department official for the top post at the U.S. Agency for Global Media, which oversees the Voice of America,</b> after a federal judge ruled that Kari Lake&rsquo;s leadership violated federal law. Abigail Williams reports for <a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/trump-administration/kari-lake-sarah-rogers-voice-of-america-us-agency-global-media-rcna263261" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">NBC News</a>.</p>
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<p><strong>ICYMI: Yesterday on<em> Just Security</em></strong></p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133761/epstein-co-conspirators-new-york/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Epstein and His Co-Conspirators&rsquo; New York Crimes: What NY Officials Can Now Do</a></p>
<p>By Ryan Goodman</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133685/iranian-attacks-amazon-data-centers-legal-analysis/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Iranian Attacks on the Amazon Data Centers: A Legal Analysis</a></p>
<p>By Klaudia Klonowska and Michael Schmitt</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132615/ai-new-plastics-govern-better/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AI is the New Plastics. Can We Govern it Better?</a></p>
<p>By Caroline Baxter</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133814/early-edition-march-13-2026/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Early Edition: March 13, 2026</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-13T11:41:10+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Kate Brannen</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-13T11:41:10+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="daily news roundup"/>

	<category term="other"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-13:/282484</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/120753/collection-u-s-lethal-strikes-on-suspected-drug-traffickers/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=collection-u-s-lethal-strikes-on-suspected-drug-traffickers" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Collection: U.S. Lethal Strikes on Suspected Drug Traffickers, Operation Southern Spear, Operation Absolute Resolve</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Beginning on Sept. 2, 2025, the United States military has carried out a series of unprecedented str...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p><span>Beginning on Sept. 2, 2025, the United States military has carried out a series of unprecedented strikes against vessels suspected of narcotics trafficking in the Caribbean and eastern Pacific. The Trump administration has claimed it is in a &ldquo;non-international armed conflict&rdquo; with unspecified gangs and drug cartels, governed by the law of armed conflict. On Jan. 3, 2026,, the United States conducted a military operation capturing </span><span>President Nicol&aacute;s Maduro and bringing him to the United States for criminal prosecution.</span><span>&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>In this collection, experts analyze the legality of these various operations under domestic and international law.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>On the boast strikes, the articles address how suspected narcotics trafficking at sea is normally addressed by the U.S. government and how these strikes may deviate from that practice, the consequences for when and how the president may unilaterally order the military to employ lethal force, the applicability of domestic criminal laws prohibiting murder and international human rights law prohibiting extrajudicial killing, and a range of related issues.</span></p>
<p><span>On the Maduro operation, the essays cover international and domestic law and policy.</span></p>
<p><span>The collection also includes analysis of the boarding and seizure of vessels, including U.S. sanctioned oil tankers.</span></p>
<h3><b>Informational Resources</b></h3>
<ul>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Jeremy Chin, Margaret Lin, and Aidan Arasasingham, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/124002/timeline-vessel-strikes-related-actions/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Timeline of Boat Strikes and Related Actions</span></a><span> (continually updated)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1">Marie Miller, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131396/maduro-allies-adversaries-react/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">U.S. Allies and Adversaries&rsquo; Reactions to Operation Absolute Resolve to Capture Maduro: UN Security Council Emergency Meeting</a></li>
</ul>
<h3><strong>Operation Absolute Resolve and Threats of Force against Venezuela</strong></h3>
<ul>
<li>Rebecca Ingber, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131538/trump-war-powers-venezuela-olc-memo/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Trump Administration&rsquo;s Theory of Constitutional War Powers: &ldquo;The President Could Decide&rdquo;</a> (Mar. 2, 2026)</li>
<li>Jeffrey Rogg, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/128064/us-intelligence-post-maduro-venezuela/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">U.S. Intelligence in a Post-Maduro Venezuela</a> (Jan. 9, 2026)</li>
<li>Brian Egan, Tess Bridgeman, and Ryan Goodman, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/128211/congress-president-military-force-venezuela/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Congress, the President, and the Use of Military Force in Venezuela</a> (Jan. 7, 2026)</li>
<li>Chim&egrave;ne Keitner, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/128073/head-of-state-immunity-maduro-trial/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Head of State Immunity and Maduro on Trial</a> (Jan. 6, 2026)</li>
<li>
<div>Michael Schmitt, Ryan Goodman and Tess Bridgeman,&nbsp;<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/127981/international-law-venezuela-maduro/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">International Law and the U.S. Military and Law Enforcement Operations in Venezuela</a>&nbsp;(Jan. 4, 2026)</div>
</li>
<li>
<div>Ryan Goodman, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/127962/maduro-capture-operation-and-presidents-duty-to-faithfully-execute-un-charter/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Maduro Capture Operation and the President&rsquo;s Duty to Faithfully Execute U.N. Charter Assessment of 1989 OLC Opinion</a>&nbsp;(Jan. 3, 2026)</div>
</li>
<li><span>Michael Schmitt, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/123896/us-venezuela-threat-show-force/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>U.S. Saber Rattling and Venezuela: Lawful Show of Force or Unlawful Threat of Force?</span></a><span> (Nov. 4, 2025)</span></li>
</ul>
<h3><strong>Seizure and Blockade of Vessels (Domestic and International Law)</strong></h3>
<ul>
<li>Rob McLaughlin, Connor McLaughlin, and Michael Schmitt, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/129792/lonw-capture-vessels-case-marinera/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Law of Naval Warfare and the U.S. Capture of Neutral Merchant Vessels: The Case of the Marinera</a> (Jan. 29, 2026)</li>
<li>Rob McLaughlin and Connor McLaughlin, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/128760/law-sea-assessment-boarding-bella1-marinera/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">A Law of the Sea Assessment of the U.S. boarding of the Bella 1 / Marinera</a> (Jan. 14, 2026)</li>
<li>Rob McLaughlin&nbsp;and&nbsp;Tess Bridgeman, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/128285/podcast-us-russian-oil-tankers/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Just Security Podcast: Can the U.S. Seize Russian Flagged Oil Tankers?</a> (Jan. 8, 2026)</li>
<li>Elizabeth Hutton, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/127791/maritime-law-high-seas-seizure-skipper" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Maritime Law Enforcement on the High Seas: Authority, Jurisdiction, and the Seizure of The Skipper An Expert Backgrounder</a> (Dec. 22, 2025)</li>
<li>Michael Schmitt and Rob McLaughlin, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/127396/venezuela-military-blockade-international-law/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Blockading Venezuela: The International Law Consequences</a> (Dec. 18, 2025)</li>
<li>Rob McLaughlin and Connor McLaughlin, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/127199/seizure-skipper-venezuela-lawful/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Was the Visit and Seizure of the Skipper off the Coast of Venezuela Lawful?</a> (Dec. 17, 2025)</li>
<li>See also Question 31 in <span>Tess Bridgeman, Michael Schmitt, and Ryan Goodman, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/126156/faq-boat-strikes-southern-spear/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Expert Q&amp;A on the U.S. Boat Strikes</span></a><span> (Dec. 13, 2025)</span></li>
</ul>
<h3><b>Operation Southern Spear and Related Operations Legal Analysis (Domestic and International Law)</b></h3>
<ul>
<li aria-level="1">Brian Finucane, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133744/did-united-states-bomb-ecuador/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Did the United States Just Bomb Ecuador?</a> (March 13, 2026)</li>
<li aria-level="1">Miles Jackson, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/wp-admin/post.php?post=130092&amp;action=edit" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Arbitrary Killings or War Crimes? Why It Matters How the U.S. Strikes in the Caribbean Are Categorized</a> (Feb. 2, 2026)</li>
<li aria-level="1">Edward Swaine, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/130038/can-the-u-s-government-be-sued-for-wrongful-death-in-a-caribbean-boat-strike/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Can the U.S. Government Be Sued for Wrongful Death in a Caribbean Boat Strike?</a> (Jan. 29, 2026)</li>
<li aria-level="1">Michael Schmitt, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/129177/unmarked-aircraft-drug-boat-perfidy/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Using an Unmarked Aircraft to Attack an Alleged Drug Boat: Is it Perfidy?</a> (Jan. 20, 2026)</li>
<li aria-level="1">Michael Schmitt, Marko Milanovic, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/127136/international-law-obligation-boat-strikes/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The International Law Obligation to Investigate the Boat Strikes</a> (Dec. 15, 2025)</li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Tess Bridgeman, Michael Schmitt, and Ryan Goodman, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/126156/faq-boat-strikes-southern-spear/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Expert Q&amp;A on the U.S. Boat Strikes</span></a><span> (Dec. 13, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Mark Nevitt, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/126802/expert-backgrounder-law-shipwrecked-survivors/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>The Law on Targeting Shipwrecked Drug Traffickers: Expert Backgrounder</span></a><span> (Dec. 11, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Michael Schmitt, Ryan Goodman and Tess Bridgeman, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/126553/operation-southern-spear-international-law/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Operation Southern Spear: Why the Crews, Drugs, and Boats are Not Targetable</span></a><span> (Dec. 7, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Michael Schmitt, Ryan Goodman and Tess Bridgeman, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/125948/illegal-orders-shipwrecked-boat-strike-survivors/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Unlawful Orders and Killing Shipwrecked Boat Strike Survivors: An Expert Backgrounder</span></a><span> (Dec. 1, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Daniel Maurer, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/124939/hypothetical-legal-review-narcotrafficking-strikes/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Hypothetical Legal Review of Narcotrafficking Strikes</span></a><span> (Nov. 18, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Michael Schmitt, Marko Milanovic, and Ryan Goodman, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/124762/caribbean-strikes-intelligence-sharing/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>The International Law Obligation of States to Stop Intelligence Support for U.S. Boat Strikes</span></a><span> (Nov. 17, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Brian Finucane, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/123844/war-powers-resolution-venezuela-boat-strikes/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Dissecting the Trump Administration&rsquo;s Effort to Circumvent the War Powers Resolution for Boat Strikes</span></a><span> (Nov. 3, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Rebecca Ingber and Jessica Thibodeau, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/123717/war-powers-resolution-60-drug-cartels/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Expert Backgrounder on War Powers Resolution 60-Day Clock for Boat Strikes Expiring Monday</span></a><span> (October 31, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Ryan Goodman, Michael Schmitt and Anna Jimenez, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/123360/presidential-determinationa-alien-enemies-act-venezuela/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Irreconcilable Presidential Determinations: On Tren de Aragua and the Venezuelan Government</span></a><span> (October 29, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Michael Schmitt, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/122756/drug-cartels-venezuela-territory/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Attacking Drug Cartels in the Territory of Another State</span></a><span> (Oct. 17, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Marty Lederman, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/121844/trump-notice-drug-cartels/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Legal Flaws in the Trump Administration&rsquo;s Notice to Congress on &ldquo;Armed Conflict&rdquo; with Drug Cartels</span></a><span> (Oct. 3, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Daniel Maurer, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/121167/us-servicemembers-liability-lethal-strikes/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>US Servicemembers&rsquo; Exposure to Criminal Liability for Lethal Strikes on Narcoterrorists</span></a><span> (Sept. 24, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Marty Lederman, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/120296/many-ways-caribbean-strike-unlawful/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>The Many Ways in Which the September 2 Caribbean Strike was Unlawful &hellip; and the Grave Line the Military Has Crossed</span></a><span> (Sept. 10, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Michael Schmitt, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/120235/drug-cartels-jus-ad-bellum-loac/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Striking Drug Cartels Under the </span><i><span>Jus ad Bellum</span></i><span> and Law of Armed Conflict</span></a><span> (Sept. 10, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Mark Nevitt, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/119985/labels-ustify-lethal-force-venezuelan-boat-strike/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Using Labels, Not Law, to Justify Lethal Force: Inside the Venezuelan Boat Strike</span></a><span> (Sept. 5, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Brian Finucane, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/119982/legal-issues-military-attack-carribean/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Legal Issues Raised by a Lethal U.S. Military Attack in the Caribbean</span></a><span> (Sept. 3, 2025)</span></li>
</ul>
<h3><b>Congressional Actions and Oversight</b></h3>
<ul>
<li aria-level="1">Tess Bridgeman and Brian Finucane, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/128517/war-powers-venezuela-drug-boats-and-congress/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">War Powers, Venezuela, Drug Boats, and Congress</a> (Jan. 12, 2026)</li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Tess Bridgeman, Margaret Donovan and Ryan Goodman, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/126322/boat-strike-hegseth-congress/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>U.S. Boat Strike Campaign: Questions Congress Should Ask Executive Branch Officials</span></a><span> (Dec. 4, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Stephen R. Weissman, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/123701/intelligence-committees-cia-venezuela/?purge_success=1&amp;cache_type=page" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Will the Intelligence Committees Meet the Challenge of CIA Covert Action in Venezuela?</span></a><span> (Oct. 31, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Mary B. McCord and Tess Bridgeman, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/121862/ask-bondi-cartel-strikes-judiciary-hearing/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>What the Senate Judiciary Committee Should Ask A.G. Bondi on Drug Cartel Strikes</span></a><span> (Oct. 3, 2025)</span></li>
</ul>
<h3><b>Policy Analysis and Opinion</b></h3>
<ul>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Mark Nevitt, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/125998/boat-strikes-shipwrecked-servicemembers/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Killing Shipwrecked Survivors is Not Just Illegal&mdash;It Endangers U.S. Servicemembers</span></a><span> (Dec. 1, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Eugene R. Fidell, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/maurerdaniel/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Daniel Maurer</span></a><span> and </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/leppersteven/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Steven J. Lepper</span></a><span>, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/125965/professional-responsibility-boat-strikes/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Professional Responsibility and the Boat Strikes</span></a><span> (Dec. 1, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Brett Max Kaufman, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/124776/secret-law-none-at-all/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>From Secret Law (2001-2024) to None at All (2025-present)</span></a><span> (Nov. 21, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Sarah Harrison and Mark Nevitt, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/123172/caribbean-strikes-legal-oversight-us-military/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>The Caribbean Strikes and the Collapse of Legal Oversight in U.S. Military Operations</span></a><span> (Oct. 23, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Ben Saul, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/121115/united-states-dirty-war-narcoterrorism/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>The United States&rsquo; Dirty War on &ldquo;Narco Terrorism&rdquo;</span></a><span> (Sept. 22, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Annie Shiel, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/johnchappell/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>John Ramming Chappell</span></a><span>, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/motaparthypriyanka/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Priyanka Motaparthy</span></a><span>, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/dixonwells/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Wells Dixon</span></a><span> and </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/eviatardaphne/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Daphne Eviatar</span></a><span>, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/120794/legal-moral-stakes-caribbean-strike/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Murder by Drone: The Legal and Moral Stakes of the Caribbean Strikes</span></a><span> (Sept. 17, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Brian Finucane, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/120568/caribbean-strike-departure-war-on-terror/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Asserting a License to Kill: Why the Caribbean Strike is a Dangerous Departure from the &ldquo;War on Terror</span></a><span> (Sept. 15, 2025)</span></li>
</ul>
<h3><b>Podcast Episodes</b></h3>
<ul>
<li aria-level="1">Tess Bridgeman, Rob Mclaughlin, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/128285/podcast-us-russian-oil-tankers/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Just Security Podcast: Can the U.S. Seize Russian Flagged Oil Tankers?</a> (Jan. 8, 2026, also available on <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=i70EKmz3KI8" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">YouTube</a>)</li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Tess Bridgeman, Rachel Goldbrenner, Rebecca Ingber and Brian Finucane, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/126056/the-just-security-podcast-murder-on-the-high-seas-part-iv/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>The Just Security Podcast: Murder on the High Seas Part IV</span></a><span> (Dec. 2, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Tess Bridgeman, Brian Finucane, Rebecca Ingber, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/122950/podcast-murder-high-seas-part-iii/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>The Just Security Podcast: Murder on the High Seas Part III</span></a><span>&nbsp; (Oct. 21, 2025, also available </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=04xC7o1emi0" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>on YouTube</span></a><span>)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Tess Bridgeman, Brian Finucane, Rachel Goldbrenner, Rebecca Ingber, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/122025/podcast-murder-seas-part-two/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>The Just Security Podcast: Murder on the High Seas Part II &mdash; What We Know about U.S. Vessel Strikes One Month In</span></a><span> (Oct. 7, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Tess Bridgeman, Brian Finucane, Rebecca Ingber, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/120204/us-strike-venezuelan-ship/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>The Just Security Podcast: Murder on the High Seas? What You Need to Know about the U.S. Strike on the Caribbean Vessel</span></a><span> (Sept. 9, 2025, also available </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bbMIUwcXOo4" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>on YouTube</span></a><span>)</span></li>
</ul>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/120753/collection-u-s-lethal-strikes-on-suspected-drug-traffickers/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Collection: U.S. Lethal Strikes on Suspected Drug Traffickers, Operation Southern Spear, Operation Absolute Resolve</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-13T11:00:34+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Just Security</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-13T11:00:34+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="armed conflict"/>

	<category term="armed conflicts"/>

	<category term="article ii"/>

	<category term="atrocities"/>

	<category term="blockade"/>

	<category term="congress"/>

	<category term="constitution"/>

	<category term="counterterrorism"/>

	<category term="democracy &amp; rule of law"/>

	<category term="donald trump"/>

	<category term="executive branch"/>

	<category term="extrajudicial killing"/>

	<category term="featured articles"/>

	<category term="human rights"/>

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	<category term="law of armed conflict (loac)"/>

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	<category term="use of force"/>

	<category term="venezuela"/>

	<category term="war powers"/>

	<category term="war powers resolution"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-12:/282440</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/99958/just-securitys-artificial-intelligence-archive/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=just-securitys-artificial-intelligence-archive" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Just Security’s Artificial Intelligence Archive</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Since 2020, Just Security has been at the forefront of analysis on rapid shifts in AI-enabled techno...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Since 2020, <i>Just Security</i> has been at the forefront of analysis on rapid shifts in AI-enabled technologies, providing expert commentary on risks, opportunities, and proposed governance mechanisms. The catalog below organizes our collection of articles on artificial intelligence into general categories to facilitate access to relevant topics for policymakers, academic experts, industry leaders, and the general public. The archive will be updated as new articles are published. The archive also is available in reverse chronological order at the <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/artificial-intelligence/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">artificial intelligence articles page</a>.</p>
<div>
                <div>
    
            <div post_id="100285" itemcount="0" header_id="header-1726755604372" toggle-text="" main-text="AI Governance">
                                    <span>
                        <span><i></i></span>
                        <span><i></i></span>
                    </span>
                    <span>AI Governance</span>
                            </div>
            <div>
                <p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132615/ai-new-plastics-govern-better/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AI is the New Plastics. Can We Govern it Better?<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/baxtercaroline/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Caroline Baxter</a> (March 12, 2026)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131377/what-ungoverned-ai-looks-like/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Grok Showed the World What Ungoverned AI Looks Like<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/hodescyrus/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Cyrus Hodes</a> (March 10, 2026)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132504/ai-hype-2026-reaim-summit/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Artificial Urgency: Reflecting on AI Hype at the 2026 REAIM Summit<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/assaadzena/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Zena Assaad</a> (March 6, 2026)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/129936/third-reaim-summit/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Third Summit on Responsible AI in the Military Domain (REAIM)<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/vestnertobias/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Tobias Vestner</a> and<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/cleoburysimon/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Simon Cleobury</a> (February 2, 2026)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/127053/era-ai-orchestrated-hacking/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Era of AI-Orchestrated Hacking Has Begun: Here&rsquo;s How the United States Should Respond<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/nemeroffteddy/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Teddy Nemeroff</a> (January 6, 2026)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/127032/trump-china-chip-strategy-recalibration/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Trump&rsquo;s Chip Strategy Needs Recalibration</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/schiffermichael/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Michael Schiffer</a> (December 15, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/126643/ai-model-outputs-export-control/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AI Model Outputs Demand the Attention of Export Control Agencies</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/khawamjoe/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Joe Khawam</a> and<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/schnabeltim/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Tim Schnabel</a> (December 12, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/121990/governing-ai-agents-globally/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Governing AI Agents Globally: The Role of International Law, Norms and Accountability Mechanisms</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/diastalitadesouza/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Talita Dias</a> (October 17, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/119966/what-us-china-ai-plans-reveal/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Dueling Strategies for Global AI Leadership? What the U.S. and China Action Plans Reveal</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/assaadzena/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Zena Assaad</a> (September 4, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/119874/ai-chips-china-us-tech/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Selling AI Chips Won&rsquo;t Keep China Hooked on U.S. Technology</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/eganjanet/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Janet Egan</a> (September 3, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/119509/us-chinese-ai-playbooks/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The AI Action Plans: How Similar are the U.S. and Chinese Playbooks?</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/singerscott/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Scott Singer</a> and<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/zvenyhorodskyipavlo/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Pavlo Zvenyhorodskyi</a> (August 26, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/117765/assessing-trump-ai-action-plan/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Assessing the Trump Administration&rsquo;s AI Action Plan<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/winterlevysam/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Sam Winter-Levy</a> (July 25, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/117752/just-security-podcast-trump-ai-action-plan/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Decoding Trump&rsquo;s AI Playbook: The AI Action Plan and What Comes Next</a><br>
<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/rosenbrianna/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Brianna Rosen</a> interview with <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/geltzerjoshua/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Joshua Geltzer</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/marronjenny/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Jenny Marron</a> and<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/winterlevysam/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Sam Winter-Levy</a> (July 24, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/117137/rethinking-global-ai-race/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Rethinking the Global AI Race</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/shanahanjohnjack/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Lt. Gen. (ret.) John (Jack) N.T. Shanahan</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/frazierkevin/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Kevin Frazier</a> (July 21, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/117234/trump-ai-action-plan-what-to-look-for/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Trump Administration&rsquo;s AI Action Plan Is Coming. Here&rsquo;s What to Look For.</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/geltzerjoshua/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Joshua Geltzer</a> (July 18, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/116339/ai-copyright-wars-us-china/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AI Copyright Wars Threaten U.S. Technological Primacy in the Face of Rising Chinese Competition</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/drexelbill/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Bill Drexel</a> (July 8, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/113944/what-comes-next-after-trumps-ai-deals-in-the-gulf/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">What Comes Next After Trump&rsquo;s AI Deals in the Gulf</a><br>
By<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/alasdairphillipsrobins/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Alasdair Phillips-Robins</a> and<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/winterlevysam/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Sam Winter-Levy</a> (June 4, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/113728/ai-governance-federalism-moratorium/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AI Governance Needs Federalism, Not a Federally Imposed Moratorium</a><br>
By<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/rubensteindavid/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> David S. Rubenstein</a> (May 29, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/111053/chinas-open-source-ai-regulation/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Open Questions for China&rsquo;s Open-Source AI Regulation</a><br>
By<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/htinnandamin/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Nanda Min Htin</a> (May 5, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/110517/the-just-security-podcast-trumps-ai-strategy-takes-shape/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Just Security Podcast: Trump&rsquo;s AI Strategy Takes Shape</a><br>
<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/rosenbrianna/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Brianna Rosen</a> interview with <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/geltzerjoshua/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Joshua Geltzer</a> (April 17, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/109203/us-ai-action-plan/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Shaping the AI Action Plan: Responses to the White House&rsquo;s Request for Information</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/aptclara/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Clara Apt</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/rosenbrianna/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Brianna Rosen</a> (March 18, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/108144/blanket-bans-software-exports-not-solution-ai-arms-race/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Export Controls on Open-Source Models Will Not Win the AI Race</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/wilsonclaudia/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Claudia Wilson</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/hineemmie/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Emmie Hine</a> (February 25, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/107813/podcast-artificial-intelligence-action-summit/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Just Security Podcast: Key Takeaways from the Paris AI Action Summit</a><br>
<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/shahparas/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Paras Shah</a> interview with <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/rosenbrianna/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Brianna Rosen</a> (February 12, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/107337/just-security-podcast-diving-deeper-into-deepseek/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Just Security Podcast: Diving Deeper into DeepSeek</a><br>
<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/rosenbrianna/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Brianna Rosen</a> interview with <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/heimlennart/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Lennart Heim</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/mcbridekeegan/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Keegan McBride</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/wagnerlauren/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Lauren Wagner</a> (February 4, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/107245/deepseek-ai-competition/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">What DeepSeek Really Changes About AI Competition</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/pilzkonstantinf/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Konstantin F. Pilz</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/heimlennart/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Lennart Heim</a> (February 3, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/106837/uk-ai-opportunities-action-plan-little-room-responsible-governance/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Throwing Caution to the Wind: Unpacking the U.K. AI Opportunities Action Plan</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/schwarzelke/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Elke Schwarz</a> (January 30, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/106688/what-happened-trumps-announcement-stargate-ai-project/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">What Just Happened: Trump&rsquo;s Announcement of the Stargate AI Infrastructure Project</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/hendrixjustin/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Justin Hendrix</a> (January 22, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/106545/the-future-of-the-ai-diffusion-framework/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Future of the AI Diffusion Framework</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/winterlevysam/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Sam Winter-Levy</a> (January 21, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/106427/unpacking-the-biden-administrations-executive-order-on-ai-infrastructure/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Unpacking the Biden Administration&rsquo;s Executive Order on AI Infrastructure</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/aptclara/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Clara Apt</a> and<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/rosenbrianna/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Brianna Rosen</a> (January 16, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/105900/us-trump-china-ai/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Trump&rsquo;s Balancing Act with China on Frontier AI Policy<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/singerscott/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Scott Singer</a> (December 23, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/105752/ai-presidency/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The AI Presidency: What &ldquo;America First&rdquo; Means for Global AI Governance<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/rosenbrianna/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Brianna Rosen</a> (December 16, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/104676/american-ai-leadership-requires-support-open-source/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The United States Must Win The Global Open Source AI Race</a><br>
By<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/mcbridekeegan/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Keegan McBride</a> and<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/woodleyballdean/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Dean W. Ball</a> (November 7, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/103339/artificial-intelligence-at-2024-united-nations/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AI at UNGA79: Recapping Key Themes<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/aptclara/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Clara Apt</a> (October 1, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/100378/military-ai/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Rethinking Responsible Use of Military AI: From Principles to Practice<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/rosenbrianna/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Brianna Rosen</a> and<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/bridgemantess/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Tess Bridgeman</a> (September 26, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/100130/competition-not-control-is-key-to-winning-the-global-ai-race/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Competition, Not Control, is Key to Winning the Global AI Race<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/mittelsteadtmatthew/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Matthew Mittelsteadt</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/mcbridekeegan/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Keegan McBride</a> (September 17, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/100060/podcast-ai-stragetic-risks/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Just Security Podcast: Strategic Risks of AI and Recapping the 2024 REAIM Summit</a><br>
<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/shahparas/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Paras Shah</a> interview with <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/rosenbrianna/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Brianna Rosen</a> (September 12, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/99831/reaim-second-summit-context/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Putting the Second REAIM Summit into Context</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/vestnertobias/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Tobias Vestner</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/cleoburysimon/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Simon Cleobury</a> (September 5, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/96201/enforcing-ai-guardrails/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Nuts and Bolts of Enforcing AI Guardrails<br>
</a>By Amos Toh and Ivey Dyson (May 30, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/94508/house-hearing-ai-regulation/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">House Meeting on White House AI Overreach Highlights Congressional Inaction<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/gellermelanie/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Melanie Geller</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/melendijulian/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Julian Melendi</a> (April 12, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/94249/why-we-need-national-data-protection-strategy/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Why We Need a National Data Protection Strategy<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/joelalex/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Alex Joel</a> (April 4, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/93572/is-the-biden-administration-reaching-a-new-consensus/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Is the Biden Administration Reaching a New Consensus on What Constitutes Private Information</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/hendrixjustin/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Justin Hendrix</a> (March 19, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/91751/the-just-security-podcast-how-should-the-world-regulate-artificial-intelligence/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Just Security Podcast: How Should the World Regulate Artificial Intelligence?</a><br>
<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/shahparas/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Paras Shah</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/rosenbrianna/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Brianna Rosen</a> interview with <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/tragerrobert/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Robert Trager</a> (February 2, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/90757/its-not-just-technology-what-it-means-to-be-a-global-leader-in-ai/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">It&rsquo;s Not Just Technology: What it Means to be a Global Leader in AI<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/blomquistkayla/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Kayla Blomquist</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/mcbridekeegan/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Keegan McBride</a> (January 4, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/90903/ai-governance-in-the-age-of-uncertainty-international-law-as-a-starting-point/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AI Governance in the Age of Uncertainty: International Law as a Starting Point<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/90903/ai-governance-in-the-age-of-uncertainty-international-law-as-a-starting-point/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Talita de Souza Dias</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/sagoorashmin/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Rashmin Sagoo</a> (January 2, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/89889/experts-react-unpacking-the-biden-administrations-new-efforts-on-ai/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Experts React: Unpacking the Biden Administration&rsquo;s New Efforts on AI</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/millerian/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Ian Miller</a> (November 14, 2023)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/89870/bidens-executive-order-on-ai-gives-sweeping-mandate-to-dhs/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Biden&rsquo;s Executive Order on AI Gives Sweeping Mandate to DHS<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/hendrixjustin/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Justin Hendrix</a> (November 1, 2023)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/89432/the-tragedy-of-ai-governance/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Tragedy of AI Governance</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/chestermansimon/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Simon Chesterman</a> (October 18, 2023)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/89583/introduction-to-symposium-governing-artificial-intelligence-power-justice-and-the-limits-of-the-law/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Introducing the Symposium on AI Governance: Power, Justice, and the Limits of the Law</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/rosenbrianna/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Brianna Rosen</a> (October 18, 2023)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/88403/u-s-senate-ai-hearings-highlight-increased-need-for-regulation/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">U.S. Senate AI Hearings Highlight Increased Need for Regulation</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/patelfaiza/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Faiza Patel</a> and<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/gellermelanie/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Melanie Geller</a> (September 25, 2023)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/87344/the-perils-and-promise-of-ai-regulation/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Perils and Promise of AI Regulation</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/patelfaiza/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Faiza Patel</a> and<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/dysonivey/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Ivey Dyson</a> (July 26, 2023)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/87001/weighing-the-risks-why-a-new-conversation-is-needed-on-ai-safety/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Weighing the Risks: Why a New Conversation is Needed on AI Safety<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/deppmichael/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Michael Depp</a> (June 30, 2023)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/87076/to-legislate-on-ai-schumer-should-start-with-the-basics/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">To Legislate on AI, Schumer Should Start with the Basics</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/hendrixjustin/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Justin Hendrix</a> and<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/barrettpaulm/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Paul M. Barrett</a> (June 28, 2023)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/84724/regulating-artificial-intelligence-requires-balancing-rights-innovation/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Regulating Artificial Intelligence Requires Balancing Rights, Innovation</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/garrisonbishop/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Bishop Garrison</a> (January 11, 2023)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/83837/emerging-tech-has-a-front-row-seat-at-india-hosted-un-counterterrorism-meeting-what-about-human-rights/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Emerging Tech Has a Front-Row Seat at India-Hosted UN Counterterrorism Meeting. What About Human Rights?</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/wisniakmarlena/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Marlena Wisniak</a> (October 28, 2022)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/82139/nato-must-tackle-digital-authoritarianism/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">NATO Must Tackle Digital Authoritarianism<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/flournoymichele/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Mich&egrave;le Flournoy</a> and<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/royanshu/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Anshu Roy</a> (June 29, 2022)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/81839/natos-2022-strategic-concept-must-enhance-digital-access-and-capacities/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">NATO&rsquo;s 2022 Strategic Concept Must Enhance Digital Access and Capacities<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/chrisdolan/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Chris Dolan</a> (June 8, 2022)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/78779/watchlisting-the-world-digital-security-infrastructures-informal-law-and-the-global-war-on-terror/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Watchlisting the World: Digital Security Infrastructures, Informal Law, and the &ldquo;Global War on Terror&rdquo;<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/kassemramzi/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Ramzi Kassem</a>,<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/mignotmahdavirebecca/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Rebecca Mignot-Mahdavi</a> and<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/sullivangavin/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Gavin Sullivan</a> (October 28, 2021)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/75474/one-thousand-and-one-talents-the-race-for-a-i-dominance/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">One Thousand and One Talents: The Race for A.I. Dominance<br>
</a>by<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/lucasirwin/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Lucas Irwin</a> (April 7, 2021)</p>
            </div>
    
            <div post_id="100285" itemcount="1" header_id="header-1726755617919" toggle-text="" main-text="National Security &amp; War">
                                    <span>
                        <span><i></i></span>
                        <span><i></i></span>
                    </span>
                    <span>National Security &amp; War</span>
                            </div>
            <div>
                <p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133685/iranian-attacks-amazon-data-centers-legal-analysis/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Iranian Attacks on the Amazon Data Centers: A Legal Analysis<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/klonowskaklaudia/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Klaudia Klonowska</a> and<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/schmittmichael/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Michael Schmitt</a> (March 12, 2026)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133247/anthropic-hegseth-unlawful-punishment/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The War on Anthropic: Pretextual Designation and Unlawful Punishment<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/kohharold/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Harold Hongju Koh</a>,<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/swartzbruce/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Bruce Swartz</a>,<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/guptaavi/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Avi Gupta</a> and<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/worthingtonbrady/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Brady Worthington</a> (March 6, 2026)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132851/anthropic-supply-chain-risk-designation/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">What Hegseth&rsquo;s &ldquo;Supply Chain Risk&rdquo; Designation of Anthropic Does and Doesn&rsquo;t Mean</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/bridgemantess/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Tess Bridgeman</a> (March 2, 2026)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132536/big-techs-moment-truth-ai-safety/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Big Tech&rsquo;s Moment of Truth on AI Safety<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/olaizolarosenblatmariana/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Mariana Olaizola Rosenblat</a> (February 25, 2026)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/130841/us-biotech-leadership-ai/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">America&rsquo;s Key to Biotechnology Leadership? AI-Ready Biodata.<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/holkomichelle/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Michelle Holko</a>,<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/howellsam/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Sam Howell</a> and<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/wilbanksjohn/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> John Wilbanks</a> (February 13, 2026)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/121345/embedded-human-judgment-autonomous-weapons/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Embedded Human Judgment in the Age of Autonomous Weapons</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/trabuccolena/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Lena Trabucco</a> (October 16, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/121289/ai-hidden-national-security-cost/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AI&rsquo;s Hidden National Security Cost</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/baxtercaroline/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Caroline Baxter</a> (October 1, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/118879/transformative-potential-ai-intelligence-analysis/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Harnessing the Transformative Potential of AI in Intelligence Analysis</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/bombachrachel/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Rachel Bombach</a> (August 12, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/112926/law-supports-ai-government-rag-shows-way/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Law Already Supports AI in Government &mdash; RAG Shows the Way</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/feldmantal/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Tal Feldman</a> (May 16, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/108644/united-states-must-avoid-ais-chernobyl-moment/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The United States Must Avoid AI&rsquo;s Chernobyl Moment</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/eganjanet/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Janet Egan</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/salvadorcole/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Cole Salvador</a> (March 10, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/106502/start-for-ai-transparency-dhs-room-to-grow/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">A Start for AI Transparency at DHS with Room to Grow</a><br>
by <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/levinsonwaldmanrachel/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Rachel Levinson-Waldman</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/reynoldsspencer/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Spencer Reynolds</a> (January 22, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/104242/memorandum-ai-national-security/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The U.S. National Security Memorandum on AI: Leading Experts Weigh In&nbsp;</a><br>
by<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/just-security-admin/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Just Security</a> (October 25, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98555/the-double-black-box-ai-inside-the-national-security-ecosystem/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Double Black Box: AI Inside the National Security Ecosystem</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/98555/the-double-black-box-ai-inside-the-national-security-ecosystem/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Ashley Deeks</a> (August 14, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/95939/as-dhs-implements-new-ai-technologies-it-must-overcome-old-shortcomings/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">As DHS Implements New AI Technologies, It Must Overcome Old Shortcomings<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/reynoldsspencer/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Spencer Reynolds</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/patelfaiza/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Faiza Patel</a> (May 21, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/95630/biases-in-military-ai/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Machine Got it Wrong? Uncertainties, Assumptions, and Biases in Military AI<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/michelarthurholland/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Arthur Holland Michel</a> (May 13, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/94113/bringing-transparency-to-national-security-uses-of-artificial-intelligence/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Bringing Transparency to National Security Uses of Artificial Intelligence<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/patelfaiza/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Faiza Patel</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/toomeypatrick/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Patrick C. Toomey</a> (April 4, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/94999/an-oversight-model-for-ai-in-national-security-the-privacy-and-civil-liberties-oversight-board/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">An Oversight Model for AI in National Security: The Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/patelfaiza/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Faiza Patel</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/toomeypatrick/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Patrick C. Toomey</a> (April 26, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/90771/national-security-carve-outs-undermine-ai-regulations/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">National Security Carve-Outs Undermine AI Regulations</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/patelfaiza/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Faiza Patel</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/toomeypatrick/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Patrick C. Toomey</a> (December 21, 2023)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/90676/unhuman-killings-ai-and-civilian-harm-in-gaza/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Unhuman Killings: AI and Civilian Harm in Gaza</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/rosenbrianna/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Brianna Rosen</a> (December 15, 2023)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/89567/dhs-must-evaluate-and-overhaul-its-flawed-automated-systems/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">DHS Must Evaluate and Overhaul its Flawed Automated Systems<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/levinsonwaldmanrachel/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Rachel Levinson-Waldman</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/gutierrezjoseguillermo/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Jos&eacute; Guillermo Guti&eacute;rrez</a> (October 19, 2023)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/89641/the-path-to-war-is-paved-with-obscure-intentions-signaling-and-perception-in-the-era-of-ai/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Path to War is Paved with Obscure Intentions: Signaling and Perception in the Era of AI<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/wildeg/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Gavin Wilde</a> (October 20, 2023)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/89033/ai-and-the-future-of-drone-warfare-risks-and-recommendations/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AI and the Future of Drone Warfare: Risks and Recommendations</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/rosenbrianna/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Brianna Rosen</a> (October 3, 2023)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/85369/latin-america-and-caribbean-nations-rally-against-autonomous-weapons-systems/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Latin America and Caribbean Nations Rally Against Autonomous Weapons Systems<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/dochertybonnie/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Bonnie Docherty</a> and<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/warehammary/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Mary Wareham</a> (March 6, 2023)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/84655/investigating-misconduct-in-war-is-already-difficult-will-the-use-of-military-ai-make-it-harder/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Investigating (Mis)conduct in War is Already Difficult</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/bruunlaura/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Laura Brunn</a> (January 5, 2023)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/82745/gendering-the-legal-review-of-new-means-and-methods-of-warfare/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Gendering the Legal Review of New Means and Methods of Warfare</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/farresjimenezandrea/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Andrea Farr&eacute;s Jim&eacute;nez</a> (August 23, 2022)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/79254/artificial-intelligence-in-the-intelligence-community-oversight-must-not-be-an-oversight/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Artificial Intelligence in the Intelligence Community: Oversight Must Not Be an Oversight<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/stonecorin/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Corin R. Stone</a> (November 30, 2021)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/78641/artificial-intelligence-in-the-intelligence-community-know-risk-know-reward/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Artificial Intelligence in the Intelligence Community: Know Risk, Know Reward</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/stonecorin/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Corin R. Stone</a> (October 19, 2021)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/78362/artificial-intelligence-in-the-intelligence-community-the-tangled-web-of-budget-acquisition/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Artificial Intelligence in the Intelligence Community: The Tangled Web of Budget &amp; Acquisition<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/stonecorin/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Corin R. Stone</a> (September 28, 2021)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/77970/embedding-gender-in-international-humanitarian-law-is-artificial-intelligence-up-to-the-task/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Embedding Gender in International Humanitarian Law: Is Artificial Intelligence Up to the Task?<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/farresjimenezandrea/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Andrea Farr&eacute;s Jim&eacute;nez</a> (August 27, 2021)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/77783/artificial-intelligence-in-the-intelligence-community-culture-is-critical/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Artificial Intelligence in the Intelligence Community: Culture is Critical</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/stonecorin/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Corin R. Stone</a> (August 17, 2021)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/77354/artificial-intelligence-in-the-intelligence-community-money-is-not-enough/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Artificial Intelligence in the Intelligence Community: Money is Not Enough<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/stonecorin/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Corin R. Stone</a> (July 12, 2021)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/75502/adding-ai-to-autonomous-weapons-increases-risks-to-civilians-in-armed-conflict/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Adding AI to Autonomous Weapons Increases Risks to Civilians in Armed Conflict<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/davisonneil/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Neil Davison</a> and<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/horowitzjonathan/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Jonathan Horowitz</a> (March 26, 2021)</p>
            </div>
    
            <div post_id="100285" itemcount="2" header_id="header-1726755618285" toggle-text="" main-text="Democracy">
                                    <span>
                        <span><i></i></span>
                        <span><i></i></span>
                    </span>
                    <span>Democracy</span>
                            </div>
            <div>
                <p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132427/human-rights-ai-sovereignty/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Human Rights at Risk in the Sprint Toward AI Sovereignty</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/vesteinssonkian/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Kian Vesteinsson</a> and<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/bakergrant/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Grant Baker</a> (March 5, 2026)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/118026/ai-action-plan-federalism-analysis/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The AI Action Plan and Federalism: A Constitutional Analysis</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/rubensteindavid/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">David S. Rubenstein</a> (July 30, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/109069/u-s-ai-driven-catch-and-revoke-initiative-threatens-first-amendment-rights/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">U.S. AI-Driven &ldquo;Catch and Revoke&rdquo; Initiative Threatens First Amendment Rights</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/patelfaiza/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Faiza Patel</a> (March 18, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/107809/tech-companies-election-threats-regulation/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Munich Security Conference Provides an Opportunity to Improve on the AI Elections Accord</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/givensalexandrareeve/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Alexandra Reeve Givens</a> (February 13, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/105395/qa-mariejte-schaake-on-tech-coup-trump/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Q&amp;A with Marietje Schaake on the Tech Coup and Trump</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/schaakemarietje/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Marietje Schaake</a> (February 6, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/103777/maintaining-the-rule-of-law-in-the-age-of-ai/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Maintaining the Rule of Law in the Age of AI<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/szilagyikatie/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Katie Szilagyi</a> (October 9, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/103317/shattering-illusions-how-cyber-threat-intelligence-augments-legal-action-against-russias-influence-operations/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Shattering Illusions: How Cyber Threat Intelligence Augments Legal Action against Russia&rsquo;s Influence Operations<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/kruschmasonw/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Mason W. Krusch</a> (October 8, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/99069/artificial-intelligence-democracy-effects/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Don&rsquo;t Downplay Risks of AI for Democracy<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/nosselsuzanne/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Suzanne Nossel</a> (August 28, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/93823/tracking-tech-company-commitments-to-combat-the-misuse-of-ai-in-elections/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Tracking Tech Company Commitments to Combat the Misuse of AI in Elections<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/mollenkampallison2/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Allison Mollenkamp</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/aptclara/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Clara Apt</a> (March 28, 224)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/92348/multiple-threats-converge-to-heighten-disinformation-risks-to-this-years-us-elections/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Multiple Threats Converge to Heighten Disinformation Risks to This Year&rsquo;s US Elections<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/nordenlawrence/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Lawrence Norden</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/panditharatnemekela/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Mekela Panditharatne</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/david-harris/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">David Harris</a> (February 16, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/90067/is-ai-the-right-sword-for-democracy/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Is AI the Right Sword for Democray?</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/michelarthurholland/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Arthur Holland Michel</a> (November 13, 2023)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/89807/the-just-security-podcast-the-dangers-of-using-ai-to-ban-books/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Just Security Podcast: The Dangers of Using AI to Ban Books</a><br>
<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/shahparas/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Paras Shah</a> interview with <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/ayoubemile/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Emile Ayoub</a> (October 27, 2023)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/89758/process-rights-and-the-automation-of-public-services-through-ai-the-case-of-the-liberal-state/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Process Rights and the Automation of Public Services through AI: The Case of the Liberal State<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/zerillijohn/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">John Zerilli</a> (October 26, 2023)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/88945/using-ai-to-comply-with-book-bans-makes-those-laws-more-dangerous/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Using AI to Comply With Book Bans Makes Those Laws More Dangerous</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/ayoubemile/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Emile Ayoub</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/patelfaiza/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Faiza Patel</a> (October 3, 2023)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/87005/regulation-is-not-enough-a-blueprint-for-winning-the-ai-race/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Regulation is Not Enough: A Blueprint for Winning the AI Race<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/mcbridekeegan/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Keegan McBride</a> (June 29, 2023)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/82246/the-existential-threat-of-ai-enhanced-disinformation-operations/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Existential Threat of AI-Enhanced Disinformation Operations</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/honigbergbradley/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Bradley Honigberg</a> (July 8, 2022)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/78381/system-rivalry-how-democracies-must-compete-with-digital-authoritarians/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">System Rivalry: How Democracies Must Compete with Digital Authoritarians</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/donahoeeileen/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Ambassador (ret.) Eileen Donahoe</a> (September 27, 2021)</p>
            </div>
    
            <div post_id="100285" itemcount="3" header_id="header-1726755618585" toggle-text="" main-text="Surveillance">
                                    <span>
                        <span><i></i></span>
                        <span><i></i></span>
                    </span>
                    <span>Surveillance</span>
                            </div>
            <div>
                <p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/106020/podcast-border-tech-migration/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Just Security Podcast: How Border Technologies Impact Migration<br>
</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/shahparas/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Paras Shah</a> interview with <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/cabrerajudith/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Judith Cabrera</a> and<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/molnarpetra/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Petra Molnar</a> (January 2, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/105662/border-technologies-under-second-trump-administration/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Border Technologies Under Trump 2.0<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/molnarpetra/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Petra Molnar</a> (January 2, 2025)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/97172/ai-at-the-border/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AI at the Border: Racialized Impacts and Implications</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/97172/ai-at-the-border/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Priya Morley</a> (June 28, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/96517/podcast-the-walls-have-eyes/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Just Security Podcast: &lsquo;The Walls Have Eyes&rsquo; Book Talk &mdash; Surviving Migration in The Age of Artificial Intelligence<br>
</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/shahparas/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Paras Shah</a> interview with <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/molnarpetra/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Petra Molnar</a> (June 7, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/90879/advances-in-ai-increase-risks-of-government-social-media-monitoring/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Advances in AI Increase Risks of Government Social Media Monitoring<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/patelfaiza/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Faiza Patel</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/melendijulian/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Julian Melendi</a> (January 3, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/90763/eus-ai-act-falls-short-on-protecting-rights-at-borders/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">EU&rsquo;s AI Act Falls Short on Protecting Rights at Borders<br>
</a>By Petra Molnar (December 20, 2023)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/71837/new-technologies-new-problems-troubling-surveillance-trends-in-america/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New Technologies, New Problems &ndash; Troubling Surveillance Trends in America<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/feldsteinsteven/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Steven Feldstein</a> and<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/davidwong/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> David Wong</a> (August 6, 2020)</p>
            </div>
    
            <div post_id="100285" itemcount="4" header_id="header-1726755618877" toggle-text="" main-text="Social Media &amp; Content Moderation">
                                    <span>
                        <span><i></i></span>
                        <span><i></i></span>
                    </span>
                    <span>Social Media &amp; Content Moderation</span>
                            </div>
            <div>
                <p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/130630/grok-deepfakes-content-capability/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Grok, Deepfakes, and the Collapse of the Content/Capability Distinction</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/cofone-ignacioauthor-js-org/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Ignacio Cofone</a> (February 9, 2026)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/94118/is-generative-ai-the-answer-for-the-failures-of-content-moderation/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Is Generative AI the Answer for the Failures of Content Moderation?<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/barrettpaulm/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Paul M. Barrett</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/hendrixjustin/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Justin Hendrix</a> (April 3, 2024)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/90683/two-supreme-court-cases-could-shape-the-future-of-ai-and-content-moderation/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Two Supreme Court Cases Could Shape the Future of AI and Content Moderation</a><br>
By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/caputonicholas/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Nicholas Caputo</a> (December 14, 2023)</p>
            </div>
    
            <div post_id="100285" itemcount="5" header_id="header-1726755619236" toggle-text="" main-text="Further Reading">
                                    <span>
                        <span><i></i></span>
                        <span><i></i></span>
                    </span>
                    <span>Further Reading</span>
                            </div>
            <div>
                <p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/129243/guide-criminal-liability-genai/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Artificial Guilt? A Practitioner&rsquo;s Guide to Criminal Liability in the Age of GenAI<br>
</a>By <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/geltzerjoshua/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Joshua Geltzer</a> and<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/habenichtjeff/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Jeff Habenicht</a> (January 28, 2026)</p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/128568/expert-roundup-emerging-tech-trends-2026/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Key Trends that Will Shape Tech Policy in 2026<br>
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<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/99958/just-securitys-artificial-intelligence-archive/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security&rsquo;s Artificial Intelligence Archive</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-12T11:00:45+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Clara Apt</name></author>
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		<updated>2026-03-12T11:00:45+00:00</updated>
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</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-12:/282426</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133685/iranian-attacks-amazon-data-centers-legal-analysis/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=iranian-attacks-amazon-data-centers-legal-analysis" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Iranian Attacks on the Amazon Data Centers: A Legal Analysis</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>In an unprecedented series of attacks, Iran has targeted commercial data centers in Gulf countries i...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p><span>In an unprecedented series of attacks, Iran has </span><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/mar/07/it-means-missile-defence-on-data-centres-drone-strikes-raises-doubts-over-gulf-as-ai-superpower" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>targeted</span></a><span> commercial data centers in Gulf countries in the context of the armed conflict initiated by the United States and Israel on Feb. 28. On March 1, it used Shahed 136 drones to strike two Amazon data centers in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), causing devastating fire, power outages, and further damage as firefighters fought the blazes. A strike on a third Amazon data center in Bahrain soon </span><a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2026/03/04/amazon-bahrain-data-centers-targeted-iran-drone-strike.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>followed</span></a><span>, although reports suggest the attack caused the damage indirectly when a drone hit nearby. It is unclear at this time whether the strike slightly missed the data center or merely caused collateral damage to the facility while attacking another target.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>These </span><a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cgk28nj0lrjo" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>attacks</span></a><span> highlight the importance of data centers to civilian society and their growing operational significance in contemporary warfare. The increasing reliance on cloud computing and artificial intelligence (AI) also raises a number of intricate issues that have been at the heart of controversy over the application of rules governing the &ldquo;conduct of hostilities,&rdquo; which form part of the body of international law known as the law of armed conflict (LOAC). Do data centers qualify as lawful military objectives? If so, under what circumstances are they subject to attack? And what precautions must be taken before attacking those used for civilian purposes as well? We tackle these and related LOAC issues in this article.</span></p>
<p><span>In this regard, it is essential to note that the data center attacks occurred during an </span><a href="https://casebook.icrc.org/a_to_z/glossary/international-armed-conflict" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>international armed conflict</span></a><span> between Iran and both States &ndash; the UAE and Bahrain. Such conflicts are triggered when one State engages in hostilities with another (DoD </span><a href="https://ogc.osd.mil/Portals/99/Law%20of%20War%202023/DOD-LAW-OF-WAR-MANUAL-JUNE-2015-UPDATED-JULY%202023.pdf?ver=Qbxamfouw4znu1I7DVMcsw%3D%3D" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Law of War Manual</span></i></a><span>, &sect; 3.3.1; </span><a href="https://www.icty.org/x/cases/tadic/acdec/en/51002.htm" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Tadi&#263;</span></i></a><span>, Jurisdiction, &para; 70). On Feb. 28, following U.S. and Israeli attacks across Iran, Tehran launched hundreds of drones and missiles at targets in neighboring States, including the UAE and Bahrain. Some of Iran&rsquo;s targets were U.S. military facilities, which might have raised questions regarding the exercise of belligerent rights in </span><a href="https://lieber.westpoint.edu/ukraine-neutrality-co-belligerency-use-of-force/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>neutral territory</span></a><span> against an enemy located there. Others were not, including the data centers attacked in the UAE and Bahrain, which means Iran&rsquo;s bombardment of those countries undeniably initiated an international armed conflict between Iran and those two States. Accordingly, there is no question that the law of armed conflict governed the operations against the data centers.</span></p>
<p><span>We do not engage with the </span><i><span>jus ad bellum</span></i><span>, which concerns the overall lawfulness of Iranian strikes on the territories of the UAE and Bahrain. Whether a State is acting in violation of the prohibition on the use of force in Article 2(4) of the </span><a href="https://www.un.org/en/about-us/un-charter/full-text" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>UN Charter</span></a><span> or in individual or collective self-defense under Article 51 simply has no bearing on the law of armed conflict; its rules </span><a href="https://international-review.icrc.org/sites/default/files/irrc-872-6.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>equally bind</span></a><span> both the aggressor and the victim (ICRC 2015 </span><a href="https://casebook.icrc.org/case-study/icrc-international-humanitarian-law-and-challenges-contemporary-armed-conflicts-2015" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Challenges Report,</span></a> <span>&para; 76; </span><span>DoD </span><a href="https://ogc.osd.mil/Portals/99/Law%20of%20War%202023/DOD-LAW-OF-WAR-MANUAL-JUNE-2015-UPDATED-JULY%202023.pdf?ver=Qbxamfouw4znu1I7DVMcsw%3D%3D" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Law of War Manual</span></i></a><span>, &sect; 3.5.2.1). Our sole objective is to identify and explore issues under LOAC raised by attacks on data centers.</span></p>
<h2><b>The Factual Context</b></h2>
<p><span>The Iranian drone attacks on Amazon Web Services&rsquo; data centers damaged civilian data and affected services across the Gulf region. The </span><i><span>Guardian</span></i><span>, for instance, </span><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/mar/07/it-means-missile-defence-on-data-centres-drone-strikes-raises-doubts-over-gulf-as-ai-superpower" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>reported</span></a><span> that people in the UAE were unable to access numerous applications that rely on Amazon&rsquo;s cloud, including for banking and food-delivery services. And on its website, Amazon urged customers to back up their data to data centers in other regions to prevent further damage or loss. As of March 11, eleven days after the attacks, the functioning of the Amazon data centers in the UAE remains </span><a href="https://health.aws.amazon.com/health/status" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>disrupted</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Iranian State television claimed that the </span><a href="https://www.cfr.org/backgrounders/irans-revolutionary-guards" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps</span></a><span> (IRGC) launched the attacks &ldquo;to identify the role of these centres in supporting the enemy&rsquo;s military and intelligence activities&rdquo; (</span><a href="https://t.me/farsna/415292" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span> and</span><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/mar/07/it-means-missile-defence-on-data-centres-drone-strikes-raises-doubts-over-gulf-as-ai-superpower" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> <span>here</span></a><span>). It is unclear how it hoped to do so through kinetic attacks. Indeed, there is no publicly available information as to whether the attacks impacted U.S. military operations or the military capabilities of Bahrain, the UAE, or Israel. But there is no question that data centers can prove critical during military operations, especially when leveraging AI technologies. They can provide computing resources to (re)train and run AI models and to store intelligence for further algorithmic analysis.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Although there is no publicly available information on whether the United States (or other militaries) used these specific data centers, it is clear that it relies on Amazon cloud services. In 2023, Amazon (along with Microsoft, Google, and Oracle) won the contract for the Joint Warfighting Cloud Capability (JWCC), which involves developing &ldquo;mission-critical cloud capabilities&rdquo; (</span><a href="https://aws.amazon.com/blogs/publicsector/aws-selected-for-u-s-department-of-defense-joint-warfighting-cloud-capability-contract/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span> and </span><a href="https://www.afcea.org/signal-media/defense-operations/joint-warfighting-cloud-capability-breaking-barriers" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span>). Amazon is also the primary cloud provider for </span><a href="https://www.defenseone.com/threats/2026/02/it-would-take-pentagon-months-replace-anthropics-ai-tools-sources/411741/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Claude Code</span></a><span>, which recently drew significant attention amid the </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133247/anthropic-hegseth-unlawful-punishment/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>falling out</span></a><span> between the Trump administration and Anthropic. Despite the government&rsquo;s decision to classify Anthropic as a &ldquo;</span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132851/anthropic-supply-chain-risk-designation/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>supply chain risk</span></a><span>,&rdquo; Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth made clear at the time of his announcement that he intended to maintain Claude&rsquo;s extensive deployment in U.S. military systems for up to six months. Indeed, </span><a href="https://tasmayshah12.medium.com/the-pentagon-tried-to-unplug-claude-then-it-used-claude-to-bomb-iran-c1d269db38a1" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>reports</span></a><span> suggest that Claude Code remained in use during Operation Epic Fury and, therefore, presumably relied on Amazon data centers.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>There are no public reports on whether the United States (or any other State involved in the conflict) used data centers in the Gulf region for data storage or to sustain AI processing. As to data storage, the United States </span><a href="https://www.acquisition.gov/dfars/239.7602-2-required-storage-data-within-united-states-or-outlying-areas." rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>requires</span></a><span> contracted cloud-computing service providers to store data within the United States. except when physically located on Department of Defense premises or authorized by the &ldquo;appropriate official.&rdquo; As the data centers were not on U.S. military bases overseas, moving such data to Amazon data centers in the Gulf region would require special authorization; we are unaware if that has been granted. And we speculate that there would be hesitancy to do so with classified data, except in the case of storage on a U.S. military base, although, again, we simply do not know. Likewise, we are unaware whether any other States involved in the conflict are storing their military-related data in the centers or otherwise using them for military purposes.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>However, as a general matter, latency (the time it takes for data to be transmitted) is the key obstacle to the effective use of AI in highly time-sensitive operations. Therefore, militaries often seek to bring computing capabilities close to the point of use, or even directly onto AI-enabled systems (i.e., edge computing). In light of this distinction, the use of Amazon data centers, if any, is more likely to be in relation to sustaining AI use, rather than to store data. But to reiterate, it is not clear from public reporting whether any of the belligerents&rsquo; militaries used any of the targeted data centers for military purposes.</span></p>
<p><span>The relevance of data centers during armed conflict came into sharp relief when, in October 2025, Microsoft cut Israel Defense Forces (IDF) </span><a href="https://greydynamics.com/unit-8200-israels-information-warfare-unit/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Unit 8200</span></a><span>&rsquo;s access to its Azure cloud services. The IDF reportedly used Azure cloud infrastructure in the Netherlands to store intelligence, such as intercepted Palestinian phone </span><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/aug/06/microsoft-israeli-military-palestinian-phone-calls-cloud" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>conversations</span></a><span>, and to operate </span><a href="https://www.972mag.com/microsoft-azure-openai-israeli-army-cloud/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>OpenAI&rsquo;s language model</span></a><span>. In addition to Microsoft&rsquo;s Azure, Israel also </span><a href="https://www.972mag.com/cloud-israeli-army-gaza-amazon-google-microsoft/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>relied</span></a><span> on Amazon&rsquo;s cloud computing services, as &ldquo;their advanced capabilities in artificial intelligence&rdquo; provided &ldquo;significant operational effectiveness&rdquo; compared to Israel&rsquo;s government capabilities.</span></p>
<p><span>The fact that modern militaries rely on data centers to conduct operations raises a number of questions concerning the Iranian attacks on Amazon&rsquo;s centers. Two are of particular significance. First, are data centers lawfully targetable under LOAC and, if so, under what circumstances? Second, what does LOAC require of militaries that store sensitive intelligence data alongside civilian data?</span></p>
<h2><b>Targetable Objects Under IHL&nbsp;</b></h2>
<p><span>Data centers are facilities that house multiple networked computer servers. Under LOAC, they are &ldquo;objects.&rdquo; As such, attacks that either target them or, if civilian, cause them &ldquo;collateral damage&rdquo; trigger the application of targeting rules, in particular the prohibition on attacking civilian objects, the proportionality rule, and the requirement to take feasible precautions in attack. As Iran (like Israel and the United States) is not Party to the 1977 </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/api-1977/article-51/commentary/1987" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Additional Protocol I</span></a><span> to the Geneva Conventions, which sets forth these rules in treaty form, customary LOAC targeting rules govern the data center attacks. The ICRC has articulated them in its </span><i><span>Customary International Humanitarian Law</span></i><span> study (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/customary-ihl/v1" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>rules</span></a><span> 7, 14, 15; see also DoD </span><a href="https://ogc.osd.mil/Portals/99/Law%20of%20War%202023/DOD-LAW-OF-WAR-MANUAL-JUNE-2015-UPDATED-JULY%202023.pdf?ver=Qbxamfouw4znu1I7DVMcsw%3D%3D" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Law of War Manual</span></i></a><span>, &sect;&sect; 5.6, 5.11, 5.12).</span></p>
<p><span>The first step in assessing the lawfulness of an attack is to determine whether an object is civilian and therefore not subject to attack. As noted in </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/api-1977/article-52" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 51(1)</span></a><span> of Additional Protocol I, which reflects customary law, &ldquo;civilian objects are all objects which are not military objectives.&rdquo; Thus, the law is binary; an object is either a civilian object or a military objective. For the most part, LOAC&rsquo;s protections extend only to the former (there are exceptions for certain military objectives, such as special protections for military medical facilities).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>The universally accepted definition of &ldquo;military objective&rdquo; is set forth in </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/api-1977/article-52" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 52(2)</span></a><span> of Additional Protocol I (DoD </span><a href="https://ogc.osd.mil/Portals/99/Law%20of%20War%202023/DOD-LAW-OF-WAR-MANUAL-JUNE-2015-UPDATED-JULY%202023.pdf?ver=Qbxamfouw4znu1I7DVMcsw%3D%3D" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Law of War Manual</span></i></a><span>, &sect; 5.6.3). By that definition, military objectives are &ldquo;objects which by their nature, location, purpose or use make an effective contribution to military action and whose total or partial destruction, capture or neutralization, in the circumstances ruling at the time, offers a definite military advantage.&rdquo;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>For this analysis, the &ldquo;use&rdquo; (current use) and &ldquo;purpose&rdquo; (future use) criteria are the determinative ones (DoD </span><a href="https://ogc.osd.mil/Portals/99/Law%20of%20War%202023/DOD-LAW-OF-WAR-MANUAL-JUNE-2015-UPDATED-JULY%202023.pdf?ver=Qbxamfouw4znu1I7DVMcsw%3D%3D" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Law of War Manual</span></i></a><span>, &sect; 5.6.6.1). Thus, if the data centers were being or would be used by the armed forces of Iran&rsquo;s enemies to execute or enhance military operations (an &ldquo;effective contribution&rdquo;) and attacking them would hinder their operations (a &ldquo;definite military advantage&rdquo;), they were targetable military objectives, subject to application of the proportionality rule and the requirement to take precautions in attack (see below).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>In this regard, it is not any contractual relationship between Amazon and the military that matters. Instead, for the effective contribution requirement to be satisfied, the object attacked must itself be in the service of the military (or be expected to certainly be used in that way in the future). The Department of Defense&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://ogc.osd.mil/Portals/99/Law%20of%20War%202023/DOD-LAW-OF-WAR-MANUAL-JUNE-2015-UPDATED-JULY%202023.pdf?ver=Qbxamfouw4znu1I7DVMcsw%3D%3D" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Law of War Manual</span></i></a> <span>states that &ldquo;this contribution need not be &lsquo;direct&rsquo; or &lsquo;proximate&rsquo;&rdquo; (&sect; 5.6.6.2). Still, as explained in the </span><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/hpcr-manual-on-international-law-applicable-to-air-and-missile-warfare/EB28F7A1701637CA2390B25FB4840629" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Harvard Manual on the International Law Applicable to Air and Missile Warfare</span></i></a><span>, the contribution to military action &ldquo;must be actual and discernible, not merely hypothetical or speculative&rdquo; (page 121). And as noted in the International Law Association&rsquo;s study group </span><a href="https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1709&amp;context=ils" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>report</span></a><span> on targeting, the effective contribution requirement &ldquo;requires a proximate nexus between the object and the fighting&rdquo; (page 329).</span></p>
<p><span>To illustrate the types of objects make an &ldquo;effective contribution&rdquo; to military action, consider data centers that store and process military intelligence, support operational planning, or power military AI applications and systems. Any such uses would self-evidently constitute an effective contribution to military action. Yet, a data center that merely stores human resources data on civilian government employees who are completely uninvolved in maintaining or enhancing military capabilities, even indirectly (such as U.S. Army Corps of Engineers park rangers), would not effectively contribute to military action.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>We caution that the threshold for making an effective contribution to military action is relatively low. It is the second prong of the military objective test that is particularly significant in determining whether an object qualifies as a military objective in an ongoing conflict. That prong requires that its neutralization, damage, or destruction yield a &ldquo;definite military advantage&rdquo; for the attacker.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>It is here that the attack&rsquo;s specific context comes into play. Such assessments are made on a case-by-case basis (</span><a href="https://www.icty.org/x/cases/galic/tjug/en/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Gali&#263;</span></i></a><span>, Trial Judgment, &para; 58). The key is that the military advantage must be &ldquo;definite&rdquo; in the particular circumstance of the conflict. The ICRC&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/api-1977/article-52/commentary/1987?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Commentary</span></i></a> <span>to Additional Protocol I explains, &ldquo;</span><span>it is not legitimate to launch an attack which only offers potential or indeterminate advantages. Those ordering or executing the attack must have sufficient information available to take this requirement into account&rdquo; (&para; 2024). Similarly, the DoD </span><a href="https://ogc.osd.mil/Portals/99/Law%20of%20War%202023/DOD-LAW-OF-WAR-MANUAL-JUNE-2015-UPDATED-JULY%202023.pdf?ver=Qbxamfouw4znu1I7DVMcsw%3D%3D" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Law of War Manual</span></i></a> <span>provides, &ldquo;&lsquo;Definite&rsquo; means a concrete and perceptible military advantage, rather than one that is merely hypothetical or speculative. The advantage need not be immediate&rdquo; (&sect; 5.6.7.3).</span><span> Clearly, any reliance on data centers in the UAE or Bahrain by U.S. or other forces for operations in the region satisfies this prong.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Accordingly, attacking data centers to damage military data or disrupt data access to it will usually offer a &ldquo;definite military advantage.&rdquo; This is the case even when data is backed up across several data centers, which is done to ensure that if one data center is hacked or physically damaged, there is no service disruption or permanent data loss, as it remains stored in another data center; the key is redundancy and operational continuity. But even if only one center is struck, and the data remains in the other data centers, an attack on that center will still provide a definitive military advantage. It is just that the military advantage of striking only that center will be limited because the data is still accessible on the others. This point is particularly relevant to the proportionality assessment, which requires consideration of the degree of anticipated military advantage in light of expected collateral damage (see below).</span></p>
<p><span>However, it should be emphasized that most States are reluctant to share government data with private actors, such as Amazon Web Services. As mentioned, the United States would generally restrict the hosting of government data to areas where the United States maintains control, such as those within the United States or potentially within U.S. military bases. This does not preclude the possibility that the centers were used by the other armed forces in this conflict to store their data.</span></p>
<p><span>The clear military advantage is even more evident when data centers are used for more than just data storage. For instance, data centers may be used to train, update, or partially run AI-enabled military applications and systems. The data center in question must be in current use or planned for future use for its destruction to offer a definite military advantage; it is not enough that the data center was used to train an AI application, such as a large language model, prior to its deployment in conflict. Thus, a data center supporting the use of military AI beyond storing data also evidently qualifies as a military objective, as its destruction would offer a definite military advantage by disrupting and undermining the enemy&rsquo;s AI-based operations.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>It must be cautioned that distinguishing between civilian objects and military objectives must be accomplished </span><i><span>before</span></i><span> the attack. An attack cannot be launched &ldquo;</span><i><span>to identify</span></i><span> the role of these centres in supporting the enemy&rsquo;s military and intelligence activities,&rdquo; as the Iranian news media suggests happened (emphasis added).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>It is more likely that Iran attacked them because the United States or other belligerents </span><i><span>might</span></i><span> have used them for military purposes. This raises the issue of doubt. In case of doubt as to whether an object qualifies as a military objective, the </span><a href="https://lieber.westpoint.edu/welcome-change-presumption-civilian-status/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>prevailing</span></a><span> view is that it must be considered to be civilian. As noted in the DoD&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://media.defense.gov/2023/Jul/31/2003271432/-1/-1/0/DOD-LAW-OF-WAR-MANUAL-JUNE-2015-UPDATED-JULY%202023.PDF" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Law of War Manual</span></i><span>,</span></a><span> &ldquo;Under the principle of distinction, commanders and other decision-makers must presume that persons or objects are protected from being made the object of attack unless the information available at the time indicates that the persons or objects are military objectives&rdquo; (&sect; 5.4.3.2).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Of course, doubt lies along a continuum of certainty from mere speculation to absolute certainty. An attack with insufficient certainty is unlawful as an </span><a href="https://casebook.icrc.org/a_to_z/glossary/indiscriminate-attacks" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>indiscriminate attack</span></a><span> (</span><a href="https://www.refworld.org/jurisprudence/caselaw/icty/2006/55709" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Gali&#263;</span></i></a><span>, Appeals Judgment, &para; 132). This is always a contextual determination, one that takes account of such factors as, </span><i><span>inter alia</span></i><span>, the value of the desired effect, the probability of achieving that effect, the degree of uncertainty, and the extent of civilian harm in the event of misidentification (see </span><a href="https://journals.law.harvard.edu/nsj/wp-content/uploads/sites/82/2019/02/Uncertainty-in-the-Law-of-Targeting.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Schmitt and Schauss</span></a><span>). So, the question, assuming the Iranian attacks were launched in the face of uncertainty as to the qualification of the data centers as military objectives, is how much doubt did Iran have, and was that doubt enough to render the attacks indiscriminate?</span></p>
<p><span>But we want to reemphasize that it is not clear from the publicly available information whether the specific Amazon data centers targeted by the Iranian drones were supporting the AI-enabled applications and systems used by the U.S. armed forces. Moreover, as noted above, it is unlikely that the U.S. military would rely on servers not located within U.S. territory or on U.S. bases for its most sensitive operational uses. If the data centers were not being employed for military purposes, and would not almost certainly be so used in the future, the strikes violated the LOAC prohibition on attacking civilian objects.</span></p>
<h2><b>The Challenges of Dual-Use Objects</b></h2>
<p><span>For the sake of analysis, let us assume that U.S. and other armed forces involved in the conflict were using Amazon&rsquo;s data centers in a way that effectively contributed to military action, and attacking them would result in a definite military advantage for Iran. Accordingly, they qualify as military objectives.</span></p>
<p><span>This presents the dilemma of how to treat a data center that simultaneously hosts military and civilian data. As so-called &ldquo;dual-use objects,&rdquo; there is no question that the building and the servers therein, which are likely affixed to the building and networked, constitute a military objective (DoD </span><a href="https://ogc.osd.mil/Portals/99/Law%20of%20War%202023/DOD-LAW-OF-WAR-MANUAL-JUNE-2015-UPDATED-JULY%202023.pdf?ver=Qbxamfouw4znu1I7DVMcsw%3D%3D" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Law of War Manual</span></i></a><span>, &sect; 5.6.1.2). The International Law Association&rsquo;s study group on targeting </span><a href="https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1709&amp;context=ils" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>noted</span></a><span> in this regard that &ldquo;today&rsquo;s prevailing understanding of the notion of military objective is that once an object is used in such a way as to fulfill the definition of military objective, the entire object becomes a lawful target&rdquo; (page 336). But as the study group observed, there are different approaches to treating the civilian aspects of the data center (e.g., specific servers that do not store military data) in a proportionality calculation and in determining whether precautions to avoid harming civilian objects are feasible.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>The proportionality rule provides that &ldquo;</span><span>launching an attack which may be expected to cause incidental loss of civilian life, injury to civilians, damage to civilian objects, or a combination thereof, which would be excessive in relation to the concrete and direct military advantage anticipated, is prohibited&rdquo; (ICRC </span><i><span>Customary International Humanitarian Law</span></i><span> study, </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/customary-ihl/v1/rule14" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>r. 14</span></a><span>). According to the precautions in attack rule, &ldquo;all feasible precautions must be taken to avoid, and in any event to minimize, incidental loss of civilian life and damage to civilian objects&rdquo; (</span><i><span>id</span></i><span>., r. 15).</span></p>
<p><span>There are two views on how to treat the civilian aspects of a dual-use object, such as a data center, in the context of these rules (see discussion </span><a href="https://lieber.westpoint.edu/targeting-dual-use-structures-alternative/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span>). By the first view, shared by the United States and Israel, even when an object consists of distinct parts, as in apartments in an apartment building, the object qualifies as a military objective in its entirety; the civilian components are not treated separately when determining whether the harm might be disproportionate (&ldquo;excessive&rdquo;) or whether there are alternative weapons, tactics, or targets that might reduce risk to them without sacrificing military advantage. This is the case, at least, for indivisible objects, where it is not possible to attack one part of the object without causing damage to the rest (as distinct from area targets, such as a military base with civilian buildings, regarding which there are differing views).</span><span>&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>If the Amazon data centers hosted and processed data used by the United States or other States in military operations against Iran, an attack on them, by this view, would be lawful regardless of any damage to servers storing purely civilian data. This is the case with kinetic attacks, which are unlikely to damage a single server without affecting the others in the same building, especially given the high risk of fire, as in the attack on the UAE data center. Of course, any collateral damage to other civilian objects nearby or incidental injury to civilians in the facility or nearby would have to be considered in the proportionality and precautions assessments.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>From a second widely accepted view, most prominently put forward by the </span><a href="https://www.icrc.org/en/document/international-expert-meeting-report-principle-proportionality" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>ICRC</span></a><span> (pages 37-38), an attacker must consider the civilian aspects of an object that otherwise qualifies as a military objective in the proportionality assessment and take feasible precautions to minimize civilian harm to it. This would include any servers the attacker could identify as solely dedicated to civilian use.</span></p>
<p><span>Under this approach, Iranian forces were required to consider whether the expected harm to civilian components was &ldquo;excessive&rdquo; relative to the anticipated military advantage. The collateral damage in such a strike would include physical damage to servers not used for military purposes. The collateral damage assessment would be complicated by the question of whether the data itself is an object such that the loss of civilian data would also have to be considered, a topic beyond the scope of this article (but see discussion </span><a href="https://international-review.icrc.org/articles/wired-warfare-30-protecting-civilian-population-during-cyber-operations" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span>).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Military advantage in the proportionality calculation denotes hindering the enemy&rsquo;s operations or enhancing one&rsquo;s own. To illustrate, damaging a data center that provides highly advanced GPU processing for running, updating, and training AI applications may significantly disrupt an enemy&rsquo;s military operations, offering a considerable military advantage. Yet, if military data is stored across multiple data centers, the expected military advantage from damaging a single center would likely be minimal, as data could easily be easily recovered.</span></p>
<p><span>By the second view, the attacker would also have to consider whether the sought-after military advantage could be acquired through more surgical means that would minimize damage to civilian-use servers and, by the contested view that data is an object, to civilian data. For instance, if feasible under the circumstances, cyber operations could be used to disable military access to intelligence data in the centers or to target specific servers rather than resort to a physical attack on the data center. Alternatively, if it were possible to attack only the area of the data center where servers hosting military data are located without destroying the entire center, the attacker would need to do so.</span></p>
<p><span>The full extent of the damage and disruption to civilian services caused by the Iranian attacks on Amazon data centers is not yet known. Nevertheless, it is likely to be extensive given that Amazon is one of the world&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/technology/archive/2016/01/amazon-web-services-data-center/423147/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>biggest providers</span></a><span> of cloud computing. Under both views, an attacker would have to factor indirect harm that causes the requisite consequences outlined in the proportionality and precautions rules (injury, death, damage) into the assessments in addition to the physical harm caused to civilians and nearby civilian objects as a result of the direct effects of the kinetic attack (e.g., blast, building collapse, fire) (</span><a href="https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1709&amp;context=ils" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>ILA Report</span></a><span>, &sect; 1.1.1). For instance, if civilian applications and services powered by a data center caused the loss of critical medical services that affect health, that loss would have to be considered.</span></p>
<p><span>It is unsettled whether non-physical indirect consequences, such as a loss of system functionality, are ever considered harm in these assessments (</span><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/tallinn-manual-20-on-the-international-law-applicable-to-cyber-operations/E4FFD83EA790D7C4C3C28FC9CA2FB6C9" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Tallinn Manual 2.0</span></i></a><span>, r. 113 commentary). There is consensus, however, that mere inconvenience, as such, does not count (DoD </span><a href="https://ogc.osd.mil/Portals/99/Law%20of%20War%202023/DOD-LAW-OF-WAR-MANUAL-JUNE-2015-UPDATED-JULY%202023.pdf?ver=Qbxamfouw4znu1I7DVMcsw%3D%3D" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Law of War Manual</span></i></a><span>, &para; 5.12.1.2). For instance, the fact that civilians in Dubai had trouble </span><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/mar/07/it-means-missile-defence-on-data-centres-drone-strikes-raises-doubts-over-gulf-as-ai-superpower" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>accessing</span></a><span> their banking data would not need to be considered in the proportionality or precautions analysis unless that inability eventually led to physical consequences, such as severe hunger.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Regarding indirect effects, we caution that attackers are obligated to assess only </span><a href="https://www.icrc.org/sites/default/files/wysiwyg/war-and-law/04_proportionality-0.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>foreseeable</span></a><span> direct and indirect effects. Foreseeing the indirect consequences of an attack on a data center can be challenging, for information regarding the services hosted by a particular data center is seldom readily available due to the data center&rsquo;s sophisticated cybersecurity.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Even if the data centers attacked by Iran qualify as military objectives and Iran reasonably concluded as much before attacking, the nature of data centers makes it difficult to assess compliance with both the proportionality and precautions in attack rules. Such assessments are highly contextual, especially regarding indirect attacks. Given the lack of sufficient information in the public domain, it is impossible to render a definitive judgment regarding the lawfulness of the Amazon data center attacks, even if they qualified as military objectives.</span></p>
<h2><b>The military use of Amazon data centers&nbsp;</b></h2>
<p><span>There are numerous concerns about the military&rsquo;s use of privately owned data centers. Key among the LOAC-relevant concerns is the requirement that parties to the conflict take so-called &ldquo;passive precautions.&rdquo; As noted in the ICRC&rsquo;s </span><i><span>Customary International Humanitarian Law</span></i><span> study, &ldquo;The parties to the conflict must take all feasible precautions to protect the civilian population and civilian objects under their control against the effects of attacks&rdquo; (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/customary-ihl/v1/rule22" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>r. 22</span></a><span>; see also DoD </span><a href="https://ogc.osd.mil/Portals/99/Law%20of%20War%202023/DOD-LAW-OF-WAR-MANUAL-JUNE-2015-UPDATED-JULY%202023.pdf?ver=Qbxamfouw4znu1I7DVMcsw%3D%3D" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Law of War Manual</span></i></a><span>, &sect; 5.14). Highlighted in the </span><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/tallinn-manual-20-on-the-international-law-applicable-to-cyber-operations/E4FFD83EA790D7C4C3C28FC9CA2FB6C9" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Tallinn Manual 2.0</span></i></a><i><span>,</span></i><span> this obligation requires States to take appropriate precautions to separate, compartmentalise, or otherwise shield civilian data and systems from attacks (r. 121).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>The obligation to take passive precautions is subject to feasibility. In other words, parties to an armed conflict need only take </span><a href="https://archive-ouverte.unige.ch/unige:88422" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>practicable steps</span></a><span> to reduce the risks to civilians posed by their military operations. What is practicable depends on the circumstances at the time and includes considerations of &ldquo;the success of military operations.&rdquo;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>We can distinguish at least three distinct passive precautionary measures for data centers. First, States can simply refrain from using data centers that host civilian data and provide civilian services, including those used by non-military governmental agencies. Using them to support military operations heightens the risk to civilians and civilian objects. Some States have adopted this approach. For instance, South Korea established the </span><a href="https://www.csidb.net/csidb/organisations/ee5b1753-5676-4c56-b1bd-fd5140a1554a/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Defense Integrated Data Center</span></a><span>, &ldquo;a centralized hub for sensitive defense documents and strategic operational plans.&rdquo; As a result, the </span><a href="https://warontherocks.com/2025/09/data-centers-on-the-21st-century-battlefield/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>North Korean attacks</span></a><span> on the data center in 2017 did not affect civilian data and services. But on the other hand, some States, like </span><a href="https://www.972mag.com/cloud-israeli-army-gaza-amazon-google-microsoft/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Israel</span></a><span>, argue that access to big tech companies&rsquo; cloud computing provides them with capabilities (e.g., the previously-mentioned highly advanced GPUs) and storage that they otherwise would not be able to obtain through State-owned data centers alone.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Second, in cases where States decide it is necessary to rely on privately owned data centers to deliver military capabilities, they can take precautions regarding the storage of that data. For instance, States could, to the extent feasible, ensure that classified military data is stored in centers physically separated from centers that host civilian data. The best example is Amazon&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://aws.amazon.com/blogs/publicsector/announcing-aws-modular-data-center-u-s-department-defense-joint-warfighting-cloud-capability/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>modular data centers</span></a><span> for the Department of Defense, which are &ldquo;self-contained data centers&rdquo; that can be deployed to locations with limited infrastructure. Such data centers are used in a manner that isolates them from civilian data and services. We are unaware as to whether the Amazon data centers in the UAE or Bahrain were organized to isolate modules used for military purposes, if any, from those serving civilian purposes.</span></p>
<p><span>Third, if the military use of data centers cannot be separated, compartmentalized, or isolated from civilian uses, then States could take passive precautions regarding the kinds of data that are commingled. For instance, this might mean hosting military data and military AI applications only in data centers that do not support critical civilian data, such as health-related or banking data.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Whether the U.S. or other armed forces have taken feasible precautionary measures to comply with their obligations to protect civilians from the effects of attack would rest on a contextual analysis of whether and under what circumstances they used the Amazon data centers. There is insufficient information in the public domain at this time to make a definitive assessment in this regard.&nbsp;</span></p>
<h2><b>Conclusion</b></h2>
<p><span>Iran&rsquo;s kinetic strikes on Amazon data centers represent an unprecedented, perhaps even first, attack on commercial data centers by a party to an armed conflict. They illustrate how the &ldquo;cloud,&rdquo; often perceived as an intangible digital domain, can be affected through conventional kinetic force. Such attacks not only affect the military&rsquo;s access to and storage of data, but also signal the coming centrality of kinetic operations to counter AI-enabled operations, some of which rely on cloud computing infrastructure for algorithmic data processing. And they underscore the proximity of military activities and civilian life in spaces that sustain their digital activities.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>But at the end of the day, the lawfulness of such attacks turns on familiar LOAC issues: whether the data centers qualified as military objectives and how uncertainty regarding their use should be treated. The strikes also highlight the challenges posed by dual-use digital infrastructure to the application of LOAC. Data centers supporting military intelligence processing, AI-enabled applications, or operational planning may become lawful targets if their destruction provides a definite military advantage. Yet their simultaneous support for extensive civilian services&mdash;from banking to health systems&mdash;makes assessing the expected collateral damage and the need for, and feasibility of, precautions in attack particularly difficult. The interconnected, opaque nature of cloud infrastructure further complicates these assessments, especially regarding foreseeable indirect effects.</span></p>
<p><span>Finally, the events underscore broader legal concerns regarding the military use of privately owned cloud infrastructure. Storing operational data or running AI-enabled capabilities on commercial systems that also support civilian activity risks significant disruption of civilian life when the enemy attacks them. Measures such as segregating military data, relying on dedicated infrastructure, or compartmentalizing sensitive systems may therefore become increasingly important.</span></p>
<p><span>In short, the Iranian attacks demonstrate that data centers have become operationally relevant infrastructure in modern conflict. As militaries increasingly rely on cloud computing and AI-enabled systems, the intersection of civilian digital infrastructure and military operations will continue to raise complex questions under LOAC&rsquo;s conduct of hostilities rules.</span></p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133685/iranian-attacks-amazon-data-centers-legal-analysis/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Iranian Attacks on the Amazon Data Centers: A Legal Analysis</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-12T14:25:46+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Klaudia Klonowska</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-12T14:25:46+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="additional protocol i"/>

	<category term="ai &amp; emerging technology"/>

	<category term="armed conflict"/>

	<category term="armed conflicts"/>

	<category term="article 51"/>

	<category term="artificial intelligence (ai)"/>

	<category term="bahrain"/>

	<category term="civilian harm"/>

	<category term="collection: israel-iran conflict"/>

	<category term="data"/>

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	<category term="international armed conflict"/>

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	<category term="international law"/>

	<category term="iran"/>

	<category term="islamic revolutionary guard corps (irgc)"/>

	<category term="israel"/>

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	<category term="use of force"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-12:/282400</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132615/ai-new-plastics-govern-better/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=ai-new-plastics-govern-better" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">AI is the New Plastics. Can We Govern it Better?</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>The paradigm-shifting nature of AI has been compared to the agricultural revolution, the industrial ...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>The paradigm-shifting nature of AI has been compared to the agricultural revolution, the industrial revolution, electricity, and computers. But a better analogy may be synthetic plastics: the manmade material that, for better and for worse, forms the backbone of modern life. Today, it is impossible to maintain an entirely plastic-free life. Although regulation attempts to mitigate the damage that plastics cause, the material&rsquo;s production is <a href="https://finance.yahoo.com/news/global-plastic-demand-shows-no-090455294.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">increasing</a>, as is its presence in our soil and tap water.</p>
<p>AI, dubbed <a href="https://hai.stanford.edu/ai-index/2025-ai-index-report" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">by some</a> as the &ldquo;most transformative&rdquo; technology of the century, is on a similar path of ubiquity, spanning across children&rsquo;s classrooms and workspaces to military arsenals. And without regulation demarcating the line separating valuable and frivolous cases for AI inclusion, or a populace able to make informed and active decisions about which side of that line they want to be on, AI will likely continue to rapidly diffuse. However, before that happens, policymakers and legislators have a chance to manage it differently than we did with plastics&mdash;and&nbsp; avoid creating something else that harms us as much as it helps.</p>
<h2><b>Plastic&rsquo;s Origin Story</b></h2>
<p>The original problem that synthetic plastic solved was the dwindling supply of ivory that could not keep pace with the popularity of billiards. Enter <a href="https://www.albanyinstitute.org/online-exhibition/50-objects/section/albany-billiard-balls" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">celluloid</a> billiard balls in the late 1860s. Bakelite&mdash;the first fully synthetic plastic&mdash;was <a href="https://www.sciencehistory.org/education/classroom-activities/role-playing-games/case-of-plastics/history-and-future-of-plastics/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">introduced</a> in 1907. This development was swiftly <a href="https://www.americanchemistry.com/chemistry-in-america/news-trends/blog-post/2022/the-story-of-plastics-and-acc" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">followed</a> by the rise of cellophane, vinyl, and polyethylene. The March 1936 edition of <i>Fortune Magazine</i> ran<a href="https://www.fulltable.com/vts/p/plast/fp/a.htm" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> an article</a> devoted to this new manmade material, which was at once sanguine about its prospects (&ldquo;the layman has been taught to believe that an age of plastics is at hand&rdquo;) and impressed that this &ldquo;child of the Depression&rdquo; had increased its output so rapidly.</p>
<p>Plastic production <a href="https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/a-brief-history-of-plastic-world-conquest/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">quadrupled</a> during World War II as the material found its way into everything from mortar fuses and gun turrets to the Teflon coating in the gas containers used in the Manhattan Project. Industries adapted to accommodate this demand, creating whole divisions devoted to plastic manufacturing, and even entered mainstream culture: <a href="https://youtu.be/wABeIIjxmJk?si=ddvr9rABj2i8vGhZ&amp;t=160" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Plastics</a> formed the major plot point in the 1946 movie &ldquo;It&rsquo;s a Wonderful Life.&rdquo; The boom continued in the post-war years as plastic cutlery and packaging <a href="https://supplychaindigital.com/sustainability/timeline-a-history-of-plastic-in-the-supply-chain" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">entered</a> the <a href="https://www.thepkglab.com/blog/50/flexible-packaging-history" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">food industry</a>.</p>
<p>By the time <a href="https://supplychaindigital.com/sustainability/timeline-a-history-of-plastic-in-the-supply-chain" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">plastic bags</a> carried everyone&rsquo;s groceries in the 1970s, the material had begun to dim in cachet (compare &ldquo;It&rsquo;s a Wonderful Life&rdquo; to &ldquo;<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PSxihhBzCjk" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Graduate</a>&rdquo;). Scientists started noticing<a href="https://tos.org/oceanography/article/the-story-of-plastic-pollution-from-the-distant-ocean-gyres-to-the-global-policy-stage" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> plastic debris</a> in far-flung corners of the world, first in the Sargasso Sea in 1972, then in the North Atlantic in 1986, and then the discovery of the &ldquo;Great Pacific Garbage Patch&rdquo; in 1996. Within a century of its invention, the material responsible for revolutionizing the <a href="https://plasticseurope.org/plastics-explained/plastics-in-use/packaging/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">packaging</a>, <a href="https://www.theplasticpeople.co.uk/blog/5-ways-plastics-have-transformed-our-healthcare-industry/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">healthcare</a>, <a href="https://www.sciencehistory.org/education/classroom-activities/role-playing-games/case-of-plastics/history-and-future-of-plastics/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">transportation</a>, and <a href="https://www.history.com/articles/toys-postwar-baby-boom-plastics" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">toy</a> industries had started to alter the environment, and we have not made a dent in reversing the impacts. Plastic particles can now be found in the depths of the <a href="https://royalsocietypublishing.org/rsos/article/6/2/180667/94824/Microplastics-and-synthetic-particles-ingested-by" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Mariana Trench</a>, at the top of <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2020/nov/20/microplastic-pollution-found-near-summit-of-mount-everest" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Mount Everest</a>, and deep in the <a href="https://www.nature.com/articles/s41598-024-81931-9" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">human bloodstream</a>.</p>
<h2><b>Implications for AI</b></h2>
<p>British entrepreneur and CEO of Microsoft AI Mustafa Suleyman observes in his book, <a href="https://the-coming-wave.com/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i>The Coming Wave</i>,</a> that humans and their tools have a symbiotic relationship. According to Suleyman, we are the creators of our tools just as much as we are products of them. In the case of plastics, this has become quite literally true: microplastics have been found everywhere in our bodies, from the <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0160412020322297" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">placenta</a> to the <a href="https://hscnews.unm.edu/news/hsc-newsroom-post-microplastics-human-brains" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">brain</a>. We cannot get away from plastics even if we wanted to.</p>
<p>AI is also becoming increasingly difficult to escape. <a href="https://www.pcmag.com/how-to/i-figured-out-how-to-limit-google-ai-overviews?test_uuid=04IpBmWGZleS0I0J3epvMrC&amp;test_variant=B" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Search engines</a> like Google are implementing AI features that users cannot remove, and companies like Apple are developing <a href="https://www.cnet.com/tech/services-and-software/how-to-turn-off-apple-intelligence/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">phones</a> with AI assistants that are always on by default. But more insidiously, the seemingly relentless march of AI throughout consumer products and economic sectors has generated a kind of pragmatic defeatism across <a href="https://www.entrepreneur.com/growing-a-business/ai-has-taken-over-almost-every-industry-heres-how-to/500807" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">business</a>, <a href="https://hai.stanford.edu/news/ai-will-transform-teaching-and-learning-lets-get-it-right" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">education</a>,<a href="https://fortune.com/2025/07/23/ai-medicine-research-automation-hospital-training/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> medicine</a>, and <a href="https://www.cargill.com/story/artificial-intelligence-in-animal-farming" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">agriculture</a>. For education in particular, the generational consequences could be vast. College graduates may soon lack the skills to <a href="https://campustechnology.com/articles/2024/05/08/turnitin-more-than-half-of-students-continue-to-use-ai-to-write-papers.aspx" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">write an essay</a> without AI assistance, for example. The time to decide whether that matters&mdash;i.e., to craft and apply regulation that buys time&mdash;is now, before we become a &ldquo;product&rdquo; of AI.</p>
<p>Bounding AI&rsquo;s myriad potential vessels will require a significant amount of foresight into the costs and benefits of using this technology. What makes AI unique from other inventions is its seemingly limitless applicability across society. The use cases for the combustion engine were narrow&mdash;you would not use a four-stroke engine to power a toothbrush. On the other hand, AI is now being implemented in everything from <a href="https://www.oralb.ca/en-ca/product-collections/genius-x" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">toothbrushes</a> and <a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/tech/tech-news/ai-toys-gift-present-safe-kids-robot-child-miko-grok-alilo-miiloo-rcna246956" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">children&rsquo;s toys</a> to <a href="https://www.unesco.org/en/articles/deepfakes-and-crisis-knowing" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">deepfake generation</a> and <a href="https://www.ajl.org/facial-recognition-technology" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">facial recognition technology</a>. AI is now so pervasive that almost <a href="https://news.gallup.com/poll/654905/americans-everyday-products-without-realizing.aspx" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">65 percent of Americans</a> do not even recognize the moments when they use it, despite avowing their fear of it. This makes it exceptionally challenging to use market forces to shape AI&rsquo;s application appropriately.</p>
<h2><b>Recommendations</b></h2>
<p>The most direct negative output of plastic&rsquo;s comprehensive diffusion throughout the economy has been pollution. Since the discovery of plastics in the Sargasso Sea, the industry <a href="https://www.npr.org/2020/03/31/822597631/plastic-wars-three-takeaways-from-the-fight-over-the-future-of-plastics" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">has known</a> there is no easy way to reduce plastic pollution; only a <a href="https://www.epa.gov/facts-and-figures-about-materials-waste-and-recycling/plastics-material-specific-data" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">small portion</a> gets recycled, while the vast majority ends up in landfills. To address these harms, Congress passed the <a href="https://www.congress.gov/bill/116th-congress/senate-bill/1982/text" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Save Our Seas 2.0 Act</a> in 2020 and directed the Environmental Protection Agency to develop a <a href="https://www.epa.gov/circulareconomy/national-strategy-prevent-plastic-pollution" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">national strategy</a> for mitigating plastic pollution, released in 2024. While comprehensive, the strategy is non-binding and simply offers &ldquo;opportunities for action.&rdquo; Meanwhile, there is no unifying <a href="https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/R48293" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">federal-level legislation</a> on recycling, and legislation on plastic production is a hodgepodge of targeted solutions, like the <a href="https://www.govtrack.us/congress/bills/114/hr1321/text" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Microbead-Free Waters Act</a> of 2015. Most actions&mdash;such as reducing or outright banning the use of plastic bags&mdash;exist at the state and local level and have been supplemented by <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2025/06/19/business/plastic-bag-policies-pollution-wellness" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">successful</a><a href="https://www.ellenmacarthurfoundation.org/circular-examples/beyond-the-bag-a-collective-effort-to-drive-customers-away-from-single-use#:~:text=Developing%20the%20'Bring%20Your%20Own,customers%20about%20their%20bag%20choices." rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> public awareness</a> campaigns. When a product like plastic is this interwoven into the fabric of life, it is extraordinarily complicated to remove a thread without rending the integrity of the whole.</p>
<p>The negative consequences of AI are both broader and more localized than enlarging landfills or harming wildlife. They include personal risks, from <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/01/26/us/chatgpt-delusions-psychosis.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AI-induced psychosis</a> to <a href="https://www.npr.org/sections/shots-health-news/2025/09/19/nx-s1-5545749/ai-chatbots-safety-openai-meta-characterai-teens-suicide" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">suicide</a>, as well as community and climatological risks, like the amount of <a href="https://www.technologyreview.com/2025/05/20/1116327/ai-energy-usage-climate-footprint-big-tech/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">power</a> and <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/01/27/technology/microsoft-water-ai-data-centers.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">water</a> data centers need to operate. And there is evidence to suggest that, like the makers of plastics, AI companies are <a href="https://www.psychiatrictimes.com/view/openai-finally-admits-chatgpt-causes-psychiatric-harm" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">also acutely aware</a> of the potential <a href="https://www.anthropic.com/research/disempowerment-patterns" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">consequences</a> of their products.</p>
<p>Before these products permanently weave their way into modern life, there remains a window of opportunity to author effective regulation. The European Union provides a guide. In 2023, the European Union passed its <a href="https://www.europarl.europa.eu/topics/en/article/20230601STO93804/eu-ai-act-first-regulation-on-artificial-intelligence#ai-regulation-in-europe-the-first-comprehensive-framework-4" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AI Act</a>, the world&rsquo;s first set of comprehensive rules and regulations surrounding the development and application of AI. To protect EU citizens, the Act sets different rules based on AI systems&rsquo; risk levels and makes entry into the EU market contingent upon minimizing these risks. This framework provides the much-needed flexibility that allows policymakers to tailor protections for citizens while fostering innovation as much as possible&mdash;the big fear of the <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2023/11/tech-regulation-bell-system/676110/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">U.S. tech industry</a>. This approach could, for example, simultaneously develop AI&rsquo;s promising potential as a <a href="https://www.apa.org/monitor/2025/01/trends-classrooms-artificial-intelligence" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">classroom tool</a> while minimizing the technology&rsquo;s risks to <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/121289/ai-hidden-national-security-cost/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">human cognition</a>.</p>
<p>Although this approach does require <a href="https://businesslawreview.uchicago.edu/online-archive/comparing-eu-ai-act-proposed-ai-related-legislation-us" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">rigorous enforcement</a>, which is a weakness, a risk-based regulatory framework like this can adapt and therefore has the potential to manage the shifting, complex AI landscape in the long term. It can help drive the work that must be done to categorize risk types and gradients within each&mdash;something that would be of particular urgent use in the military domain, especially since Anthropic and the Pentagon <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/02/15/claude-pentagon-anthropic-contract-maduro" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">squared</a> off on appropriate use cases for Claude. This could serve as a valuable guide for federal-level legislation in the United States.</p>
<p>To boost support for such legislation, there must also be a concomitant push to increase the general population&rsquo;s AI literacy, something that has <a href="https://www.dol.gov/newsroom/releases/eta/eta20260213" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">bipartisan</a> support. If two-thirds of Americans are so unfamiliar with AI that they do not recognize it when it is in their hands, then it is not reasonable for policymakers to rely on consumer-driven decisionmaking in the marketplace to mitigate harm. This will not be easy. One major issue is the intangibility of AI compared to the internet, the last major technological leap forward in our lifetimes. The internet was mostly confusing for how it worked (&ldquo;<a href="https://rollcall.com/2018/02/16/flashback-friday-a-series-of-tubes/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">a series of tubes</a>&rdquo;), but it was very clear what it could do, and taking advantage of it simply required an active choice and some software, often provided <a href="https://www.vox.com/2015/5/12/8594049/aol-free-trial-cds" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">for free</a>. Most critically, you knew when you were and were not using it&mdash;if not by the <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gsNaR6FRuO0" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">screeching modem sound</a>, then by your need to find an <a href="https://gizmodo.com/the-weird-sketchy-history-of-internet-cafes-1741978937" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">internet cafe</a>. By contrast, if you have access to the internet and a smartphone today, AI has already Trojan-horsed itself into your daily life. So, the question becomes: what does the average person need to understand about AI in order to consume it with intent&mdash;and whose job is it to provide that knowledge?</p>
<p>Many schools, especially high schools and colleges, are trying to increase AI literacy and proficiency, which may account for the<a href="https://www.pewresearch.org/science/2025/09/17/how-americans-view-ai-and-its-impact-on-people-and-society/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> greater proportion</a> of people under 30 who recognize it when they see it. This, however, leaves a great proportion of the population behind; therefore, there must be a general push to educate the broader public. Public libraries are a cost-effective way to disseminate foundational information and training about how to spot and use AI tools safely and with intent. Public libraries across the country, from <a href="https://chipublib.bibliocommons.com/events/697a858dd2bbe265eb2a99da" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Chicago</a> to <a href="https://www.tsl.texas.gov/ld/librarydevelopments/2025/06/20/frisco-public-library-language-learning/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Frisco</a> to <a href="https://bpl.bibliocommons.com/events/6966922a0c4aad14d3748596" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Boston</a>, are doing this now, using AI to reinforce the community-building role libraries play. In fact, the American Library Association <a href="https://www.ala.org/news/2025/06/libraries-opportunity-shape-how-ai-transforms-society" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">wrote a strategy</a> last year for exactly this idea. Ironic as it is, a paradigm-shifting emerging technology such as AI may re-center libraries into modern life, grounding them once again in their original purpose.</p>
<h2><b>Conclusion</b></h2>
<p>A century and a half after the creation of the first celluloid, it is very likely that something plastic is near you&mdash;the disposable pen on your desk, the bottle of pills on your nightstand, the subway seat you are sitting on, or the AirPods in your ears. Plastics support modern life; it would take a global, whole-of-government effort to find another material to replace it, something many times greater than the original hunt for alternative ivory that got us here. We are on the cusp of an equally comprehensive evolution as AI integrates into the life enabled by plastic. When we look around our offices, bedrooms, and public transportation in the next hundred years, where will AI technology be? And will we even know it when we see it?</p>
<p>During plastic&rsquo;s heyday, it was reasonable to assume that one day, humanity would have to find a solution to &ldquo;<a href="https://time.com/3879873/throwaway-living-when-tossing-it-all-was-all-the-rage/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">throwaway living</a>,&rdquo; given that garbage dumps are visible to the naked eye. Finding small plastic particles in the stomachs of <a href="https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0025326X20309383" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">sea birds</a> as early as the 1960s, however, did not make it obvious that microplastics would end up in the human brain six decades later. As AI alters our relationship with modern life and society, what problematic consequences are easy for us to foresee today? Which of them could leave future Americans with another thread woven too tightly to remove?</p>
<p>While time is on our side, it behooves us to identify our risk tolerance for potential consequences in advance and to systematically determine&mdash;and then regulate and govern&mdash;how we want AI to be part of our lives. We can use <a href="https://councilonstrategicrisks.org/2024/10/24/preparing-for-ecological-disruption/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">strategic foresight</a> to break down systems-level challenges into composite parts, scan the horizon for drivers, signals, and trends, construct the kind of world we hope to have, and work backwards. We can proactively bound and game out our risk tolerance sector by sector, choosing where the secondary and tertiary harms of AI outweigh the benefits&mdash;and vice versa. And we can actively choose how best to take advantage of AI rather than submit to its inexorable diffusion, building a society enriched by, not dependent on, this technology. What&rsquo;s more, it is our responsibility to do so. Because this time, we can&rsquo;t say we didn&rsquo;t see it coming.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132615/ai-new-plastics-govern-better/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AI is the New Plastics. Can We Govern it Better?</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-12T12:52:51+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Caroline Baxter</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-12T12:52:51+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="ai &amp; emerging technology"/>

	<category term="artificial intelligence (ai)"/>

	<category term="climate change"/>

	<category term="emerging technology"/>

	<category term="environment"/>

	<category term="environmental harm"/>

	<category term="generative ai"/>

	<category term="international and foreign"/>

	<category term="large language models (llms)"/>

	<category term="regulation"/>

	<category term="sustainable development"/>

	<category term="technology"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-12:/282401</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133680/early-edition-march-12-2026/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=early-edition-march-12-2026" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Early Edition: March 12, 2026</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Signup to receive the Early Edition in your inbox&nbsp;here.

A curated weekday guide to major news and d...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Signup to receive the Early Edition in your inbox&nbsp;<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/newsletter-signup/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>.</p>
<div>
<p>A curated weekday guide to major news and developments over the last 24 hours. Here&rsquo;s today&rsquo;s news:</p>
<p><b><i>IRAN WAR&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>UNHCR today announced that up to 3.2 million people in Iran have been displaced by the war. </b>The agency said most have fled Tehran and other major cities towards the north of the country or rural areas. <a href="https://apnews.com/live/iran-war-israel-trump-03-12-2026" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AP News</a> reports.</p>
<p><b>&ldquo;Get ready for oil to be $200 a barrel, because the oil price depends on regional security, which you have destabilized,</b>&rdquo; a spokesperson for Iran&rsquo;s military command said yesterday in comments directed at the United States. Two sources said Iran had deployed about a dozen mines in the Strait of Hormuz in the last few days. Trump said yesterday, &ldquo;The straits are in great shape. We&rsquo;ve knocked out all of their boats. They have some missiles but not very many.&rdquo; Parisa Hafezi, Alexander Cornwell, and Bo Erickson report for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/trump-iran-signal-no-quick-end-war-tankers-burn-iraqi-waters-2026-03-12/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>; Jonathan Landay and Erin Banco report for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/business/energy/iran-has-laid-about-dozen-mines-strait-hormuz-sources-say-2026-03-11/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>.</p>
<p><b>Two oil tankers were attacked and were burning off the coast of Iraq early this morning. </b>Iraqi authorities said the vessels had been attacked overnight by Iranian boats laden with explosives. At least one crew member was killed. Hours earlier, three other ships had been struck in the Gulf. Iran&rsquo;s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps claimed responsibility for at least one of those attacks, on a Thai bulk carrier that was set ablaze, which the Guards said had disobeyed their orders. Oil prices have risen again, reaching $100 a barrel. <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/live/c4gqjyk0vx3t" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">BBC News</a> reports; Parisa Hafezi, Alexander Cornwell, and Bo Erickson report for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/trump-iran-signal-no-quick-end-war-tankers-burn-iraqi-waters-2026-03-12/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>.</p>
<p><b>Energy Secretary Chris Wright said yesterday that Trump had authorized the release of 172 million barrels from the U.S. Strategic Petroleum Reserves from next week.</b> The U.S. release is part of an effort by the 32 members of the International Energy Agency to release 400 million barrels of oil held in emergency reserves. &ldquo;This is a major action aimed to alleviate the immediate impacts of the disruption in markets,&rdquo; IEA Director Fatih Birol said yesterday. James Bikales and Carlos Anchodo report for <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/11/trump-strategic-petroleum-reserve-00823816" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">POLITICO</a>; Rebecca F. Elliott, Abdi Latif Dahir, Eric Schmitt, and Michael Levenson report for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/11/world/middleeast/oil-ships-lebanon-iran-israel.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>The Israeli military unleashed another wave of heavy strikes on Beirut and its southern outskirts late last night and early this morning. </b>The Lebanese health ministry said one of the strikes killed at least seven people and injured 21 in the Beirut neighbourhood of Ramlet al Baida. Israel also struck an apartment building in central Beirut yesterday morning. Israeli strikes have killed more than 600 people in Lebanon, according to Lebanese officials. Liam Stack and Dayana Iwaza report for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/11/world/middleeast/beirut-lebanon-israel-strikes.html?smid=url-share" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>An ongoing military investigation has determined that the United States is responsible for a deadly Tomahawk missile strike on an Iranian girls&rsquo; school, </b>killing at least 175 people. The Feb. 28 strike on the elementary school was the result of a targeting mistake by the U.S. military, which was conducting strikes on an adjacent Iranian base of which the school building was formerly a part, according to the investigation. Officials emphasized that the findings were preliminary and that there were unanswered questions about why the outdated targeting information had not been double-checked. Julian E. Barnes, Eric Schmitt, Tyler Pager, Malachy Browne, and Helene Cooper report for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/11/us/politics/iran-school-missile-strike.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>A cyberattack, claimed by pro-Iran hackers, has caused a &ldquo;global network disruption&rdquo; to a major U.S. medical device maker, </b>according to a <a href="https://www.stryker.com/us/en/about/news/2026/a-message-to-our-customers-03-2026.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">statement</a> from Stryker yesterday. The statement said there was no indication of malware or ransomware, and the company said the situation is contained to its internal Microsoft environment. The hacking group, Handala, said on social media that the hack was a retaliation for a missile strike against an elementary school in Iran. Sean Lyngaas reports for <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2026/03/11/politics/pro-iran-hackers-cyberattack-medical-device-maker" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">CNN</a>.</p>
<p><b>More than 10 Iranian missiles with cluster-munition warheads have been fired at Israel since the war began on Feb. 28,</b> according to Chief Superintendent Doron Lavi of the Israeli police&rsquo;s bomb disposal unit. Cluster munitions have warheads that burst and scatter into bomblets, which can cause indiscriminate harm. Since 2008, more than 100 countries have signed an international agreement to prohibit them. Iran, Israel, and the United States have not adopted the ban. Adam Rasgon, Aaron Boxerman, and Sanjana Varghese report for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/11/world/middleeast/iran-israel-cluster-munitions.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>U.S. intelligence indicates that Iran&rsquo;s leadership is still largely intact and is not at risk of collapse any time soon,</b> according to three sources. Israeli officials have also acknowledged that there is no certainty the war will lead to the government&rsquo;s collapse, a senior official told <a href="https://www.reuters.com/business/media-telecom/us-intelligence-says-iran-government-is-not-risk-collapse-say-sources-2026-03-11/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>. U.S. intelligence reports also cast doubt on the ability of the Iranian Kurdish groups to sustain a fight against Iranian security services, according to two sources. Another source said that Iranian Kurdish groups had asked the United States to provide them with weapons and armored vehicles in recent days. Erin Banco and Jonathan Landay report.</p>
<p><b>The FBI warned law enforcement agencies last month that Tehran might try to retaliate for any U.S. strikes on Iran by launching surprise drone attacks in California,</b> according to a security bulletin seen by <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/trump-says-he-is-not-worried-about-iran-backed-attacks-us-soil-2026-03-11/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>. Gov. Gavin Newsom (D-CA) said the bulletin was one of many security updates the state received daily, adding he was not aware of an &ldquo;imminent threat&rdquo; to California. Humeyra Pamuk, Jasper Ward, and Jana Winter report.</p>
<p><b><i>IRAN WAR &ndash; POLITICAL RESPONSE&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>The U.N. Security Council yesterday adopted a Bahraini-led resolution condemning Iran&rsquo;s regional attacks and rejected a Russian proposal seeking to end the conflict.</b> 13 out of the 15 member countries, including the United States, Britain, and France, supported Bahrain&rsquo;s resolution, proposed on behalf of six Gulf nations and Jordan. Iran&rsquo;s representative called the resolution hypocritical in view of the &ldquo;facts on the ground,&rdquo; noting that Washington was the aggressor in the war in which at least 1,348 civilians in Iran have been killed so far. Ephrat Livni reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/11/world/middleeast/un-security-council-condemns-iran-strikes.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>Pentagon officials told lawmakers in a closed-door briefing on Tuesday that the estimated cost of the war against Iran had exceeded $11.3 billion in the first six days</b>, according to three sources. The estimate did not include costs such as the buildup of military hardware and personnel ahead of the first strikes. Lawmakers expect the number to grow considerably as the Pentagon continues to calculate the costs. Catie Edmondson reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/11/world/middleeast/iran-war-costs-pentagon.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>WEST BANK VIOLENCE </i></b></p>
<p><b>Six Palestinians have been killed during attacks by settlers across the occupied West Bank since the war against Iran started</b>, according to the United Nations. While the Israeli military said it condemned the violence, the British consulate-general in Jerusalem urged the IDF to match its statements with &ldquo;swift, thorough investigations and accountability for those responsible.&rdquo; &ldquo;Settler violence, which terrorises communities, must be stopped,&rdquo; it added. An EU spokesperson also urged the Israeli government to &ldquo;abide by its obligations under international law.&rdquo; David Gritten reports for <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c620vwl97vyo" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">BBC News</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>RUSSIA-UKRAINE WAR</i></b></p>
<p><b>&ldquo;If [Russian President Vladimir] Putin was feeling any pressure to negotiate before, and it&rsquo;s not clear he was, it&rsquo;s gone for now,&rdquo;</b> an EU official told <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/11/iran-war-ukraine-air-defenses-00823935" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">POLITICO</a>. &ldquo;The U.S. is distracted and burning through some of the weapons Europe wants to purchase for Ukraine.&rdquo; Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said yesterday that the war against Iran was &ldquo;decreasing the opportunity to get more [Patriot air-defense] missiles&rdquo; for Ukraine, as production cannot keep up with the new level of demand. Paul McLeary, Jack Detsch, and Chris Lunday report.</p>
<p><b><i>OTHER GLOBAL DEVELOPMENTS&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>Drones strikes hit Goma in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo yesterday, killing at least three people, including a French aid worker.</b> Goma was seized last year by M23 rebels. The Alliance Fleuve Congo / M23 yesterday blamed the attack on the DRC&rsquo;s army, saying that Kinshasa had launched drones against a densely populated urban area. The DRC government acknowledged the attack late last night and said investigations were underway. <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/drones-hit-east-congos-biggest-city-killing-french-aid-worker-rebels-un-say-2026-03-11/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a> reports.</p>
<p><b>A drone strike, allegedly carried out by the Sudanese Rapid Support Forces paramilitary, struck a secondary school and a health center in southern Sudan yesterday</b>, killing at least 17 people, according to a hospital official and the Sudan Doctors Network. Samy Magdy reports for <a href="https://apnews.com/article/sudan-war-rsf-military-drone-schoolgirls-e1e102861f0d4cc193a51669f297c670" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AP News</a>.</p>
<p><b>Spain permanently withdrew its ambassador to Israel on Tuesday. </b>The ambassador was first summoned back to Spain in September amid a diplomatic row over Spanish measures banning aircraft and ships carrying weapons to Israel from entering its ports or airspace due to the war in Gaza. <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/spain-removes-ambassador-israel-2026-03-11/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a> reports.</p>
<p><b><i>U.S. FOREIGN AFFAIRS</i></b></p>
<p><b>The Office of the U.S. Trade Representative yesterday initiated a trade investigation into 16 countries that exhibit signs of excess manufacturing capacity.&nbsp; </b>USTR Jamieson Greer said, &ldquo;If we need to impose tariffs to help solve this we will.&rdquo; Greer said a separate investigation will also be initiated to examine how countries address forced labor issues. China, the EU, India, Japan, South Korea, and Mexico are among the countries that could face new tariffs following the investigations. Officials said that the investigations are likely to conclude before the current global 10% tariff expires in July. Courtenay Brown reports for <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/11/trump-tariffs-trade-301" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Axios</a>; David Lawder and Ismail Shakil report for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/china/us-opens-new-unfair-trade-probes-rebuild-trumps-tariff-pressure-2026-03-11/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>U.S. CARIBBEAN AND PACIFIC OPERATIONS&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>The United States has opened its first FBI office in Ecuador, </b>the U.S. Embassy in Quito announced yesterday. The office will aim to work with Ecuadorean officials to fight the trafficking of drugs and weapons, the embassy statement said. <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/fbi-opens-first-ecuador-office-fight-against-drug-trafficking-2026-03-11/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a> reports.</p>
<p><b><i>U.S. IMMIGRATION DEVELOPMENTS&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>The U.N. Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination criticized &ldquo;intensified immigration crackdowns&rdquo; in the United States and accused Trump and other U.S. leaders of using &ldquo;racist hate speech,&rdquo;</b> in a <a href="https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/27871997-int-cerd-ewu-usa-11429-e/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">report</a> published yesterday. CERD said in a statement that hate speech and immigration crackdowns had &ldquo;sparked grave human rights violations.&rdquo; Rebecca Falconer reports for <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/12/trump-united-nations-racism-panel-human-rights" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Axios</a>.</p>
<p><b>ICE replaced the contractor overseeing Camp East Montana and said it was planning to keep the detention center in El Paso open. </b>A Homeland Security Department spokesperson said the new contract will allow more on-site staff, precise quality assurance, and greater ICE oversight of contractors. Douglas MacMillan reports for the <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2026/03/11/fort-bliss-detention-center-contractor/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Washington Post</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>U.S. DOMESTIC DEVELOPMENTS&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>A foreign hacker compromised files relating to the FBI&rsquo;s investigation into Jeffrey Epstein during a break-in at the FBI&rsquo;s New York Field Office three years ago, </b>according to a source and documents published by the Justice Department. The source said the hacker did not appear to realise they had penetrated a law enforcement server as the hacker expressed disgust at the presence of child abuse images on the device and left a message threatening to turn its owner over to the FBI. The source said the FBI had to convince the hacker that they actually were the FBI by having the hacker join a video call. It remains unclear who the hacker was, where they were from, and what they did with the materials accessed. Raphael Satter reports for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/us/foreign-hacker-2023-compromised-epstein-files-held-by-fbi-source-documents-show-2026-03-11/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>.</p>
<p><b>Texas has excluded about two dozen Islamic schools from its new $1 billion voucher program for allegedly being linked to terrorist groups,</b> following Gov. Greg Abbott&rsquo;s (R- TX) designation of the Council on American-Islamic Relations last year. Lauren Lumpkin reports for the <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/education/2026/03/11/texas-vouchers-islamic-schools/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Washington Post</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>TRUMP ADMINISTRATION ACTIONS</i></b></p>
<p><b>The Defense Department has barred press photographers from briefings on the war in Iran after they published &ldquo;unflattering&rdquo; photos of Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth</b>, two sources said. Several outlets, including the Associated Press, Reuters, and Getty Images, were barred from two subsequent briefings at the Pentagon. Pentagon Press Secretary Kingsley Wilson said in a statement that to save space in the briefing room, &ldquo;we are allowing one representative per news outlet if uncredentialed. Photographs from the briefing are immediately released online for the public and press to use.&rdquo; Scott Nover reports for the <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2026/03/11/hegseth-press-briefings-photos-iran/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Washington Post</a>.</p>
<p><b>Trump personally directed the Justice Department to reverse its decision to drop its defense of White House sanctions against law firms last week, </b>sources said. &ldquo;I never signed off on that,&rdquo; Trump said, expressing displeasure with DOJ leadership, the sources added. Josh Dawsey, C. Ryan Barber, and Sadie Gurman report for the <a href="https://www.wsj.com/politics/policy/trump-ordered-justice-department-reversal-on-law-firm-sanctions-f137f164?mod=hp_lead_pos2" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Wall Street Journal</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>TRUMP ADMINISTRATION LITIGATION&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>A federal judge yesterday issued a temporary restraining order halting construction work on an immigration detention center in Maryland after the state had sued, </b>citing environmental concerns. Kanishka Singh reports for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/us/judge-orders-pause-ice-detention-center-construction-maryland-2026-03-12/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>.</p>
<p><b>The Trump administration yesterday asked the Supreme Court to lift a judge&rsquo;s decision that blocked the administration&rsquo;s move to end Temporary Protected Status for Haitians.</b> Andrew Chung and John Kruzel report for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/trump-administration-asks-supreme-court-end-haitian-protected-status-2026-03-11/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>.</p>
<p><b>17 Democratic-led states yesterday filed a lawsuit against the Trump administration over its mandate that colleges share detailed student and admissions data with the federal government</b>, which the government has said is meant to ensure schools are not employing racial preferences. Vimal Patel and Stephanie Saul report for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/11/us/democratic-states-trump-lawsuit-admissions.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>Food stamp recipients filed a lawsuit against the Agriculture Department yesterday over restrictions barring them from using their benefits to buy sugary drinks and candy.</b> Linda Qiu reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/11/us/politics/usda-sued-snap-soda-ban.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
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<p><strong>ICYMI: Yesterday on<em> Just Security</em></strong></p>
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<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133160/crimes-against-humanity-first-preparatory-committee/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Crimes Against Humanity Treaty Advances with First Preparatory Committee</a></p>
<p><span>By Leila Nadya Sadat and Akila Radhakrishnan</span></p>
<div>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133550/illegality-israels-military-campaign-lebanon/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Illegality of Israel&rsquo;s Military Campaign in Lebanon</a></p>
<p><span>By</span>&nbsp;<span>Adil Ahmad Haque</span></p>
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<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133680/early-edition-march-12-2026/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Early Edition: March 12, 2026</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-12T12:03:38+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Elisabeth Jennings</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-12T12:03:38+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="daily news roundup"/>

	<category term="other"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-12:/282402</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133761/epstein-co-conspirators-new-york/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=epstein-co-conspirators-new-york" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Epstein and His Co-Conspirators’ New York Crimes: What NY Officials Can Now Do</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>For nearly twenty-five years, Jeffrey Epstein&rsquo;s townhouse on Manhattan&rsquo;s Upper East Side served as a...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p><span>For nearly twenty-five years, Jeffrey Epstein&rsquo;s townhouse on Manhattan&rsquo;s Upper East Side served as a base of operations for the horrific trafficking and sexual abuse of girls and young women. Despite leading a high-profile life, Epstein was able to carry out his activities under the nose of New York&rsquo;s law enforcement authorities.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>With no hope in sight for justice at the federal level, it is time for New York state and local officials to take up the mantle of seeking truth and accountability for the crimes committed by Epstein and his co-conspirators &ndash; and to reckon with their state&rsquo;s own law enforcement failures. There are four options New York can now pursue under state law.</span></p>
<h2><b>The New York Crimes</b></h2>
<p><span>An enormous amount of the heinous offenses committed by Epstein and Ghislaine Maxwell occurred in New York, as their </span><a href="https://www.justice.gov/usao-sdny/press-release/file/1180481/dl" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>federal</span></a> <a href="https://int.nyt.com/data/documenthelper/7061-u-s-v-ghislaine-maxwell-indict/96d918f9d16dbd14e656/optimized/full.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>indictments</span></a><span> showcase. The Manhattan townhouse was an epicenter.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Information from the survivors &ndash; in FBI </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/EFTA02731082.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>interviews</span></a><span> and civil lawsuits (such as Virginia Giuffre&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.flsd.335375/gov.uscourts.flsd.335375.1.0_1.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>complaint</span></a><span>) &ndash; make clear that Manhattan was a place where other men allegedly sexually abused the girls and young women who were caught in Epstein&rsquo;s lair. As one indicator: the &ldquo;New York residence&rdquo; appears 45 times in the SDNY federal prosecutors&rsquo; 86-page </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/EFTA02731082.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>internal memorandum</span></a><span> entitled, &ldquo;Investigation into Potential Co-Conspirators of Jeffrey Epstein.&rdquo; That document was filed over six years ago, and </span><a href="https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.nysd.591653/gov.uscourts.nysd.591653.119.0.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>significant</span></a> <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2025/03/13/business/jes-staley-slept-with-epstein-assistant-intl" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>evidence</span></a><span> has emerged since then. What&rsquo;s more, criminal probes now </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/20/world/europe/prince-andrew-arrest-epstein-royal-family-uk.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>underway</span></a> <a href="https://www.reuters.com/business/media-telecom/latvia-launches-human-trafficking-investigation-after-epstein-file-release-2026-02-05/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>in</span></a> <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2026/02/18/france-epstein-paris-prosecutor-opens-investigation/a15e803a-0cb9-11f1-8e91-6e1451aab67e_story.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>several</span></a> <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c5yqr8eggvwo" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>countries</span></a><span> are likely to produce even more information that could be shared with New York prosecutors.</span></p>
<h2><b>Lost Time?: The &ldquo;Stand Down&rdquo; Directive</b></h2>
<p><span>New York&rsquo;s law enforcement authorities also have plenty of leads that have been left unexplored in their own backyard. That may be due in part, as I recently </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132230/fbi-stand-down-directive-epstein-timeline" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>noted</span></a><span>, because the FBI &ldquo;directed&rdquo; the New York City Police Department to &ldquo;stand down&rdquo; its Epstein work in July 2019 five days after Epstein&rsquo;s arrest, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/EFTA00018169.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>emails</span></a><span> released by the Justice Department show. The FBI &ldquo;assumed&rdquo; the Manhattan District Attorney&rsquo;s Office would stand down as well following the directive, another </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/EFTA00174974.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>email</span></a><span> shows.</span></p>
<p><span>The stand-down directive posed special problems at the time the federal authorities issued it. In the days following Epstein&rsquo;s arrest, many survivors started to come forward. For instance, four days after Epstein&rsquo;s arrest, one survivor sat for an </span><a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/new-jeffrey-epstein-accuser-he-raped-me-when-i-was-n1028011" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>interview</span></a><span> with NBC&rsquo;s Savannah Guthrie. When the FBI learned that the Manhattan DA reached out to the victim, one FBI official&rsquo;s email called it a &ldquo;fire&rdquo; that needed to be put out. A flurry of SDNY/FBI email messages about the stand down directive followed.</span></p>
<p><span>The federal efforts to close out state and local law enforcement authorities were something of a pattern. New Mexico&rsquo;s authorities have recently noted that &ldquo;the State of New Mexico&rsquo;s prior investigation was closed in 2019 at the request of the U.S Attorney&rsquo;s Office for the Southern District of New York.&rdquo; Sound familiar? It&rsquo;s similar to how Manhattan district attorney Cyrus Vance Jr.&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://www.salon.com/2023/04/03/they-asked-us-to-stand-down-ex-manhattan-da-says-doj-intervened-in-stormy-daniels-probe/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>stood down</span></a><span> in response to a SDNY request in the Trump hush money investigation.</span></p>
<p><span>The Epstein stand-down directive likely affected the efforts of state and local law enforcement to carry out normal investigatory work, at least for some time. That said, it is not clear that the NYPD ever seriously pursued Epstein and his co-conspirators at least until the revelations in the </span><a href="https://www.miamiherald.com/news/local/article220097825.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Miami Herald</span></i></a><span> in November 2018. And the Manhattan DA did investigate </span><a href="https://www.businessinsider.com/leon-black-epstein-files-sexual-assault-claims-investigate-prosecutors-2026-2" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Leon Black</span></a><span> and</span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/01/us/epstein-justice-department-investigations.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span> potentially</span></a> <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132230/fbi-stand-down-directive-epstein-timeline/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Jes Staley</span></a><span>, the DOJ files show. The district attorney did not file charges against either man.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>The many open questions &ndash; including how Epstein was able to evade justice for so long and what failures on the part of New York law enforcement may explain it &ndash; are part of the reason New York officials now need to act.</span></p>
<h2><b>New York&rsquo;s Available Options</b></h2>
<p><span><b>Options 1-3: Truth Seeking and Accountability</b></span></p>
<p><span>If the goal is truth-seeking &ndash; such as getting to the bottom of the decades-long law enforcement failures with Epstein and his co-conspirators &ndash; multiple options exist for the New York Governor, the State legislature, and city officials. Within the existing legal framework, three mechanisms allow for fact-finding (importantly, with subpoena power) and provide a forum for victims:</span></p>
<ol>
<li><span> The legislature can establish an investigatory committee/commission</span></li>
<li><span> The Governor can establish an investigatory commission under the </span><a href="https://codes.findlaw.com/ny/executive-law/exc-sect-6.html/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Moreland Act</span></a></li>
<li><span> The Governor </span><a href="https://www.governor.ny.gov/sites/default/files/atoms/old-files//EO147.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>can</span></a> <a href="https://www.nysenate.gov/legislation/laws/EXC/63" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>appoint</span></a><span> the Attorney General to serve as a Special Prosecutor</span></li>
</ol>
<p><span>A Moreland Commission </span><a href="https://download.ssrn.com/15/08/24/ssrn_id2649975_code688389.pdf?response-content-disposition=inline&amp;X-Amz-Security-Token=IQoJb3JpZ2luX2VjEJ7%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2FwEaCXVzLWVhc3QtMSJIMEYCIQDPTlCgaLJ2L4%2F8nUmwAmqbIMyOZrPigHiLT5iF1YKsuAIhAP3ZoMRaMdwRcS5sjf1XB2Qxo7qI72i2xVJsXpO1FjWjKr0FCGcQBBoMMzA4NDc1MzAxMjU3IgyqccRcb2JKNWk2bjMqmgW7ZgSrDf92%2BOLwQ0YPIrwsz3yXobtEfyzMgnfgyIlv8sReo450r5rIJ%2FbJOocZ8A6iBewdrRF%2FwScb1ex0xfXDIoH0W4Pip%2FndeKhYmrtUlsYu8p4clefYLmQUUNuDM6C1J9PxCI1hPZAEcMvJOHt5XzCfimryaBB0iDozyizdqzsBOyKfKxSJk1i1CQxIcDh2angncwngB6MtSJBURooiVcR2w5hN7GZtKcgJRgBEO9m3XzWc8vOg9pzD1idhZvXuY4%2B2j2mWyP3v0fz%2BE7tmkjH7UlU3LVcuu8tpfWFwEIlEm4GYGrtcLjbRzXCHbfbgHlWA8HGshH%2BeB6eX3mBY0dGcQ%2BHZncfYSpk8RIa4tf7wa8NrO8Lr1u1I1NabMUwp%2FNZEEcF1%2BG2IHUuO1aPjgzzXiT%2FfxCNKLZmjd7Dpl5MN4B2pmJKRXxpt1bYjZr5v18wU%2Fcui%2BwV592RSQUU0gL%2BojLBsTteEXpxeoZ8VfABc2teKODLtTXp6NT2Jt%2F5pLP3xM9Ikz5BWrCgdPeToTjVf2dcvrr1pYJ83CimkH9FZFnFBlePT%2Fp5nnz6q5lCLhHGpoaww5ED%2FgIpswC4OwdS%2Fwf1%2Fq9dAeY%2F0JQfuZ5eao6%2BK4TwP9Ud7oKJ5WUN6D%2BoxvvFseaQfEfEg%2BrnzBBZhC0BL0jyUB3DeXgcyoy%2BGXHGCdw5yeRroo20nMioWkXNOgZyLVufzOEyKy%2FW1jByqw2U4lwg4WXclr4GKULPSAqNLIxvtqNwQAwkFrYkyVfuxts8C%2F9RF%2B%2Fx21BguoZuF56KtgaCx2q3sEykuTrjzKNI%2BF9f2vrM%2FaVz4m3pjuV4JuwM0xlY2Ny1ZA6O4XvX2IHyjkyJYlWHwO9RiEm5TZyrG%2B%2FLe%2BeswmbvHzQY6sAEa9B%2FOvHDbgJY3fmh0VSrNg%2FlDookJ8ITzafkfmOAigAMCYDEAjFVwO3LtXPnWZTDVg%2F6YFUu3CoHlUZb8MAMeIAnUr9i0VYAXpTzxW6%2Bb1pvttaggvkvsIqp2EM4Pg2mS%2FN3BxU83Fc1ATH8o%2Bl91Ciibt%2FJymmwPM17pugY3T0O4BcNzu8BGCKNXLroEuoDF2HMWLPi7C%2Fmr7qgRypg7fV5dCkrPOkYa%2BvApsE4AcQ%3D%3D&amp;X-Amz-Algorithm=AWS4-HMAC-SHA256&amp;X-Amz-Date=20260311T214624Z&amp;X-Amz-SignedHeaders=host&amp;X-Amz-Expires=300&amp;X-Amz-Credential=ASIAUPUUPRWEVGTC5AXG%2F20260311%2Fus-east-1%2Fs3%2Faws4_request&amp;X-Amz-Signature=70e4746e7af5ed5fb84a62f127c7c1af489ef287de88efe1cc1b2a71004e5475&amp;abstractId=2649975" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>has</span></a><span> &ldquo;exceptionally strong powers&rdquo; and should be able to exercise jurisdiction over the Manhattan District Attorney&rsquo;s Office as a state entity, but not over the NYPD as a city entity. Columbia University Law </span><span>Professor Richard Briffault said in an email, &ldquo;If you want something truly independent, and with oversight of NYC, a legislatively created commission would be better.&rdquo;</span></p>
<p><span>Bennett Liebman, Government Lawyer in Residence at the Government Law Center of Albany Law School, wrote in an email, &ldquo;a legislative &ndash; preferably a joint &ndash; committee might be a possibility. This might be similar to New Mexico. Two legislative committees proved helpful in the past in providing meaningful reforms in New York City criminal justice, the Lexow Committee in 1894 and the Seabury Committee in the early 1930&rsquo;s. The success of such committees has depended almost entirely on their leadership. Under Seabury and twice in the 1900&rsquo;s under Charles Evans Hughes, they were extremely successful.&rdquo;</span></p>
<p><span>Liebman also noted the third option, writing: &ldquo;Another possibility is for the governor, working with the Attorney General, to name a special prosecutor for Epstein related corruption under Section 63 of the Executive Law. The special prosecutor need not bring any indictments but could be empowered to conduct a complete investigation of Epstein&rsquo;s relationships with law enforcement.&rdquo;</span></p>
<p><span>There is also some precedent for a joint state and city initiative to investigate corruption. In 1986, Governor Mario Cuomo and Mayor Ed Koch created the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1986/03/12/nyregion/state-city-panel-appointed-to-seek-end-to-corruption.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>State-City Commission on Integrity in Government</span></a><span>, which </span><span>was later followed by the </span><a href="https://www.archives.nysed.gov/creator-authority/new-york-state-commission-government-integrity" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Moreland Commission on Government Integrity</span></a><span>.</span></p>
<p><span>These kinds of initiatives can provide a forum for truth seeking and an avenue for future legislative reform. What needs to be uncovered is not only the other perpetrators in Epstein&rsquo;s heinous conspiracy, but also the systemic failures of law enforcement to detect and repress the extensive sexual violence that occured over decades.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span><b>Option 4: Criminal Investigations</b></span></p>
<p><span>New York offers one of the greatest hopes for criminal accountability because relevant </span><a href="https://www.nysenate.gov/legislation/laws/PEN/130.96" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>state</span></a> <a href="https://www.nysenate.gov/legislation/laws/PEN/130.75" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>felonies</span></a><span> &ndash; including different forms of sexual assault against a minor &ndash; have </span><a href="https://apps.rainn.org/policy/policy-crime-definitions-export.cfm?state=New%20York&amp;group=7" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>no statute of limitations</span></a><span>. With new evidence from the DOJ Epstein files and the Epstein Estate emails, new victims stepping forward, and investigative journalists taking up the new leads and producing new revelations, there is good reason for the Manhattan DA to conduct criminal investigations of potential co-conspirators (if the office is not doing so already).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>To be clear, there&rsquo;s no reason to invoke option 3 above for criminal enforcement purposes. The Manhattan DA is fully capable of pursuing potential cases.</span></p>
<h2><b>The New Mexico Model</b></h2>
<p><span>New York was certainly not alone as a location for Epstein&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/allegations-epstein-files-may-amount-crimes-against-humanity-un-experts-say-2026-02-17/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>atrocities</span></a><span>. Epstein&rsquo;s sprawling, remote Zorro ranch in Santa Fe, New Mexico was another.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>After the latest release of Epstein files and no effort by the Justice Department to pursue genuine investigations, the New Mexico House of Representatives </span><a href="https://sourcenm.com/2026/02/16/new-mexico-house-unanimously-enacts-epstein-truth-commission/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>established</span></a><span>, by a unanimous vote, an </span><a href="https://www.nmlegis.gov/Sessions/26%20Regular/resolutions/house/HR01.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Epstein Truth Commission</span></a><span>. The legislature is using the vehicle of a special investigatory committee to conduct that work (option 1 above). The state&rsquo;s Attorney General Ra&uacute;l Torrez more recently </span><a href="https://nmdoj.gov/press-release/statement-from-the-new-mexico-department-of-justice-regarding-zorro-ranch/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>announced</span></a><span> the reopening of a criminal probe into the activities that occurred in his state (option 4).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>New Mexico&rsquo;s leadership shows the type of pathways that New York can also pursue.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>* * *</span></p>
<p><span>New York needs to go through a reckoning. Out of it may emerge legislative and executive reforms that can improve law enforcement&rsquo;s ability to fight such monstrous crimes.&nbsp; </span></p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133761/epstein-co-conspirators-new-york/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Epstein and His Co-Conspirators&rsquo; New York Crimes: What NY Officials Can Now Do</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-12T12:02:55+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Ryan Goodman</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-12T12:02:55+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="accountability"/>

	<category term="democracy &amp; rule of law"/>

	<category term="featured articles"/>

	<category term="human trafficking"/>

	<category term="jeffrey epstein"/>

	<category term="law enforcement"/>

	<category term="new mexico"/>

	<category term="new york attorney general"/>

	<category term="new york police department (nypd)"/>

	<category term="rule of law"/>

	<category term="sexual assault"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-11:/282243</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/119009/counterextremism-counterterrorism-series/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=counterextremism-counterterrorism-series" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Collection: Just Security’s Counterextremism Initiative</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>This year, a quarter century will have passed since the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks and governments aroun...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p><span>This year, a quarter century will have passed since the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks and governments around the world recognize that the </span><a href="https://press.un.org/en/2025/sc16228.doc.htm#:~:text=That%20threat%20%E2%80%9Cremains%20dynamic%20and,252%20individuals%20and%2089%20entities." rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>threat</span></a><span> of extremist violence is not the same as it once was in terms of the most hostile actors, their motivations, and the ways in which they interact with the information environment. In short, the threat is </span><a href="https://www.europol.europa.eu/publication-events/main-reports/european-union-terrorism-situation-and-trend-report-2025-eu-te-sat" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>evolving</span></a><span> &mdash; and in some respects, </span><a href="https://www.fbi.gov/file-repository/counterterrorism/us-violent-extremism-mobilization-indicators-2025-pdf.pdf/view" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>growing</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Since early 2025, </span><i><span>Just Security</span></i><span>&rsquo;s Counterextremism Initiative</span> <span>has explored this persistent threat in a series of essays authored by a diverse group of experts and researchers. While the international community has </span><a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/calls-for-input/2025/call-inputs-definitions-terrorism-terrorist-organisation-and-violent-extremism" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>failed to reach</span></a><span> a consensus on the meaning of terms such as </span><i><span>violent extremism</span></i><span> and </span><i><span>terrorism</span></i><span> (and nations have adopted</span> <a href="https://www.unodc.org/e4j/fr/terrorism/module-2/key-issues/radicalization-violent-extremism.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>multiple definitions</span></a><span> of these labels), for the purposes of this series, violent extremism is broadly</span> <a href="https://www.unodc.org/e4j/fr/terrorism/module-2/key-issues/radicalization-violent-extremism.html#:~:text=are%20given%20here.-,Governmental,are%20put%20into%20violent%20action" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>defined</span></a><span> as a willingness to use or support violence in furtherance of political, religious, or ideological goals. Terrorism is also broadly </span><a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/terrorism" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>defined</span></a><span> as &ldquo;the intimidation or coercion of populations or governments&rdquo; by non-state actors &ldquo;through the threat or perpetration of violence, causing death, serious injury or the taking of hostages.&rdquo; Terrorism is considered </span><a href="https://www.unodc.org/e4j/fr/terrorism/module-2/key-issues/radicalization-violent-extremism.html#:~:text=are%20given%20here.-,Governmental,are%20put%20into%20violent%20action" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>one</span></a> <a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/terrorism" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>manifestation</span></a><span> of violent extremism, which includes other forms of violence as well.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>&nbsp;</span><i><span>Just Security</span></i><span>&rsquo;s Counterextremism Initiative seeks to:</span></p>
<blockquote><p><span>(1) Define and analyze emerging forms of violent extremism, taking into account the digital era</span></p>
<p><span>(2) Assess how persistent threats continue to adapt</span></p>
<p><span>(3) Explore the phenomenon of radicalization, including how non-violent forms of extremism lead some down a darker path, as well as the growing role played by young adults and minors in extremist violence</span></p>
<p><span>(4) Examine the intersection of violent extremism with misogyny, racism, and other forms of hatred</span></p>
<p><span>(5) Evaluate how the United States, its allies and partners, and other governments are responding to this ever-changing landscape.</span></p></blockquote>
<p><span>Below, </span><i><span>Just Security</span></i><span> presents a collection of more than two dozen contributions on these topics. This collection will grow in the months to come, as we continue to provide new perspectives and proposed solutions.</span></p>
<ol>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/joscelyntom/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Tom Joscelyn</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/106089/precedents-isis-vehicle-rammings/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Eleven Precedents of ISIS-Inspired Vehicle Rammings: Precursors to New Orleans Attack</a> (Jan. 4, 2025)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/warejacob/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Jacob Ware</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/113463/nihilistic-violent-extremism-american-counterterrorism/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Nihilistic Violent Extremism: A Valuable Stride Forward in American Counterterrorism</a> (May 21, 2025)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/buergercathy/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Cathy Buerger</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/114155/trump-death-penalty-codifies-dangerous-speech/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Unequal Before the Law: How Trump&rsquo;s Death Penalty Order Codifies Dangerous Speech</a> (June 6, 2025)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/gaibulloevkhusrav/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Khusrav Gaibulloev</a>,<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/piazzajames/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> James Piazza</a> and<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/sandlertodd/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Todd Sandler</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/114228/terrorism-and-the-threat-of-weak-states/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Terrorism and the Threat of Weak States</a> (June 10, 2025)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/levinsonwaldmanrachel/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Rachel Levinson-Waldman</a> and<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/gellermelanie/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Melanie Geller</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/114607/how-dhss-new-social-media-vetting-policies-threaten-free-speech/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">How DHS&rsquo;s New Social Media Vetting Policies Threaten Free Speech</a> (June 17, 2025)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/jonessam/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Sam Jones</a> and<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/kishiroudabeh/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Roudabeh Kishi</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/114944/minnesota-attacks-public-official-hostility/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">After the Minnesota Attacks: How Communities Can Respond to the Climate of Hostility Facing Public Officials</a> (June 18, 2025)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/harmsmackenzie/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Mackenzie Harms</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/115468/sentencing-terrorism-extremism/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Ideology Matters: An Analysis of Sentencing in Terrorism and Extremism Cases</a> (June 25, 2025)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/raisteven/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Steven Rai</a> and<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/zoschakcody/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Cody Zoschak</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/115907/setting-record-straight-nihilistic-violence/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Setting the Record Straight on Nihilistic Violence</a> (July 1, 2025)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/blomqvistolof/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Olof Blomqvist</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/116034/talibans-slow-dismantling-afghan-media/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Taliban&rsquo;s Slow Dismantling of Afghan Media</a> (July 10, 2025)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/blazakisjason/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Jason M. Blazakis</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/117191/trump-administrations-delisting-hts/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Understanding the Trump Administration&rsquo;s Delisting of Hay&rsquo;at Tahrir al-Sham</a> (July 18, 2025)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/duranitanmay/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Tanmay Durani</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/117886/oversight-board-meta-doi-kolovrat/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Vague By Design? The Oversight Board, Meta&rsquo;s DOI Policy, and the Kolovrat Symbol Decision</a> (July 29, 2025)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/baumgartnerluke/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Luke Baumgartner</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/118427/designate-base-fto/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">It&rsquo;s Time to Designate The Base as an FTO</a> (Aug. 5, 2025)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/ibrahiminiamatullah/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Niamatullah Ibrahimi</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/119789/time-tyranny-taliban-afghanistan/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Experience of Time and Tyranny Under the Taliban in Afghanistan</a> (Sept. 2, 2025)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/milleridrisscynthia/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Cynthia Miller-Idriss</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/120654/how-misogyny-fuels-violent-extremism/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">How Misogyny Fuels Violent Extremism</a> (Sept. 16, 2025)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/joscelyntom/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Tom Joscelyn</a> interview with <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/milleridrisscynthia/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Cynthia Miller-Idriss</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/120985/podcast-misogyny-role-violent-extremism/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Just Security Podcast: Misogyny&rsquo;s Role in Violent Extremism</a> (Sept. 18, 2025)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/buergercathy/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Cathy Buerger</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/121193/authoritarian-logic-trump-executive-orders/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Repression as Rescue: The Authoritarian Logic of Trump&rsquo;s Early Executive Orders</a> (Sept. 25, 2025)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/hoffmanbruce/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Bruce Hoffman</a> and<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/warejacob/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Jacob Ware</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/121425/assassination-america-political-violence-personal/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Assassinations in America: How Political Violence Became Personal</a> (Oct. 1, 2025)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/rottweilerbettina/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Bettina Rottweiler</a>,<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/clemmowcaitlin/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Caitlin Clemmow</a>,<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/doctoraustin/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Austin Doctor</a> and<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/helmbrenna/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Brenna Helm</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/121085/young-people-terrorism-threat-landscape/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Children, Young People and the Emerging Terrorism Threat Landscape</a> (Sept. 26, 2025)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/harmsmackenzie/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Mackenzie Harms</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/121652/nihilistic-violent-extremism-swatting-attacks-primer" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Swatting Attacks and Nihilistic Violent Extremism: A Primer</a> (Oct. 7, 2025)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/brzozowskithomas/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Thomas E. Brzozowski</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/121760/synchronization-sanctions-transnational-violent-extremism/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">A New Approach in the Fight Against Transnational Violent Extremism is Needed</a> (Oct. 8, 2025)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/jensenmichael/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Michael Jensen</a> and<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/cooteramy/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Amy Cooter</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/122278/correctly-assessing-left-wing-terrorism-and-political-violence-in-the-united-states/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Correctly Assessing Left-Wing Terrorism and Violence in the United States</a> (Oct. 21, 2025)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/brzozowskithomas/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Thomas E. Brzozowski</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/122643/antifa-threaten-civil-liberties/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">How Designating Antifa as a Foreign Terrorist Organization Could Threaten Civil Liberties</a> (Oct. 27, 2025)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/olaizolarosenblatmariana/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Mariana Olaizola Rosenblat</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/124249/feedback-loop-online-extremism-violence/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Feedback Loop Between Online Extremism and Acts of Violence</a> (Nov. 10, 2025)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/joscelyntom/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Tom Joscelyn</a> interview with <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/brzozowskithomas/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Thomas E. Brzozowski</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/124848/podcsat-antifa-fto-designations/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Just Security Podcast: Examining the Trump Administration&rsquo;s New Antifa Designations</a> (Nov. 17, 2025)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/joscelyntom/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Tom Joscelyn</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/125072/fto-sdgt-antifa/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">State Dept&rsquo;s Foreign Terrorist Designations Undermine Claims of &ldquo;Antifa&rdquo; Threat</a> (Nov. 19, 2025)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/baumgartnerluke/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Luke Baumgartner</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/126226/prosecuting-nihilistic-violent-extremism-domestic-terrorism/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">How the DOJ is Prosecuting Nihilistic Violent Extremism as Domestic Terrorism</a> (Dec. 9, 2025)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/joscelyntom/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Tom Joscelyn</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/goodmanryan/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Ryan Goodman</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/129797/alex-pretti-nspm-7/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Smearing of Alex Pretti and NSPM-7</a> (Jan. 26, 2026)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/stermandavid/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">David Sterman</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/129392/us-airstrikes-alqaeda-yemen/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Is the U.S. Conducting Air Strikes Against Al Qaeda in Yemen?</a> (Feb. 12, 2026)</li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/brzozowskithomas/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Thomas E. Brzozowski</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132743/how-a-broadly-defined-counterterrorism-statute-could-be-abused/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">How a Broadly Defined Counterterrorism Statute Could Be Abused</a>, (Mar. 3, 2026)</li>
</ol>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/119009/counterextremism-counterterrorism-series/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Collection: Just Security&rsquo;s Counterextremism Initiative</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-11T13:14:36+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Tom Joscelyn</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-11T13:14:36+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="afghan taliban"/>

	<category term="armed conflict"/>

	<category term="civil liberties"/>

	<category term="counterextremism initiative"/>

	<category term="counterterrorism"/>

	<category term="deradicalization"/>

	<category term="domestic extremism"/>

	<category term="domestic violent extremism"/>

	<category term="extremism"/>

	<category term="featured articles"/>

	<category term="freedom of speech"/>

	<category term="hate crimes"/>

	<category term="hate speech"/>

	<category term="initiative on counterextremism and counterterrorism"/>

	<category term="international and foreign"/>

	<category term="law enforcement"/>

	<category term="nihilistic violent extremism"/>

	<category term="right-wing extremism"/>

	<category term="series"/>

	<category term="terrorism"/>

	<category term="terrorism &amp; violent extremism"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-11:/282244</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133160/crimes-against-humanity-first-preparatory-committee/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=crimes-against-humanity-first-preparatory-committee" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">The Crimes Against Humanity Treaty Advances with First Preparatory Committee</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>From Jan. 19&ndash;30, the first Preparatory Committee for the Diplomatic Conference on the Prevention and...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>From Jan. 19&ndash;30, the first <a href="https://legal.un.org/diplomaticconferences/cah/prepcom.shtml" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Preparatory Committee</a> for the Diplomatic Conference on the Prevention and Punishment of Crimes against Humanity (the &ldquo;PrepCom&rdquo; or &ldquo;PrepCom I&rdquo;) met, marking the next step in the process toward a treaty to codify such crimes under international law.</p>
<p>The purpose of the PrepCom is to organize, negotiate, and discuss the substantive and procedural groundwork for the diplomatic conference that will follow, including deciding on modalities of participation and rules of procedure&mdash;many of which have the potential to materially shape outcomes.</p>
<p>Anticipation was high as delegates and members of civil society gathered in the Trusteeship Council at U.N. Headquarters in New York for the <a href="https://webtv.un.org/en/asset/k1a/k1ac49x3ba" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">historic opening session</a>, formally starting the process to close this 80-year-old legal gap. Despite dismal weather and frigid temperatures, State delegates arrived in large numbers, while members of civil society waited cheerfully outside the U.N. pass office, clutching hot coffees, to obtain their badges. Yet while 117 CSOs had managed to register despite a last-minute scramble to submit accreditation requests, many fewer could travel to New York on short notice, especially given difficulties obtaining visas and financing, and at the end of the day, only 14 civil society representatives <a href="https://legal.un.org/diplomaticconferences/cah/prepcom_stmt_1sess.shtml" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">presented remarks</a> during the general debate.</p>
<p>The two of us have been following this process for years (and one of us, Leila, founded the <a href="https://sites.wustl.edu/crimesagainsthumanity/convention-text/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Crimes against Humanity Initiative</a>, which drafted the first model treaty on Crimes against Humanity in 2008), and were present for the entirety of the PrepCom. You can find previous pieces from us on the treaty process <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/105305/cah-treaty-negotiations-passes-sixth-committee/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/104188/justice-delayed-denied-crimes-against-humanity-treaty/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/90024/continued-positive-momentum-on-crimes-against-humanity-treaty/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/86582/differences-getting-narrower-on-proposed-crimes-against-humanity-treaty/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/84496/coming-debates-to-advance-new-treaty-on-crimes-against-humanity-will-require-skillful-leadership/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/83154/on-crimes-against-humanity-protect-the-un-sixth-committees-integrity-with-action/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>, and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/79415/crimes-against-humanity-little-progress-on-treaty-as-un-legal-committee-concludes-its-work/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>.</p>
<h2><strong>The Mood in New York, the Tasks of the PrepCom, and the Election of the Chair</strong></h2>
<p>The PrepCom was established by <a href="https://docs.un.org/en/A/RES/79/122" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Resolution 79/122</a>, adopted in December 2024 after <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/105305/cah-treaty-negotiations-passes-sixth-committee/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">fierce negotiations</a> in the U.N. Sixth Committee, during which opponents of the crimes against humanity treaty, led by the Russian Federation, interposed both procedural and substantive objections to its negotiation. The Resolution, which created a four-year long pathway to the treaty&rsquo;s final adoption, was nonetheless adopted by consensus, with Russia dissociating from the text in both the Sixth Committee and later in the General Assembly.</p>
<p>With actual treaty negotiations still two years out, the PrepCom had <a href="https://legal.un.org/docs/?symbol=A/AC.300/2026/1" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">five tasks before it</a>. <em>First,</em> to elect a Chair. <em>Second</em>, to elect the other officers of the Bureau, who are tasked with organizing the procedural and organizational work of the PrepCom (a separate Bureau will be elected for the diplomatic conference). <em>Third</em>, to adopt the agenda and organization of work. <em>Fourth</em>, to allow States, both in the general debate and during Working Group meetings, to comment on the International Law Commission&rsquo;s (ILC) 2019 Draft Articles, the treaty as a whole, or raise new proposals. <em>Finally</em>, the PrepCom needed to take a decision on the participation of non-ECOSOC accredited stakeholders, an issue that had been deferred during the difficult negotiations surrounding the adoption of Resolution 79/122.</p>
<p>During the prior Sixth Committee <a href="https://webtv.un.org/en/asset/k1u/k1uxnnt4d5" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">meeting</a> in October 2025, of <a href="https://sites.wustl.edu/crimesagainsthumanity/files/2026/01/2025_CAH-October-Compilation.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">127 State interventions</a>, the vast majority were positive, with only 10 States voicing opposition, suggesting that PrepCom I might go smoothly. This was not to be the case.</p>
<p>Indeed, less than five minutes into the opening Plenary session, the Russian Federation <a href="https://webtv.un.org/en/asset/k1a/k1ac49x3ba" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">challenged</a> the election of the Chair, <a href="https://www.gov.ie/en/department-of-foreign-affairs/biographies/declan-smyth/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Declan Smyth</a> of Ireland, and a somewhat testy debate ensued. Ultimately, after much back-and-forth, including an intervention by U.N. Legal Counsel Elinor Hammerskj&ouml;ld, the Preparatory Committee elected Smyth as the Chair, who then turned to the election of the Bureau.</p>
<p>Again, a handful of States, led by Russia, China and Egypt challenged the process, and proposed expanding the Bureau from one to three representatives per regional group. This was an issue that had been raised and (it was thought) settled in the fall. This threatened to derail the PrepCom. (which may have been at least one motivating factor for these objections) The Chair, however, moved swiftly to resolve the impasse by postponing the election and proceeding directly to the general debate, while engaging in informal consultations with States about the Bureau. These procedural skirmishes lasted nearly 90 minutes, but more significant than the time lost was the negative tone and frustration engendered. Fortunately, although the <a href="https://legal.un.org/diplomaticconferences/cah/prepcom_bureau_1sess.shtml" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Bureau</a> was not elected until the 7th meeting of the PrepCom on <a href="https://legal.un.org/docs/?symbol=A/AC.300/2026/1" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Jan. 27</a>, once the general debate began, the generally constructive tone of the fall 2025 Sixth Committee session returned.</p>
<h2><strong>The Working Group of the Whole and General Takeaways on Substance</strong></h2>
<h4>&nbsp;(a) What is the Working Group of the Whole, and what did it discuss?</h4>
<p>One of the more confusing aspects of Resolution 79/122 is that operative paragraph 7 contemplated a Working Group of the Whole that would operate within the PrepCom to &ldquo;meet for the entire first session of the Preparatory Committee to facilitate consultations on the draft articles, and to enable Governments to prepare formal proposals for amendments to the draft articles . . . to be included in the compiled text&rdquo; to be submitted to the Diplomat Conference. This modality, which to some seemed to be duplicative of the resumed sessions held in 2023 and 2024, was a last-minute compromise introduced into Resolution 79/122. Overall, 61 States and two regional groups spoke during the Working Group sessions, indicating that many are still considering their views on the treaty&rsquo;s substance.</p>
<p>The <a href="https://legal.un.org/diplomaticconferences/cah/1sess_programme_of_work.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">programme of work</a> included a combination of Working Group and Plenary sessions, plus time reserved for side events and informal consultations. The Working Group meetings were &ldquo;closed,&rdquo; meaning that, unlike the Plenary meetings, they would not be webcast and would be open only to States and ECOSOC-accredited civil society physically present in New York, although accredited members of civil society were allowed to observe and take notes, and some States have <a href="https://legal.un.org/diplomaticconferences/cah/prepcom_stmt_1sess.shtml" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">posted</a> their interventions online.</p>
<p>The Working Group followed the same five &ldquo;clusters&rdquo; of Draft Articles that had been employed during the resumed sessions of the Sixth Committee in 2023 and 2024 to focus attention on specific provisions of the text: introductory provisions, crimes against humanity definition and general obligations, national measures, international measures, and safeguards. In addition, for the first time, time was allocated to discuss &ldquo;additional provisions.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Across discussion of the five clusters, which were introduced by Professor Sean Murphy, Special Rapporteur on Crimes against Humanity for the International Law Commission, States were highly engaged, offering support, proposals for change, or disagreement with various aspects of the Draft Articles. Many States commented on the definition of crimes against humanity; on various legal obligations of States under the Draft Articles; on dispute settlement and the possibility of a treaty monitoring mechanism; on the need to enhance the modes of liability and prevention obligations in the text; as well as on the need to include (or not) additional gender-based crimes or provisions to better protect children.</p>
<p>On the &ldquo;progressive side&rdquo; there were proposals to prohibit amnesties; to refer specifically to State responsibility in the preamble; to add conspiracy and incitement as new modes of liability; to add the crimes of <a href="https://endgenderapartheid.today/download/2026/Legal%20Explainer%20-%20Elements%20of%20the%20Crime%20of%20Gender%20Apartheid.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">gender apartheid</a>, reproductive violence, forced marriage, slave trade, environmental harm, starvation, and colonial crimes to Draft Article 2; to amend the definition of persecution to delete the &ldquo;in connection with element;&rdquo; and to modify the provisions on interstate cooperation.</p>
<p>On the more restrictive side, there were also calls for establishing a &ldquo;hierarchy&rdquo; of jurisdictions under Article 7; to depart from the Rome Statute definition in fundamental ways; and to define the term &ldquo;gender.&rdquo; Some States suggested references to State sovereignty and principles of non-interference and non-intervention were important to them, as they worried about past and existing double standards in the application of international criminal justice. It is not clear how, and if, these considerations will be taken forward as textual changes.</p>
<p>One thing missing from the discussions was an acknowledgement that the treaty codification process was taking place against the backdrop of the customary international law of crimes against humanity, which has been <a href="https://journals.library.wustl.edu/globalstudies/article/id/44/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">developing steadily</a> since the establishment of the <em>ad hoc </em>criminal tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda in 1993 and 1994, respectively.</p>
<h4>(b) General Trends</h4>
<p>We identified roughly three general trends in State interventions in the general debate and the Working Group.</p>
<p>First, the vast majority of the 94 States and six regional groups on the speakers list for the general debate presented their views on the <a href="https://legal.un.org/diplomaticconferences/cah/prepcom_1sess/statements/02_portugal.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">historic importance</a> of the work ahead of the Preparatory Committee and the pressing need for a treaty on the prevention and punishment of crimes against humanity. Most States, representing all regional groups, including <a href="https://legal.un.org/diplomaticconferences/cah/prepcom_1sess/statements/02_gambia.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Gambia</a> and <a href="https://legal.un.org/diplomaticconferences/cah/prepcom_1sess/statements/02_mexico.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Mexico</a>, which had served as co-facilitators for the adoption of Resolutions 77/249 and 79/122, praised the ILC Draft Articles as the starting point for the negotiations, while, at the same time reiterating their openness to additional crimes such as the <a href="https://legal.un.org/diplomaticconferences/cah/prepcom_1sess/statements/02_gambia.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">slave trade</a>, various gender crimes, including gender apartheid, and the imperative to develop a future-proofed convention to protect and promote human dignity.</p>
<p>Second, a number of smaller delegations offered cautionary remarks, such as <a href="https://legal.un.org/diplomaticconferences/cah/prepcom_1sess/statements/02_singapore.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Singapore</a>, which urged the substantive outcomes of the negotiations to be adopted by &ldquo;<a href="https://legal.un.org/diplomaticconferences/cah/prepcom_1sess/statements/02_singapore.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">consensus</a>,&rdquo; as they had been for other aspects of this process within the Sixth Committee, with decidedly <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/83154/on-crimes-against-humanity-protect-the-un-sixth-committees-integrity-with-action/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">mixed results</a>. <a href="https://legal.un.org/diplomaticconferences/cah/prepcom_1sess/statements/02_serbia.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Serbia</a> critiqued the ILC Draft Articles and their reliance on the Rome Statute definition of crimes against humanity and the <a href="https://legal.un.org/diplomaticconferences/cah/prepcom_1sess/statements/03_russia.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Russian Federation</a> and, having already critiqued the process by which the PrepCom had been established and was operating, proceeded to offer substantial critiques of the ILC Draft Articles, proposed the principle of immunity of State officials be affirmed, and suggested that unilateral coercive measures and various neo-colonial practices should be added as new crimes.</p>
<p>Finally, a small group of Western European States, including <a href="https://legal.un.org/diplomaticconferences/cah/prepcom_1sess/statements/02_germany.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Germany</a> and <a href="https://legal.un.org/diplomaticconferences/cah/prepcom_1sess/statements/02_liechtenstein.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Liechtenstein</a>, were supportive of the treaty process and the PrepCom itself, and underscored the urgent need for the negotiation of a treaty on crimes against humanity, but appeared resistant to the introduction of any new crimes to the text or to amendments to the ILC Draft Articles.</p>
<h2><strong>Side Events &amp; the Margins</strong></h2>
<p>States and civil society took advantage of the relatively spacious schedule over the two-week period to host <a href="https://legal.un.org/diplomaticconferences/cah/prepcom_events_1sess.shtml" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">side events</a>, with the participation of legal experts and State delegates, on various aspects of the Draft Articles including protection of vulnerable groups (Poland, Republic of Korea, and Brazil), forced marriage (The Netherlands, Canada &amp; Mexico), expert perspectives (Gambia, Mexico, Philippines and Switzerland), and facilitating enforcement (Mexico and Timor Leste). Diplomats and members of civil society were also busy on the margins, using the time in New York to engage in closed-door discussions on thematic issues, such as gender, as well as to meet bilaterally to discuss ways forward, including how to move from commentary to textual proposals by the April 30, 2026, deadline.</p>
<h2><strong>Returning to the Election of Officers: Drama in Conference Room 2</strong></h2>
<p>One of the most difficult aspects of the PrepCom turned out to be the election of the Bureau. Having postponed the decision on the election on the first day, and following intense consultations with all regional groups, the Chair proposed expanding the Bureau from one member from each regional group to two, a departure from what had been agreed over the summer. That decision was accepted on Jan. 21, and the expanded version of the Bureau, consisting of a Chair, eight Vice-Chairs, and a Rapporteur, was elected Jan. 27.</p>
<p>Why was this seemingly procedural step so contentious? The Bureau will preside over the second session of the PrepCom in April 2027, where it will adopt the rules of procedure for the Diplomatic Conference beginning in 2028, including how decisions will be made if consensus fails. As one seasoned diplomat has <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/129359/road-new-convention-crimes-against-humanity/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">observed</a>, the &ldquo;possibility to vote has been a crucial element in enabling progress.&rdquo; And given the fight over the Bureau and the election of the Chair during this first session, it is highly likely that more challenges will arise in the future. Given how procedural objections have already been used to disrupt momentum, the modalities and procedures for the Diplomatic Conference have the potential to shape outcomes.</p>
<p>The five original nominees from each regional group were retained, and each group was asked to put forward an additional name. The Rapporteur of the PrepCom, from Cyprus, Asia-Pacific Group, was accepted by acclamation, as were the nominees from the African Group, the Group of Latin American and Caribbean States, the Western European and Others Group, and the Asia-Pacific Group. The Eastern European States, however, had three competing nominees: from the Russian Federation, Slovenia, and Ukraine. After failed attempts at compromise, including a proposal from China that the Eastern European Group rotate between the three nominees, which Bulgaria rejected on behalf of the group, the Chair proceeded with PrepCom&rsquo;s first and only vote.</p>
<p>Under <a href="https://www.un.org/en/ga/about/ropga/committees.shtml#r103" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Rule 103</a> of the General Assembly&rsquo;s Rules of procedure a secret ballot was held, requiring the distribution of paper ballots with the names of the candidates printed on the ballot papers (and a blank line) to all States by the Conference officers, which were filled out and collected by tellers (representing all regional groups) who displayed the inside of the (empty) ballot boxes before proceedings to collect the ballots. Out of 169 ballots cast, including four abstentions, Ukraine&rsquo;s candidate received 126 votes; Slovenia&rsquo;s 112; and Russia&rsquo;s (visibly disappointed) received 74, falling short of the required majority of 83.</p>
<h2><strong>The Decision on Civil Society Participation</strong></h2>
<p>The PrepCom&rsquo;s <a href="https://webtv.un.org/en/asset/k1f/k1ffrut99i" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">final act</a> was a decision on whether non-ECOSOC civil society organizations could participate in the process.</p>
<p>On the first day of the PrepCom, the Chair had appointed Ms. Keke Motsepe (South Africa) as the coordinator to negotiate a decision on the participation of non-ECOSOC civil society, who had the difficult task of facilitating discussions between widely divergent perspectives on the appropriate role and engagement of civil society actors. While a majority of delegations wanted the treaty-making process to be victim and survivor centered, and thus welcomed the presence of civil society, the Russian Federation, China, and Nigeria, and a handful of other States objected to their participation. Given the opening skirmish over the election of officers, when the coordinator put forward her proposal, a fight was expected. Astonishingly, however, the text was adopted immediately, by consensus, and without debate. The decision <a href="https://documents.un.org/doc/undoc/gen/n26/019/52/pdf/n2601952.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">permits</a> the representatives of &ldquo;relevant non-governmental organizations, other than those in consultative status with [ECOSOC] . . . civil society organizations, academic institutions and the private sector, taking into account the principles of transparency, equitable geographical representation and gender parity, to submit requests to participate in the Conference,&rdquo; with the list reviewed by U.N. Member States on a &ldquo;non-objection basis.&rdquo;</p>
<p>That said, the consensus was not complete. Argentina, Iran, Nicaragua, Nigeria, the Russian Federation, and T&uuml;rkiye all registered objections to parts of the proposal, suggesting that the fight over broadening access to the negotiations will continue in the future. Nonetheless, it was a deeply satisfying result, particularly to many who had been <a href="https://documents.un.org/doc/undoc/gen/n26/019/52/pdf/n2601952.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">urging</a> States to take this inclusive approach for some time. The process will only be strengthened by the ability of diverse, cross-regional civil society, including <a href="https://opiniojuris.org/2026/01/28/centering-survivors-the-imperative-for-inclusive-justice-in-crimes-against-humanity-treaty-negotiations/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">survivors and those from affected communities</a>, to participate.<strong><em>&nbsp;</em></strong></p>
<h2><strong>The Way Forward</strong></h2>
<p>During the two long, cold weeks of meetings in New York, it was easy to get lost in procedural minutiae and lose sight of the historic importance of what was taking place. More than 80 years after the Nuremberg and Tokyo Charters established crimes against humanity, the international community was finally engaged in an inclusive, universal process to codify these crimes in a new treaty, that would insist upon their prevention and punishment. This opportunity &ndash; to craft a new treaty for the future that would forever enshrine a peremptory norm of international law &ndash; clearly motivated States and members of civil society, who remained engaged during long hours of debate and discussion. Divisions periodically surfaced, including between States who took each other to task for historic wrongs or current conflicts and over procedural difficulties, but the mood overall was generally positive as delegates embraced the historic opportunity.</p>
<p>Now, of course, comes a long wait until the second PrepCom in 2027. States may submit proposals by April 30, 2026, for inclusion in the text that will be sent to the Diplomatic Conference. Yet it remains to be seen how ambitious States will be with their proposals, or even whether many will submit them, given the short deadline, complex internal and external consultation processes, and capacity constraints. State proposals are keenly anticipated, however, even if they are incomplete, as they will create a baseline for the negotiations along with the Draft Articles. Civil society has, over the last few years, put forward <a href="https://cahtreatynow.org/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">analyses, guidance, and proposals</a> to support states in this process. For example, the <a href="https://www.ila-americanbranch.org/abila-study-group-on-crimes-against-humanity/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">ABILA Study Group on Crimes against Humanity</a> (to which we both belong), has put forth 11 proposals, as well as three thematic papers on a range of topics, including <a href="https://www.ila-americanbranch.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/11/Starvation-art.-21k-22j_ABILA_CAH_final.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">starvation</a>, <a href="https://www.ila-americanbranch.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/Modes-of-Liability-art.-62-63_ABILA_CAH_final.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">modes of liability</a>, <a href="https://www.ila-americanbranch.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/10/ABILA-CAH-Settlement-of-Disputes-Final-with-cover.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">dispute settlement</a>, a human rights <a href="https://www.ila-americanbranch.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/12/Monitoring-Mechanism_ABILA_CAH_final.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">monitoring mechanism</a> and <a href="https://www.ila-americanbranch.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/01/Non-Discrimination-Provision_ABILA_CAH_final.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">interpretation clause</a>, and <a href="https://www.ila-americanbranch.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/12/Gender-Competency-Inclusivity-and-Non-Discrimination_ABILA_CAH_final.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">gender competence</a>.</p>
<p>As the process moves forward, the months ahead will be critical. Continued engagement from States, civil society, and other stakeholders, including through inter-sessional meetings, will be essential to maintaining the momentum of PrepCom I. Ultimately, success will depend on continued skillful leadership, an openness to diverse perspectives, and a <a href="https://passblue.com/2026/01/22/serious-work-begins-to-create-a-treaty-on-crimes-against-humanity/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">shared commitment</a> to justice and accountability in an increasingly divisive multilateral environment. But as we have consistently seen with this process, which seemed nearly impossible seven years ago, the need for a treaty that safeguards humanity against these crimes is too vital to fail.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133160/crimes-against-humanity-first-preparatory-committee/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Crimes Against Humanity Treaty Advances with First Preparatory Committee</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-11T13:05:51+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Leila Nadya Sadat</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-11T13:05:51+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="armed conflict"/>

	<category term="armed conflicts"/>

	<category term="atrocities"/>

	<category term="atrocities/mass atrocities"/>

	<category term="atrocity prevention/atrocities prevention"/>

	<category term="civilian harm"/>

	<category term="crimes against humanity"/>

	<category term="diplomacy"/>

	<category term="human rights"/>

	<category term="humanitarian"/>

	<category term="international criminal law"/>

	<category term="international human rights law"/>

	<category term="international human rights law (ihrl)"/>

	<category term="international law"/>

	<category term="proposed crimes against humanity treaty"/>

	<category term="united nations"/>

	<category term="united nations (un)"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-11:/282245</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133550/illegality-israels-military-campaign-lebanon/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=illegality-israels-military-campaign-lebanon" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">The Illegality of Israel’s Military Campaign in Lebanon</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Israel and the United States began major military operations against Iran on Feb. 28. In response, H...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Israel and the United States began major military operations against Iran on Feb. 28. In response, Hezbollah began launching drones, rockets, and missiles into Israel on <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/israel-strikes-lebanon-following-hezbollah-attacks-widening-iran-conflict-2026-03-02/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">March 2</a>. Israel responded in turn with a large-scale air and ground campaign into Lebanon that has <a href="https://reliefweb.int/attachments/2e34ecf2-3965-4b5c-948e-2b413026eadc/2026.03.08_OCHA_Lebanon_Flash_Update%20No4.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">killed</a> hundreds of people, including dozens of children, several medics, and at least <a href="https://www.vaticannews.va/en/pope/news/2026-03/pope-leo-xiv-mourns-victims-father-elrahi-middle-east-war.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">one priest</a>, while displacing hundreds of thousands of civilians from their homes.</p>
<p>The European Union&rsquo;s High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy <a href="https://www.eeas.europa.eu/eeas/lebanon-statement-high-representative-recent-developments_en" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">says</a> that &ldquo;Israel has the right to self-defence in line with international law&rdquo; but that &ldquo;Israel&rsquo;s response has been heavy-handed,&rdquo; causing &ldquo;mass displacement,&rdquo; and risking &ldquo;severe humanitarian consequences.&rdquo; She concludes that &ldquo;Israel should cease its operations in Lebanon.&rdquo; This statement suggests that Israel&rsquo;s response exceeds the limits of proportionality internal to the right of self-defense because of the cumulative harm it is inflicting on civilians (see <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/89960/enough-self-defense-and-proportionality-in-the-israel-hamas-conflict/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>). This article argues that Israel&rsquo;s response exceeds the limits of <em>necessity</em> internal to the right of self-defense because Israel has a reasonable alternative. The requirements of proportionality and necessity are complementary, and Israel&rsquo;s military campaign in Lebanon appears to exceed both.</p>
<p>This article primarily concerns the legality of Israel&rsquo;s military campaign in Lebanon under the United Nations Charter. But it helps to start with Iran. As an earlier <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132894/us-israel-iran-war-legal-options/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">article</a> explained, Israel&rsquo;s ongoing use of force against Iran is a manifest <a href="https://opil.ouplaw.com/display/10.1093/law:epil/9780199231690/law-9780199231690-e427" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">violation</a> of the United Nations Charter because it is neither authorized by the United Nations Security Council nor an exercise of Israel&rsquo;s right of self-defense in response to an unlawful armed attack (whether actual or imminent) by Iran. It is simply an unlawful act of aggression. Iran&rsquo;s response has included strikes <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2026/03/10/israel-iran-war-cluster-munitions-bomblets/cbe414ea-1c9b-11f1-a29c-fd43da9a479a_story.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">directed at Israel&rsquo;s civilian population</a> which both violate international humanitarian law and exceed the limits internal to self-defense. But these unlawful acts by Iran do not permit Israel to use force against Iran in self-defense. The right of self-defense permits the use of force in response to an unlawful armed attack only when <em>necessary</em> and only to the extent <em>proportionate</em>. The use of defensive force is necessary only if nonforcible alternatives are unavailable or have no reasonable prospect of success (see <a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/necessity-and-proportionality-and-the-right-of-self-defence-in-international-law-9780198863403?cc=us&amp;lang=en&amp;" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>). There is no necessity for Israel to use force against Iran in self-defense because Israel has a nonforcible alternative with a reasonable prospect of success. Israel can end Iran&rsquo;s unlawful acts by ending its own unlawful act of aggression against Iran. Both Israel and Iran are violating international law at the same time, in somewhat different ways, and both must stop.</p>
<p>Now consider Lebanon. Israel&rsquo;s use of force on Lebanon&rsquo;s territory is not authorized by the Security Council. Is it a lawful exercise of Israel&rsquo;s right of self-defense? No. The reason is the same. There is no necessity for Israel to use force in Lebanon because Israel could end Hezbollah&rsquo;s unlawful acts by ending its own unlawful act of aggression against Iran. Hezbollah entered the war in response to Israel&rsquo;s killing of Iran&rsquo;s Supreme Leader, and <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/hezbollah-returns-guerrilla-roots-awaits-israeli-invasion-2026-03-10/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">reportedly</a> plans to end its strikes as part of a regional ceasefire that includes Iran and the United States. Many of Hezbollah&rsquo;s strikes appear to violate international humanitarian law and <a href="https://www.timesofisrael.com/hezbollah-missile-fire-wounds-16-damages-daycare-infrastructure-in-central-israel/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">inexcusably harm civilians</a>. But Israel does not need to use force in Lebanon to protect Israeli citizens. Israel can instead end its unlawful aggression against Iran. Again, both Israel and Hezbollah are violating international law at the same time, in somewhat different ways, and both must stop.</p>
<p>Israel may enjoy a limited right of &ldquo;interstitial&rdquo; self-defense to protect its citizens while it ends its own unlawful use of force and clearly communicates that it is doing so. There may be a brief period of uncertainty, mutual distrust, and poor discipline in which exchanges of fire may continue, and Israel may be obliged to protect its citizens with the minimal force necessary while attempting to deescalate and end the conflict. If Israel definitively ends its attacks on Iran, but Iran or Hezbollah persist in their strikes against Israel, then a new situation may arise in which Israel&rsquo;s right of self-defense may be properly exercised for the first time. But this seems unlikely.</p>
<p>The illegality of Israel&rsquo;s military campaign in Lebanon does not depend on a strict interpretation or application of the necessity requirement. Quite the contrary. The necessity requirement may or may not oblige a State to sacrifice its legal rights, or perform or refrain from a discretionary act, instead of using force in self-defense. Leave all such questions aside. It is self-evident upon reflection that the necessity requirement must oblige a State to end its ongoing violation of a peremptory norm of international law (<em>jus cogens</em>) such as the prohibition of aggression before it may lawfully resort to the use of force in self-defense. This is the absolute bare minimum that the necessity requirement must involve for it to place any meaningful constraints on a State&rsquo;s use of force. If immediate cessation of a continuing act of aggression against one State is not a reasonable alternative to using force against another State then nothing is, and the necessity requirement requires nothing at all.</p>
<p>This necessity-based analysis does not depend on a dogmatic interpretation of the Nuremberg Tribunal&rsquo;s <a href="https://www.worldcourts.com/imt/eng/decisions/1949.04.13_United_States_v_Weizsaecker.pdf#page=22" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">statement</a> that &ldquo;he who initiates aggressive war loses the right to claim self-defense&rdquo; drawn from the &ldquo;long-established principle of criminal law&rdquo; that &ldquo;&rsquo;there can be no self-defense against self-defense.&rsquo;&rdquo; The point is not that Israel, as the initial aggressor, forever forfeits its right of self-defense and can never regain it due to unclean hands. If Israel ends its aggression and clearly communicates that it is doing so, but Iran or Hezbollah persist in fighting, then Israel&rsquo;s right of self-defense may very well resurface. But Israel must end its aggression first.</p>
<p>The preceding analysis also does not depend on any artificial separation of aggression and self-defense (<em>jus ad bellum</em>) from international humanitarian law (<em>jus in bello</em>). The point is <em>not</em> that Hezbollah or Iranian strikes directed at civilian populations violate international humanitarian law but do not, as such, constitute an unlawful armed attack that could trigger Israel&rsquo;s right of self-defense. The point is that, even if such strikes constitute an unlawful armed attack, the use of defensive force in response is not permitted when it is unnecessary, and it is unnecessary when the reasonable alternative is simply ending an ongoing act of aggression.</p>
<p>The necessity requirement is often leniently applied once an armed attack begins. Most victims of an unlawful armed attack will reasonably conclude that no reasonable alternatives to the use of defensive force remain. Third States may continue to urge dialogue and deescalation while refraining from harsh criticism of the defending State, which may be slow to trust the prospects of a negotiated settlement. But the initial aggressor knows perfectly well that a reasonable alternative exists to continued fighting and the necessity requirement should be strictly applied to them.</p>
<p>The preceding analysis does not depend on Hezbollah&rsquo;s legal status. Hezbollah is generally viewed as a non-State actor with both a political wing and a military wing. It is at best <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/75487/self-defense-against-non-state-actors-all-over-the-map/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">controversial</a> whether acts of violence by a non-State actor constitute an &ldquo;armed attack&rdquo; that can trigger a State&rsquo;s right of self-defense or permit the use of force on the territory of another State without its consent. But even if Hezbollah&rsquo;s acts could <em>trigger</em> Israel&rsquo;s right of self-defense, Israel may not <em>exercise</em> its right of self-defense unless it is necessary for Israel to use force in Lebanon to halt or repel armed attacks by Hezbollah. It is not. Israel can end any armed attacks by Hezbollah by ending its own unlawful armed attacks against Iran.</p>
<p>In short, Israel&rsquo;s military campaign in Lebanon is illegal even on the assumption that Israel&rsquo;s right of self-defense is engaged by Hezbollah&rsquo;s strikes. Even on that assumption, Israel&rsquo;s military campaign would still violate the necessity requirement internal to the right of self-defense and would be illegal on that basis.</p>
<p>Israel and the United States must end their ongoing war of aggression against Iran, and Israel must end its unnecessary military campaign in Lebanon. Iran and Hezbollah must end their illegal strikes directed at civilian populations. This multi-front war has cumulatively <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/how-many-people-have-been-killed-us-israel-war-iran-2026-03-10/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">killed</a> over a thousand&nbsp; civilians, including <a href="https://www.en-hrana.org/day-ten-of-the-u-s-israeli-war-on-iran-extensive-damage-to-isfahans-historical-sites/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">hundreds of children</a>, <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cpw004xqxnjo" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">destroyed</a> countless homes, damaged several hospitals and cultural sites, and decimated civilian infrastructure. It must end now.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133550/illegality-israels-military-campaign-lebanon/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Illegality of Israel&rsquo;s Military Campaign in Lebanon</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-11T12:54:46+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Adil Ahmad Haque</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-11T12:54:46+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="armed conflict"/>

	<category term="collection: israel-iran conflict"/>

	<category term="diplomacy"/>

	<category term="hezbollah"/>

	<category term="humanitarian"/>

	<category term="international and foreign"/>

	<category term="international justice"/>

	<category term="international law"/>

	<category term="iran"/>

	<category term="israel"/>

	<category term="law of armed conflict/ihl"/>

	<category term="lebanon"/>

	<category term="military"/>

	<category term="terrorism &amp; violent extremism"/>

	<category term="un charter"/>

	<category term="united nations"/>

	<category term="united nations (un)"/>

	<category term="use of force"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-11:/282246</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133624/early-edition-march-11-2026/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=early-edition-march-11-2026" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Early Edition: March 11, 2026</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Signup to receive the Early Edition in your inbox&nbsp;here.

A curated weekday guide to major news and d...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Signup to receive the Early Edition in your inbox&nbsp;<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/newsletter-signup/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>.</p>
<div>
<p>A curated weekday guide to major news and developments over the last 24 hours. Here&rsquo;s today&rsquo;s news:</p>
<p><b><i>IRAN WAR&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>Three vessels were struck by unknown projectiles in the Strait of Hormuz today, </b>maritime security agencies and sources said, taking the total number of ships hit since the start of the war to 14. <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/cargo-ship-hit-by-projectile-strait-hormuz-crew-evacuates-2026-03-11/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a> reports.</p>
<p><b>The U.S. military yesterday destroyed 16 Iranian mine-laying naval vessels near the Strait of Hormuz, </b>U.S. Central Command said on social media<b>.</b> A senior U.S. official told <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/10/hormuz-strait-mines-war-trump" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Axios</a> the strike on the inactive ships was a preemptive measure that was a result of intelligence about Iranian plans to deploy mines in the strait. Barak Ravid reports; Alexandra White reports for the <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/ad111a3e-ee44-4614-8be1-bef695cdc51b" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Financial Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>Israeli airstrikes yesterday killed at least 95 people in Lebanon, </b>according to the Lebanese health ministry. Ephrat Livni reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/10/world/middleeast/iran-war-israel-middle-east-strikes.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>Israel has rejected Lebanon&rsquo;s demand for a complete end to airstrikes before negotiations can take place,</b> three sources said. The Lebanese &ldquo;are ready to talk to Israel, but under the condition of a cessation of fire. Not a ceasefire, but a cessation,&rdquo; one of the sources said. &ldquo;Israel so far refused and says it will only negotiate &ldquo;under fire.&rdquo; Neri Zilber, James Shotter, and Henry Foy report for the <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/e6a01a17-1c56-487f-bcc0-c448edb87332" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Financial Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>France is sending 60 tonnes of humanitarian aid to Lebanon, tripling the volume of what had been dispatched so far, </b>French Foreign Minister Jean-No&euml;l Barrot said today. Sarah White reports for the <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/ad111a3e-ee44-4614-8be1-bef695cdc51b" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Financial Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>Senior U.S. defense officials said that Iran has adapted its military strategy since the beginning of the conflict, </b>targeting what it views as U.S. vulnerabilities: interceptors and air defense systems meant to guard troops and assets in the Middle East. The <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2026/03/11/world/middleeast/iran-us-military-bases-strikes-map.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a> identified at least 17 damaged U.S. sites and other installations, several of which have been struck more than once since the war began. This is based on high-resolution, commercial satellite imagery, verified social media videos, and statements by officials. Helene Cooper and Eric Schmitt report for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/10/us/politics/iran-military-tactics.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>; Bora Erden and Leanne Abraham report.</p>
<p><b>The Trump administration asked Israel on Monday not to carry out further strikes on energy facilities in Iran, particularly oil infrastructure, </b>according to three sources. An Israeli official said the message was conveyed at a senior political level and to the Israeli military Chief of Staff, Eyal Zamir. Another Israeli official said, &ldquo;The U.S. asked that we notify them in advance of any future strikes on oil facilities.&rdquo; Barak Ravid reports for <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/10/iran-oil-israel-strikes-trump" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Axios</a>.</p>
<p><b>The Pentagon said yesterday that 140 U.S. service members have been wounded during 10 days of sustained attacks on Iran,</b> including eight troops with life-threatening injuries. &ldquo;The vast majority of these injuries have been minor, and 108 service members have already returned to duty,&rdquo; Chief Pentagon spokesperson Sean Parnell said. <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/10/pentagon-troops-wounded-iran-00821334" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">POLITICO</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>IRAN WAR &ndash; POLITICAL RESPONSE&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>The International Energy Agency has proposed the release of 400 million barrels of oil, the largest-ever release of oil reserves, to counter crude price surges,</b> officials said. The proposal was circulated at an emergency meeting of energy officials from the IEA&rsquo;s 32 member countries yesterday. They are expected to make a decision today. Matthew Dalton, Bojan Pancevski, and Laurence Norman report for the <a href="https://www.wsj.com/business/energy-oil/iea-proposes-largest-ever-oil-release-from-strategic-reserves-275f4e5c?mod=WSJ_home_mediumtopper_pos_1" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Wall Street Journal</a>.</p>
<p><b>Trump administration officials yesterday denied a claim by Energy Secretary Chris Wright that the U.S. Navy escorted an oil tanker through the Strait of Hormuz. </b>Wright has now deleted the relevant social media post, which said the Navy &ldquo;successfully escorted an oil tanker through the Strait of Hormuz to ensure oil remains flowing to global markets.&rdquo; A spokesperson for the Energy Department said the post was deleted after it was determined to be &ldquo;incorrectly captioned.&rdquo; James Bikales and Paul McLeary report for <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/10/oil-hormuz-iran-tanker-wright-00821041" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">POLITICO</a>.</p>
<p><b>In a </b><a href="https://www.democrats.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/schumer-reed-shaheen_letter_to_potus.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>letter</b></a><b> sent yesterday, Senate Democrats demanded that Trump immediately dispatch Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth and Secretary of State Marco Rubio to testify under oath on the war in Iran. </b>The letter said the administration had failed to explain the objectives, scope, and endgame of the current conflict. Megan Mineiro and Robert Jimison report for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/10/us/politics/democrats-rubio-hegseth-iran.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>Ukrainian officials tried to sell the United States their technology for downing Iranian Shahed drones nearly seven months ago,</b> according to a PowerPoint presentation obtained by <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/10/us-ukraine-anti-drone-offer" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Axios</a>. The presentation showed how this technology could help protect U.S. forces and their allies in the Middle East. Two U.S. officials said that refusing Ukraine&rsquo;s offer was one of the biggest tactical miscalculations by the administration leading up to the war in Iran. Marc Caputo, Barak Ravid, and Colin Demarest report.</p>
<p><b><i>RUSSIA-UKRAINE WAR</i></b></p>
<p><b>Ukraine is now producing drones without Chinese components, as part of a push for military self-sufficiency in the war with Russia, after earlier heavy reliance on Chinese parts, </b>according to Maj. Robert Brovdi, commander of Ukraine&rsquo;s Unmanned System Forces. Brovdi said that drones now account for more than 90 percent of Russian casualties. Maria Varenikova reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/11/world/europe/ukraine-drones-china.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>Russia&rsquo;s deportation and transfer of Ukrainian children since 2022 amounts to crimes against humanity,</b> according to a report published yesterday by the U.N.&rsquo;s Independent International Commission of Inquiry on Ukraine. The report studied the cases of 1,205 children from five regions in Ukraine, and said that 80% of them have yet to return. Ukraine has said that close to 20,000 children have been illegally sent to Russia and Belarus, where they are sometimes subject to military training. Moscow denies taking children against their will, saying it has been evacuating people voluntarily. Emma Farge reports for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/russias-deportations-ukrainian-children-amount-crimes-against-humanity-un-2026-03-10/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>OTHER GLOBAL DEVELOPMENTS&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>The Kremlin has launched a disinformation campaign aimed at helping Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orb&aacute;n get re-elected next month,</b> sources said. The campaign frames Orb&aacute;n as the only candidate who can keep Hungary sovereign and treat world leaders as equals, according to a proposal seen by the <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/34df20f9-487b-4cb6-9dc9-d676d959d1ed" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Financial Times</a>. Russia&rsquo;s ambassador in Budapest, Evgeny Stanislov, has denied any Russian interference in the election campaign. Max Seddon and Marton Dunai report.</p>
<p><b>A group of international jurists yesterday accused Salvadoran authorities of committing crimes against humanity in a report filed with the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights</b>. The complaint alleges systematic acts of torture, murder, and forced disappearances under El Salvador&rsquo;s state of exception, imposed by President Nayib Bukele&rsquo;s government four years ago. <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/el-salvador-likely-committed-crimes-against-humanity-during-state-emergency-2026-03-10/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a> reports.</p>
<p><b>The U.N. Mission in South Sudan said on Monday that it would not comply with a government order to shut down its base in Akobo</b>, an opposition stronghold near the Ethiopian border. The South Sudanese army on Friday ordered U.N. peacekeepers, humanitarian organizations, and civilians to evacuate the town ahead of a planned assault. The U.N. Mission said it would stay to provide &ldquo;a protective presence to civilians.&rdquo; The army announced yesterday that Akobo was now under its control. Florence Miettaux and Deng Machol report for <a href="https://apnews.com/article/south-sudan-un-akobo-jonglei-fighting-1b0a532e159525a4bf78c3f23da04a61" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AP News</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>U.S. CARIBBEAN AND PACIFIC OPERATIONS&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>Chevron and Shell are close to securing major oil production deals in Venezuela following the U.S. capture of Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro in January,</b> five sources told&nbsp; <a href="https://www.reuters.com/business/energy/chevron-shell-closing-first-big-oil-production-deals-venezuela-since-us-captured-2026-03-10/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>. Marianna Parraga and Deisy Buitrago report.</p>
<p><b><i>U.S. IMMIGRATION DEVELOPMENTS&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>Federal judges across the United States are criticizing the political leadership of the Justice Department and ICE, </b>saying their policies have put rank-and-file government lawyers in an &ldquo;<a href="https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.mnd.230171/gov.uscourts.mnd.230171.12.0.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">impossible position</a>&rdquo; while defending immigration detention in courts, according to a review of cases by <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/10/court-orders-ice-justice-department-00821241" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">POLITICO</a>. Kyle Cheney reports.</p>
<p><b>White House and top House Republican officials have told GOP members to avoid discussing &ldquo;mass deportations&rdquo; ahead of the midterm elections,</b> and to focus instead only on deportations of foreign criminals, three sources said. Natalie Allison and Kadia Goba report for the <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2026/03/10/trump-gop-deportations-midterms/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Washington Post</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>U.S. DOMESTIC DEVELOPMENTS&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>The Senate yesterday confirmed General Joshua Rudd to lead the National Security Agency and the nation&rsquo;s Cyber Command. </b>Patricia Zengerle reports for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/us-senate-confirms-national-security-agency-director-ending-long-vacancy-2026-03-10/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>.</p>
<p><b>Attorney General Pam Bondi has relocated to a military base in the Washington area, following threats from drug cartels and critics of her actions in handling the Jeffrey Epstein cases, </b>sources said. Other officials who have relocated to the base include Stephen Miller, Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, and Kristi Noem. Glenn Thrush reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/10/us/politics/bondi-military-housing-threats.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>Voting technology firm Smartmatic yesterday filed a motion to dismiss a criminal indictment of money laundering,</b> noting that the company had been cooperating with the Justice Department since 2021. Smartmatic&rsquo;s attorneys said that the DOJ&rsquo;s decision to press charges against the company was prompted by Trump&rsquo;s demands to prosecute his perceived enemies and his belief that Smartmatic helped rig the 2020 election. Joshua Goodman reports for <a href="https://apnews.com/article/miami-smartmatic-trump-money-laundering-elections-2997ffb68b341dd3890f4f3b29fbbcce" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AP News</a>.</p>
<p><b>The Washington, D.C., Bar filed disciplinary charges against Pardon Attorney Ed Martin, formerly the acting U.S. Attorney for Washington, </b>stating that he threatened to withhold funding for Georgetown University&rsquo;s Law Centre and barred his staff from hiring its students to punish the institution for its DEI practices. &ldquo;Acting in his official capacity and speaking on behalf of the government, he used coercion to punish or suppress a disfavored viewpoint, the teaching and promotion of &lsquo;DEI,&rsquo;&rdquo; Hamilton Fox, disciplinary counsel for the DC Bar, wrote in a <a href="https://www.politico.com/document/ed-martin-disciplinary-complaint" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">filing</a> made public yesterday. Gregory Svirnovksiy and Jacob Wendler report for <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/10/dc-bar-sanction-ed-martin-dei-00821092" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">POLITICO</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>TRUMP ADMINISTRATION ACTIONS</i></b></p>
<p><b>The Social Security Inspector General&rsquo;s office is investigating allegations that a former U.S. DOGE Service software engineer took sensitive data on a thumb drive in a major potential security breach,</b> sources said. The complaint claims that the employee had access to two highly sensitive agency databases and planned to share the information with his private employer once he had removed the personal details from the data. The employee told another colleague that he expected to receive a presidential pardon if his actions were deemed to be illegal. Meryl Kornfield, Elizabeth Dwoskin, and Lisa Rein report for the <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2026/03/10/social-security-data-breach-doge-2/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Washington Post</a>.</p>
<p><b>Arizona&rsquo;s acting special agent in charge of Homeland Security Investigations, Matthew Murphy, told the state attorney general&rsquo;s office last month that his office was now probing the 2020 election in Arizona, </b>a source said. Murphy said he was acting &ldquo;direction from D.C.,&rdquo; the source added. The HSI investigation in Arizona comes as the FBI has embarked on a separate election probe in the state. &ldquo;This is not a joint investigation,&rdquo; a source familiar with the FBI investigation said. Yvonne Wingett Sanchez, Sarah Fitzpatrick, and Nick Moroff report for the <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/2026/03/arizona-election-investigations/686310/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Atlantic</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>TRUMP ADMINISTRATION LITIGATION&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>The Democratic National Committee yesterday filed a lawsuit against the Trump administration to compel the government to say whether it was planning to put armed federal agents or military personnel at polling places or election offices this year.</b> Nick Corasaniti reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/10/us/politics/democrats-sue-to-find-out-if-trump-will-send-armed-officers-to-election-sites.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
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<p><strong>ICYMI: Yesterday on<em> Just Security</em></strong></p>
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<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133579/operation-epic-fury-international-law/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Operation Epic Fury: Reports of the Death of International Law are Greatly Exaggerated</a></p>
<p>By <span>Kenneth Watkin</span></p>
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<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131377/what-ungoverned-ai-looks-like/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Grok Showed the World What Ungoverned AI Looks Like</a></p>
<p>By <span>Cyrus Hodes</span></p>
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<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133481/year-later-fcpa-enforcement-pause/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">A Year Later &ndash; What Did the Pause on FCPA Enforcement Do?</a></p>
<p>By <span>Richard Nephew</span></p>
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<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133624/early-edition-march-11-2026/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Early Edition: March 11, 2026</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-11T11:51:53+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Elisabeth Jennings</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-11T11:51:53+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="daily news roundup"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-10:/282201</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133579/operation-epic-fury-international-law/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=operation-epic-fury-international-law" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Operation Epic Fury: Reports of the Death of International Law are Greatly Exaggerated</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>The recent U.S. and Israel military operations against Iran have prompted significant criticism from...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>The recent U.S. and Israel military operations against Iran have prompted significant criticism from international lawyers, including on this <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132894/us-israel-iran-war-legal-options/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">site</a>, that the strikes are contrary to international law. <a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/articles/2026/03/americas-unstoppable-momentum-in-operation-epic-fury/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Operation Epic Fury</a>, the title of the U.S. campaign, is just one of several recent challenges to legal orthodoxy concerning the exercise of legal control over State action. In the past year the international legal community has been confronted with the June 2025 U.S. &ndash; Israeli strikes against Iranian nuclear facilities, air defense systems, and senior leaders and scientists; the U.S. military operation in Venezuela to seize Nicol&aacute;s Maduro; the ongoing attacks against drug cartel boats in the Caribbean and the East Pacific Ocean; and the recent U.S. threats to Greenland.</p>
<p>As Yuval Shany and Amichai Cohen have accurately and ominously <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133292/international-law-crossroads/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">stated</a>, there is &ldquo;a growing perception among policymakers that international law no longer offers a workable framework of norms and institutions for addressing the most serious problems of international peace and security.&rdquo; This is occurring in a context where it is believed we may be witnessing the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/law/2025/jun/26/are-we-witnessing-the-death-of-international-law" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">death of international law</a>. However, as Mark Twain might <a href="https://www.thisdayinquotes.com/2018/06/reports-of-mark-twains-quip-about-his-death-are-greatly-misquoted/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">put it</a>, the reports of the death of international law are greatly exaggerated. That said, the legal community will have to reconsider how international law is interpreted and applied if that body of law is to remain relevant in the 21st Century.</p>
<p>There is certainly a disconnect between the views of many international lawyers and those of many State policy makers. While many legal commentaries have stridently opposed these recent U.S. actions, the reaction by States have been considerably more diverse. President Donald Trump&rsquo;s designs on Greenland met with condemnation, although many States remained publicly <a href="https://www.cfr.org/articles/greenlands-independence-what-would-mean-us-interests" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">silent</a>. The United Kingdom, the Netherlands, and <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/colombia-president-orders-suspension-intelligence-sharing-with-us-2025-11-12/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Colombia</a> (see also <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/newfoundland-labrador/us-airstrikes-caribbean-drug-smugglers-9.6932751" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Canada</a>) were <a href="https://time.com/7333231/countries-stop-sharing-intelligence-with-united-states-amid-boat-strikes-caribbean/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">reported</a> to have restricted intelligence sharing that might be used by the United States for strikes against drug cartels. Interestingly, the response to the Maduro seizure was more mixed with some U.S. Latin American allies <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/world/u-s-venezuela-maduro-reactions-9.7032630#:~:text=Meanwhile%2C%20Trump%20supporters%20in%20Argentina,has%20repeated%20the%20slogan%20previously." rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">supporting</a> the move (e.g. Argentina, Peru Ecuador), while others <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/world/u-s-venezuela-maduro-reactions-9.7032630#:~:text=Around%20the%20world%2C%20reactions%20vary,and%20the%20rule%20of%20law." rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">responded</a> &ldquo;diplomatically, saying they&rsquo;re monitoring the situation and urging respect for the rule of law. Others strongly condemned the U.S. actions, calling them &ldquo;unacceptable. &rdquo;</p>
<p>[Editor&rsquo;s note: see <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131396/maduro-allies-adversaries-react/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">U.S. Allies and Adversaries&rsquo; Reactions to Operation Absolute Resolve to Capture Maduro</a><u>: UN Security Council Emergency Meeting</u>]</p>
<p>The response to Operation Epic Fury has been especially equivocal with some States <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133292/international-law-crossroads/#:~:text=The%20first%20EU%20country%20that,e.g.%2C%20here%20and%20here)." rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">opposing</a> the action (e.g. Russia, China, Spain, Italy, France, Switzerland) and others offering <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133292/international-law-crossroads/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">support</a> (e.g. Canada, Australia, Ukraine, NATO Secretary General). Notably Canada expressed support for the goal of denuclearizing Iran, although Prime Minister Mark Carney subsequently <a href="https://www.ctvnews.ca/politics/article/canada-will-stand-by-allies-when-it-makes-sense-prime-minister-mark-carney-says/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">called</a> the operation &ldquo;an example of the failure of the international order&rdquo; involving action that is &ldquo;inconsistent with international law.&rdquo; Attempts have been made to distinguish between defensive versus offensive action. Following an <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c4g74npdwnyo" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">attack</a> on its base in Cyprus, the United Kingdom. <a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/news/summary-of-the-uk-government-legal-position-the-legality-of-defensive-action-in-respect-of-iranian-regional-attacks" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">changed</a> its approach from relying on international law to reject support for U.S. military attacks on Iran to permitting their use of British bases to &ldquo;facilitate specific and limited defensive action against missile facilities in Iran which were involved in launching strikes at regional allies.&rdquo; Further, the United Kingdom. indicated it was going &ldquo;to intercept drones or missiles targeting countries not previously involved in the conflict.&rdquo;</p>
<p>This attempt to distinguish between offensive and defensive action gives new meaning to the term &ldquo;nuance.&rdquo; Canada and other States are similarly <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/iran-war-canada-parliament-nato-9.7116424" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">reported</a> to be considering coming to the defense of Gulf States in response to Iranian missile and drone attacks. Adil Haque <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132894/us-israel-iran-war-legal-options/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">suggests</a> the U.K. position attempts to achieve an impossible separation from unlawful U.S. offensive operations (see also Aurel Sari&rsquo;s <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133231/united-kingdom-iran-war-international-law/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">analysis</a> of the U.K. &ldquo;tightrope&rdquo;) <a href="https://www.ejiltalk.org/the-legality-of-the-uk-interception-of-iranian-missiles-and-permitting-a-limited-us-use-of-british-bases/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Suggesting</a> there is a subtle distinction between offensive and defensive uses of force does not alter the fact that the United Kingdom will be engaged in an armed conflict with Iran at the same time as Israel and the United States. It seems only one small step removed from the action taken by the <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cx2krlgekpxo" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">U</a><a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cx2krlgekpxo" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">nited Kingdom</a>, the <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/2024/10/01/iran-israel-biden/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">U</a><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/2024/10/01/iran-israel-biden/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">nited States</a> , and <a href="https://www.thecairoreview.com/essays/caught-in-the-crossfire-jordans-balancing-act-in-the-iran-israel-conflict/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Jordan</a> in coming to Israeli&rsquo;s defense in October 2024 by shooting down missiles and drones fired by Iran. A position Jordan finds itself in <a href="https://today.lorientlejour.com/article/1496427/jordan-says-it-shot-down-two-ballistic-missiles-targeting-the-kingdom.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">once again</a> in the recent hostilities.</p>
<p>So why the apparent disconnect between the certainty with which international law advocates condemn the strikes on Iran and the equivocal reaction by many States? The issue is whether orthodox legal interpretations provide the necessary clarity, or more significantly may be out of step with the reality facing States. I say this with an acknowledgement that some U.S. action can be readily viewed as breaching international law. As reflected in my and Geoffrey Corn&rsquo;s <a href="https://warontherocks.com/2025/12/attacking-drug-boats-bending-or-breaking-the-law/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">analysis</a> of the targeting of the drug boat cartels, international lawyers can be highly critical of the action undertaken by the United States. Further, I find myself in the situation where my 2016 book <a href="https://academic.oup.com/book/4151" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><em>Fighting at the Legal Boundaries</em></a> was <a href="https://www.justice.gov/olc/media/1423306/dl?inline" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">relied on</a> by the U.S. Justice Department Office of Legal Counsel (p. 5) for the proposition that the Maduro raid created an armed conflict. It did. However, there is much in the rest of that opinion which is unsupportable at law. The Maduro operation is a singular example of State aggression carried out under the guise of law enforcement.</p>
<p>Problematically, the Trump administration has been <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/2025/11/22/drug-boats-strikes-cia-legal-concerns/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">overtly dismissive</a> of international law, and of its own civilian and military lawyers who have traditionally worked to ensure the United States operates within the bounds of international law. However, the negative perception of this administration should not brush all action as being outside recognized international norms. International law is not dead, and it continues to perform an essential role in establishing norms and restricting &ndash; and yes, at times justifying &ndash; State uses of force. In this regard the two Trump administrations have regularly relied on the language of international law and its norms (e.g. collective self-defense, armed attacks, necessity, proportionality) to explain and justify their actions (see <a href="https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/letter-congressional-leaders-united-states-military-operations-iran" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>, <a href="https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/27725118/war-powers-report-iran.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>, and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/01/united-states-article-51-letter-soleimani.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>).</p>
<p>Part of the problem faced by members of the legal community is that the certitude of their legal conclusions does not always match the complexity of the situations being assessed. Recently, Julian Ku <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2026/03/05/iran-un-charter-war-rules/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">argued</a>: &ldquo;International law governing the use of force has ossified into a formal binary. A strike is either lawful or unlawful. There is little space in the doctrine to distinguish among profoundly different uses of force.&rdquo; The challenge for those criticizing Operation Epic Fury is that the ongoing hostilities with Iran are fundamentally different from a historical, factual and legal perspective than the invasion of Venezuelan territory and the drug boat strikes. Further, when confronted with State reactions that do not conform to their legal analysis it is not uncommon for some international lawyers to almost dismissively refer to State positions as being examples of <a href="https://www.oxfordlearnersdictionaries.com/definition/english/realpolitik" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">realpolitik</a> (i.e. practical determinations devoid of moral or ethical premises). However, the State responses might more often be properly characterized as grounded in <a href="https://www.oxfordlearnersdictionaries.com/definition/english/realism?q=realism" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">realism</a> (i.e. accepting and dealing with situations as they really are without being influenced by your emotions or false hopes).</p>
<p>The international legal community could benefit from reflecting on the degree to which its traditional interpretations of the law are out of step with the threats facing States and how States are responding to those threats. This is not the first time international law has been considered to be in crisis when confronted with the requirement to make potentially <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/leiden-journal-of-international-law/article/unwilling-or-unable-test-has-it-been-and-could-it-be-accepted/A136F06AE6A397B93804F7BFA7F87CA2" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">radical change</a> in its interpretations of the law. Prior to 9/11, there was a widely held position that States could not exercise self-defense against non-State actors posing a transnational threat unless their actions could be attributed to a State. When faced with such a threat post 9/11, greater acceptance developed within the international community that such a threat could trigger the right of self-defense, with a growing number of States taking the view that defensive action could lawfully be undertaken where a State was unwilling or unable to deal with the non-State actor operating from their territory even though concerns remain concerning the elasticity of the right to self-defense. The right to take defensive action against non- State actors is recognized in the 2005 <a href="https://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/default/files/publications/research/2005-10-01-use-force-states-self-defence-wilmshurst.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Chatham House Principles of International Law on the Use of Force by States in Self- Defence</a> (Rule 6), the 2010 <a href="https://iipsl.jura.uni-koeln.de/fileadmin/sites/iipsl/Forschung/Anlagen/III_1.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Leiden Policy Recommendations on Counter- Terrorism and International Law</a> (para. 38) and the 2024<u> <a href="https://lieber.westpoint.edu/tag/virginia-georgetown-manual/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Virginia-Georgetown Manual on the Use of Force</a></u>, Rule 37)(this author was a participant). As David Kretzmer noted in a 2013 <a href="https://watermark02.silverchair.com/chs087.pdf?token=AQECAHi208BE49Ooan9kkhW_Ercy7Dm3ZL_9Cf3qfKAc485ysgAAA0owggNGBgkqhkiG9w0BBwagggM3MIIDMwIBADCCAywGCSqGSIb3DQEHATAeBglghkgBZQMEAS4wEQQM_5Y2KX-kjXp3fI-xAgEQgIIC_UZCDcbGdYs4I6fd3fWYsktwu4nhTyOqp-cegtbA6BBQY65fsQTIjNeBMZ311zngz8G5DpbkVV5HR-gPGF1JFilY4pzEMVdlS5Cidny_WR1AXeedYQqTb3Q-_wekHlf9-1ol52z2APw-2vkjyrqnBJH5wgvRyTxe3W0rsRB8q_w_zQuAHDGj3WLIKq9HAwSkbi-_jhAYYg5yZ_BE82oX4PQH7bunZpuYw4Caxv2oeke1fF4xgBu6EyZFe2TwoqHcxn9uGb3W9LpdD46OR1rvI77xnXUUhExuMBJCTdiuttnc7K0qoOZQm3Ls9OYDoGWCRNxZXfOHD-OHpZ3neCwvpl-JQ3SJt1uNZNU0UMU6j-aM9wUAyH8x9B-aySk98OXZ4qQM6NawA49qtb6OAB4ltXLXR4QivSiUetT3h1sV8YtvlaU8t5P0TLX-0NUXCHEAExqlZHwYYDLlLjHQA1GgRrWvCWZaV6grAdJKYv7iDX_zpqyu4uy92riGu9wF0NAMcurvuAfWL8NUWIs_xzT_rfWmRHBoE7WgjlySq8VkpGt6za5XncpQEoZpofHVWiuifg8qC6DccOIfalLUX0Ps1hX7YZxmJrQVZBbYIJC0RXWXKXnwMwz31PtBNcymmIVHBA_7cOc7LrztsmBlAX3sHa3bfJPJQzP9_EsDjwSqEqypUUmeibBVXxG9hWVGZkLl2SPSM4P4EqVl2893In7NxuEY9QDhZ1NOEyjVYklv26QD1TBWW4ZCy_a2brP48hQwQ6ExjtKxmt2vCriv3G6x9psVUvH_daD4LvUXF50mN-UM1feJCnWvzSr7falgs4Am0w5Ho6qnuFP2It4U2hkmVa2p2kk9VxKPQUA0zWt01FRfUWyLNYECUSTLcSfsoBp2CtITVj8xabXJdP-OMs5Ljl08npJ3DWssZgGNAGotBCQ0Ap6I0Sq0VGCjH3bRS7RD6nRhilLWohVW-g1muDqq0hfn0dK1UG2AkpEBOTLpVQMbXovmhVf-vFTKcPo8hw" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">article</a> (p. 273) the requirement that the actions of a non-State actor be attributed to a State to justify the use of extra-territorial forces &ldquo;is no longer the majority view.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The license for States to act in self-defense carries with it the potential for abuse. The response by the international legal community has largely been to try and limit abuse by significantly, and arguably overly, restricting State defensive action. This is done with narrow interpretations of the self-defense principles of necessity, imminence, proportionality and immediacy; by applying an elevated gravity threshold for determining the existence of an armed attack (<a href="https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/70/070-19860627-JUD-01-00-EN.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Nicaragua</a>, para. 247); and by individualizing threats rather than looking more broadly at a series of events to better contextualize the overall threat to State and international security.</p>
<p>What&rsquo;s more, restrictionists may apply a tactical approach that focuses on individual attacks. They reject the idea that a series of strikes or an accumulation of events could justify the exercise of self-defense, or that the exercise of self-defense might not always progress along a linear trajectory. Overall, the goal of the restrictionist approach is understandable, but at times it is highly formalistic and reflective of the Cold War context in which it was created &ndash; an approach focused on the initial use of force between the major East and West protagonists. The approach has also proven inadequate in some security situations such as the protection of nationals. In the case of the 2001 evacuation of German nationals from Afghanistan, for example, the government <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/79847/evacuating-nationals-a-noteworthy-new-element-of-german-practice-and-opinio-juris/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">suggested</a> there may be a customary law exception to the U.N. Charter Article 2(4) prohibition on the use of force, an effort that might break out of the restrictionist mold.</p>
<p>Even more significantly, many restrictionists appear to maintain a strict separation of the law governing the right to act in self-defense from that governing the use of force once conflict begins. This does not account for situations like the Iran conflict where the States are involved in continuing hostilities, but there are pauses in the violence. For example, the hostilities between the parties in June 2025 were followed by an <a href="https://www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/en/country-files/israel-palestine/news/2025/article/iran-israel-united-states-announcement-of-a-ceasefire-24-06-25-25" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">announcement</a> of a ceasefire. However, as international lawyers know, a ceasefire <a href="https://theconversation.com/what-exactly-is-a-ceasefire-and-why-is-it-so-difficult-to-agree-on-one-in-gaza-217683" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">does not terminate</a> a conflict, it only pauses it. The Iranian armaments program, including the development of a nuclear capability, appears to have continued. President Trump referred to that program being restarted in his Feb. 25, 2026 <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RZ9fnBblbHk" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">address</a> to Congress and stated Iran would never be permitted to have nuclear weapons. In that light, the 2026 Operation Epic Fury is best seen as a continuation of an already existing armed conflict with Iran. This means that the analysis of self-defense must be considered in the context of an ongoing state of war between the countries involved, and as it turns out more broadly within the region. Rather than focus on individual attacks, the law needs to be applied more realistically by considering the full scope of the hostilities.</p>
<p>Consider the length and breadth of the conflict between the United States and Iran and its proxies as the record presents a messier reality than simply looking at the attacks launched on Feb. 28, 2026. Starting with the 1979 seizure of the U.S. Embassy and consulate in Iran and subsequent aborted hostage rescue mission, there has been a <a href="https://china.usembassy-china.org.cn/the-iranian-regimes-decades-of-terrorism-against-american-citizens/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">litany of attacks</a> against U.S. citizens, military personnel and interests. This includes the 1983 <a href="https://www.dia.mil/News-Features/Articles/Article-View/Article/566917/they-came-in-peace/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">destruction</a> of the Beirut Marine barracks and U.S. embassy by Hezbollah, the 1985 <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/1991/12/28/buckleys-remains-identified/5b3bf0cc-41c2-4a1c-aa0b-27be8c3795d2/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">kidnapping, torture and murder</a> of the C.I.A. station chief, the 1987 and 1988 hostilities concerning oil platforms in the Gulf, the tragic 1988 shootdown of an Iranian commercial airliner by the <a href="https://adst.org/2014/07/uss-vincennes-shoots-down-iran-air-flight-655/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">U</a> <a href="https://adst.org/2014/07/uss-vincennes-shoots-down-iran-air-flight-655/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">S</a> <a href="https://adst.org/2014/07/uss-vincennes-shoots-down-iran-air-flight-655/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">S Vincennes</a>, and the 1996 <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/articles/remembering-the-khobar-towers-bombing/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Khobar Towers</a> bombing in Saudi Arabia. Following the 2003 invasion, Iraqi Shiite militia were trained and equipped by Iran leading to an <a href="https://nationalinterest.org/blog/buzz/report-iran-killed-600-us-soldiers-iraq-war-50612" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">estimated</a> 600 American casualties. There was also a 2011 Iranian <a href="https://archives.fbi.gov/archives/newyork/press-releases/2013/manssor-arbabsiar-sentenced-in-new-york-city-federal-court-to-25-years-in-prison-for-conspiring-with-iranian-military-officials-to-assassinate-the-saudi-arabian-ambassador-to-the-united-states" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">plot</a> to murder the Saudi ambassador on U.S. soil. The United States has also acted collectively with Israel against the threat posed by Iran and its proxies. It is reported to have included the 2008 killing of the Hezbollah terrorist leader, <a href="https://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2015/02/mughniyeh-assassination-cia-115049/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Imad Mughniyeh</a>, in Syria, and the 2009 <a href="https://cisac.fsi.stanford.edu/news/stuxnet" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">&ldquo;Stuxnet&rdquo;</a> cyber-attack on the Iranian nuclear weapons program,</p>
<p>The conflict intensified in 2019 when Iran <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-48700965" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">shot down</a> an American drone and the U.S. carried out strikes and cyber-attacks against Iranian targets. Subsequently numerous <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/01/02/world/middleeast/qassem-soleimani-iraq-iran-attack.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">attacks</a> were carried out on U.S. bases by Iranian backed Iraqi militia that eventually killed an American contractor. The Iranian- backed militias threatened the U.S. embassy in Baghdad, and, on January 3, 2020, the U.S. carried out the <a href="https://www.yahoo.com/news/conspiracy-is-hard-inside-the-trump-administrations-secret-plan-to-kill-qassem-soleimani-090058817.html?guccounter=1&amp;guce_referrer=aHR0cHM6Ly93d3cudGltZXNvZmlzcmFlbC5jb20v&amp;guce_referrer_sig=AQAAAMgTWRoll2LtH0HSlsqHEsxg7dYOcnBnOVX190t2OILSP8sX-ae2xf2n9J9cP1GAvtjgPjK4JGEnT-7j8k_YujsGiNpvWfn8UGlOz7ha_VUqFPwU44PAUyyxfdbyPCu_6NxygdtqXJj9ap8G9PmJu6HkijzAWlUech8QGcP0S3u1" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">targeted killing</a> of Iranian Major-General Soleimani and the Shiite Iraqi leader, Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis. In 2022, US prosecutors <a href="https://www.justice.gov/archives/opa/pr/member-irans-islamic-revolutionary-guard-corps-irgc-charged-plot-murder-former-national" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">charged</a> an alleged Iranian agent for attempting to kill former National Security Advisor John Bolton, and former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo was also <a href="https://www.axios.com/2022/08/10/iran-assassination-pompeo-bolton" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">reportedly</a> on the hit list. The hostilities between the United States and Iraqi militia continued over time but eventually lessened. As already noted in 2025 the United States became involved in defending Israel from Iranian attacks that occurred during hostilities flowing from the tragic attacks on Israel by Hamas in October 2023. In addition, the United States <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/4/28/at-least-8-killed-in-latest-us-air-attacks-on-yemens-capital-saana" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">carried out</a> over 800 strikes in Yemen against the Iranian backed Houthis who were seeking to disrupt international maritime shipping. Ultimately, in June 2025 the United States acted in collective self-defense with Israel attacking and significantly damaging Iran&rsquo;s nuclear weapons program. Just this past week a Pakistani man was convicted in a New York court of planning in 2024 to work with the Iranian government to murder President Trump and other high-ranking officials (notably, the <a href="https://static.politico.com/de/37/242bb1904914b9557271106ea8c7/u-s-v-shakeri-et-al-complaint.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">second</a> such alleged Iranian plot to kill President Trump).</p>
<p>The United States has never lost the title of being the &ldquo;<a href="https://theweek.com/politics/iran-and-the-usa-history" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Great Satan</a>&rdquo; with its ally, Israel, not only being called the &ldquo;<a href="https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/menasource/beyond-the-bomb-ideology-as-the-engine-of-irans-nuclear-doctrine/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Little Satan</a>&rdquo;, but also continually being threatened with extinction by Iran. Shockingly this means Iran, a member nation of the U.N., is committed to destroying another recognized State. This puts Iran in company with Russia with its ongoing <a href="https://moderndiplomacy.eu/2026/02/25/four-years-later-what-russia-really-wanted-with-ukraine/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">attempt</a> to forcefully absorb Ukraine. These are true threats to the international rules based order. It is just one indication of what makes Iran&rsquo;s potential possession of nuclear weapons and the means to deliver them (e.g. ballistic missiles) such a serious threat to international peace and security.</p>
<p>Looking at events since 2019 alone it is apparent the U.S. has been engaged in continuing hostilities involving Iran and its proxies, none of which have been brought to a formal conclusion. This raises the issue of the relationship between Iran and its proxies (e.g. Hezbollah, Hamas, the Houthis, the Iraqi Shiite militias). As I outlined in a 2022 <a href="https://brill.com/edcollchap/book/9789004532298/BP000002.xml" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">article</a> on the application of self-defense during this shadow conflict, it could be challenging to conclude that Iran exercises effective control over these groups. However, there are three other ways in which the United States may be involved in armed attacks and reciprocal acts of self-defense with Iran: by means of Iran&rsquo;s &ldquo;substantial involvement&rdquo; with those groups (<a href="https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/70/070-19860627-JUD-01-00-EN.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Nicaragua</a>, para 195); by Iran&rsquo;s exercise of &ldquo;overall control&rdquo; over those groups (<a href="https://www.refworld.org/jurisprudence/caselaw/icty/1999/40180" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Tadic</a>, para 137), and as a result of the armed groups simply being allied essentially as co-belligerents with Iran in attaining a common goal. At a minimum, these, all represent the intimate connection between Iran and its proxies in a common cause that poses demonstrable national security threats to Israel, the United States and more widely in the region.</p>
<p>As Olivier Corten indicates (<a href="https://www.abebooks.com/9781841139425/Law-Against-Prohibition-Use-Force-1841139424/plp" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Law Against War</a>, p. 470), substantial involvement encompasses providing &ldquo;massive support for armed bands operating from the territory of the State in question, without the State actually participating in the armed actions as such.&rdquo; This clearly fits Iran&rsquo;s relationship with those proxies thereby establishing their actions are attributable to that State for the purposes of self-defense. Notably, Israel relied on the &ldquo;substantial involvement&rdquo; criterion in its <a href="https://www.gov.il/en/pages/operation-rising-lion-key-factual-and-legal-aspects-of-the-iran-israel-hostilities-june-2025-11-aug-2025" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">legal justification</a> for carrying out Operation Rising Lion against Iran in 2025 flowing from the tragic Hamas attack of October 2023. The Israeli <a href="https://www.idf.il/en/mini-sites/operation-roaring-lion/articles-operation-roaring-lion/the-legality-of-operation-roaring-lion/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">legal rationale</a> underpinning the recent strikes is that the attacks are a continuation of an &ldquo;already existing international armed conflict that Iran had sustained for years through direct and indirect armed attacks.&rdquo; It is no question that if Israel had a right of self-defense to launch attacks against Iran in June 2025 and February 2026, the United States would have the concomitant legal prerogative to act in Israel&rsquo;s collective self-defense upon the latter&rsquo;s request.</p>
<p>Shany and Cohen have provocatively suggested that the failure of the international legal community to deal with Iran might lead to two possible outcomes. One being the (acknowledged highly problematic) adoption of an &ldquo;illegal but legitimate&rdquo; line of reasoning in justifying the use of force. The second being the acceptance of an (also acknowledged highly problematic) broadening of self-defence bordering on &ldquo;self-preservation&rdquo; reminiscent of the pre-Charter era. Perhaps not surprisingly this challenge to orthodoxy resulted in a swift <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133417/aggression-iran-response-shany-cohen/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">reply</a> from Tom Dannebaum and Rebecca Hamilton rejecting the idea &ldquo;that international law must change to accommodate &hellip; States&rsquo; frustrations if a viable international legal order is to survive&rdquo; and that &ldquo;the inference of a general dissatisfaction with the substantive rules of the U.N. Charter is unfounded.&rdquo;</p>
<p>In a staunch defence of the status quo, they argued if the United States and Israel considered their position acceptable to the international community they could have gone to the U.N. Security Council, relied on the Uniting for Peace Resolution, sought the support of the U.N. General Assembly, or used other unnamed international organizations. Acknowledging that the regime governing the resort to force is not perfect, their main suggested substantive change is seeking to reform the Security Council. What was not addressed has been the clear inability or unwillingness of the existing U.N. framework to deal with the threat posed by Iran, the historic failure to effect reform to the U.N. structure, and importantly that Israel and the United States. have been engaged in a continuing armed conflict/armed attacks with Iran.</p>
<p>Cognitive biases can help <a href="https://www.goodreads.com/quotes/694261-change-is-hard-because-people-overestimate-the-value-of-what#:~:text=Quote%20by%20James%20Belasco:%20%5C%E2%80%9CChange,Tags:%20change%2C%20inspirational" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">e</a><a href="https://www.goodreads.com/quotes/694261-change-is-hard-because-people-overestimate-the-value-of-what#:~:text=Quote%20by%20James%20Belasco:%20%5C%E2%80%9CChange,Tags:%20change%2C%20inspirational" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">xplain</a> why &ldquo;change is hard because people overestimate the value of what they have and underestimate the value of what they may gain by giving that up.&rdquo; Yet, if the international legal community wants to effectively deal with security threats in the 21st Century, change is necessary, however difficult, to remain relevant. The change required need not be as radical as indicated by Shany and Cohen, or as ineffective in the short term as argued by Dannenbaum and Hamiliton. What is needed is interpretive change about how the use of force is regulated. It has already been suggested that the law governing self-defense and the conduct of hostilities should and can be applied simultaneously. An approach that restrictionist interpretations of international law have so far failed to apply. Yoram Dinstein&rsquo;s more limited theory (<a href="https://www.cambridge.org/highereducation/books/war-aggression-and-self-defence/267F637971002C839A8AB472DD0CDB8B#overview" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">War, Aggression and Self-Defence 6</a><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/highereducation/books/war-aggression-and-self-defence/267F637971002C839A8AB472DD0CDB8B#overview" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><sup>th</sup></a><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/highereducation/books/war-aggression-and-self-defence/267F637971002C839A8AB472DD0CDB8B#overview" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> ed</a>, paras. 473-47) requires reconciling the simultaneous application of the recourse to war rules and humanitarian law particularly in respect of the application of the proportionality of the State response. His theory suggests it can impact the geographical and temporal scope of a conflict involving more minor attacks (e.g. incidents &ldquo;short of war&rdquo;), although the hostilities with Iran appear to have moved beyond that threshold. Even when the conflict expands to &ldquo;war&rdquo; there is a requirement to make a force versus counter force proportionality assessment, albeit at the inception of the hostilities.</p>
<p>A second, overarching theory suggested in a 1989 <a href="https://brill.com/edcollchap/book/9789004633704/B9789004633704_s019.xml" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">article</a> by Christopher Greenwood (pp. 273-88) and a book by Judith Gardam (<a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/necessity-proportionality-and-the-use-of-force-by-states/44444F430ED6C611C444A43913C4AE05" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Necessity, Proportionality and the Use of Force</a>, pp. 156-57) contemplates the self-defense principles of necessity and proportionality applying throughout a conflict. However, as Greenwood acknowledges the more extensive the violence the less influence the self-defense principles will have such as in areas of its geographic scope. Even in that context, the violence must still be limited by humanitarian law rules governing the conduct of hostilities. Notably, Israel addressed the potential continuing application of the law governing the use of force at length in its 2025 Operation Rising Lion <a href="https://www.gov.il/en/pages/operation-rising-lion-key-factual-and-legal-aspects-of-the-iran-israel-hostilities-june-2025-11-aug-2025" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">justification</a> even though it did not believe it applied as a matter of law to the ongoing conflict (p. 20). That justification stated: &ldquo;The scale and scope of Israel&rsquo;s Operation were proportionate to what was required to neutralize the imminent and existential threat posed by the Iranian regime&rsquo;s nuclear weapons program, as well as to the other imminent and actual Iranian attacks against Israel during the Operation. The Operation ceased once its objectives were achieved and a ceasefire was announced.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Given the ongoing nature of the Iran hostilities and the international concern that they will expand in scope and intensity, it is the Greenwood-Gardam based overarching theory of the continuing application of the law governing the resort to the use of force throughout an international armed conflict that would likely attract the most support. It shifts the analysis away from the imminence of an individual tactical level attack in the context of an armed conflict where the threat has already been established to questions about whether the defensive response is necessary and proportionate. Rather than focus on individual attacks it also requires a holistic strategic assessment of the goals of the defending State. It is here where the justification for Operation Epic Fury may be most challenged due to the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/06/us/politics/trump-unconditional-surrender-iran.html?smid=nytcore-ios-share" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">unclear and often changing rationale</a> provided by the U.S. a dministration.</p>
<p>There are a number of issues that need to be addressed. For example, what changed from President Trump&rsquo;s 2025 <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2026/02/24/politics/nuclear-program-iran-trump-strike" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">declaration</a> that the nuclear threat had been &ldquo;completely and totally obliterated&rdquo; to a situation where a ceasefire was terminated? To what degree had the Iranian armaments program re started? As Shany and Cohen <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133292/international-law-crossroads/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">suggest</a>, &ldquo;the imminence of the nuclear threat &hellip; has diminished (although, obviously, both nuclear and ballistic threats did not disappear altogether and remain a serious problem).&rdquo; If the situation changed sufficiently then attacks directed at removing Iran&rsquo;s nuclear and ballistic missile threat would appear to be more consistent with the initially stated threat posed by Iran rather than seeking regime change or a complete surrender. If the strategic objectives have changed such that regime change or surrender is being considered, why is that necessary to achieve security, and what will be the proportionate means to achieve it?</p>
<p>Further, to what degree are U.S. strategic goals tied to its exercise of <a href="https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/letter-congressional-leaders-united-states-military-operations-iran" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">collective self-defense</a> with Israel since that country is under a significantly greater threat from Iran? The situation facing Israel may justify a more ambitious defensive response. However, it is not clear that the strategic goals of the two countries are the same. For example, as Fareed Zakaria has <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2026/03/06/iran-civil-war-regime-collapse/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">noted</a> while from a security perspective Israel might find a chaotic collapsed Iran acceptable, the United States may not due to the potential impact it could have on the region which depends upon stability and predictability &ldquo;so that oil, goods, money and people can flow freely and easily through it.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Linking the legality of State action to the strategic goals of an operation more directly aligns the law with issues that most concern States. Denuclearizing Iran is likely to more easily garner political support internationally, as well as being more readily justified at law. Not necessarily so with <a href="https://www.cnn.com/world/live-news/iran-war-us-israel-trump-03-06-26" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">seeking</a> the full unconditional surrender of Iran without an explanation of what comes after. It is one thing to remove an immediate threat, yet another if the result is greater regional and international instability. As General David Petraeus sagely <a href="https://thehill.com/opinion/national-security/5766933-operation-epic-fury-tell-me-how-this-ends/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">said</a>, &ldquo;Tell me how this ends.&rdquo; Adopting an overarching approach to the exercise of State self-defense more likely means the legal analysis and political assessments based in realism will be aligned toward seeking the same goal: limiting the conflict and its second-order impacts. International law is under duress, but it need not be in crisis. It has a meaningful role to play, but not one anchored in formal restrictionist Cold War thinking. I am sure some restrictionists will critique my analysis by claiming it is not grounded in orthodox interpretations of international law. I agree. Twenty-first Century threats require an application of the law based in realism, not aspiration.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133579/operation-epic-fury-international-law/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Operation Epic Fury: Reports of the Death of International Law are Greatly Exaggerated</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-10T20:55:51+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Kenneth Watkin</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-10T20:55:51+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="armed conflict"/>

	<category term="armed conflicts"/>

	<category term="congress"/>

	<category term="democracy &amp; rule of law"/>

	<category term="diplomacy"/>

	<category term="executive branch"/>

	<category term="featured articles"/>

	<category term="international humanitarian law (ihl)"/>

	<category term="international law"/>

	<category term="iran"/>

	<category term="israel"/>

	<category term="jus ad bellum"/>

	<category term="law of armed conflict (loac)"/>

	<category term="law of armed conflict/ihl"/>

	<category term="military"/>

	<category term="naval warfare"/>

	<category term="operation epic fury"/>

	<category term="the newport manual on the law of naval warfare"/>

	<category term="trump administration second term"/>

	<category term="un charter"/>

	<category term="use of force"/>

	<category term="war powers"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-10:/282153</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131377/what-ungoverned-ai-looks-like/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=what-ungoverned-ai-looks-like" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Grok Showed the World What Ungoverned AI Looks Like</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>The 2026 International AI Safety Report, published in early February by over 100 experts from more t...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>The<a href="https://internationalaisafetyreport.org/publication/international-ai-safety-report-2026" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> 2026 International AI Safety Report</a>, published in early February by over 100 experts from more than 30 countries, reached a sobering conclusion: the gap between the pace of AI advancement and our ability to implement effective safeguards remains a critical challenge. The report&rsquo;s chair,<a href="https://amturing.acm.org/award_winners/bengio_3406375.cfm" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Turing Award winner</a> Yoshua Bengio, put it plainly: international agreement on AI governance is now in the rational interest of every country, mirroring &ldquo;exactly what has happened with the management of nuclear risks.&rdquo;</p>
<p>This is not abstract. Indeed, we already have a case study in what happens when that coordination does not exist.</p>
<p>Last December, xAI&rsquo;s chatbot Grok began<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/01/22/technology/grok-x-ai-elon-musk-deepfakes.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> generating</a> thousands of nonconsensual sexualised images per hour, including images of minors. Users discovered they could upload photographs of real people and instruct the AI to &ldquo;undress&rdquo; them. Governments issued statements and regulators announced investigations. But nobody effectively stopped it, nor could they have without effective multilateral coordination.</p>
<p>What followed was a textbook case of fragmented response. Malaysia and Indonesia&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cg7y10xm4x2o" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">banned</a> Grok outright. Britain accelerated enforcement of the Online Safety Act,<a href="https://www.ofcom.org.uk/online-safety/illegal-and-harmful-content/investigation-into-x-and-scope-of-the-online-safety-act" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> launching</a> an Ofcom investigation (led by the United Kingdom&rsquo;s regulator for communication services). France<a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/ce3ex92557jo" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> widened</a> an existing inquiry and raided X&rsquo;s offices in Paris. India<a href="https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/x-admits-lapses-removes-3500-bits-of-grok-content/articleshow/126470965.cms" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> demanded</a> compliance reports. Brazil&rsquo;s chief prosecutor<a href="https://m.economictimes.com/tech/artificial-intelligence/brazil-orders-x-to-immediately-block-grok-sexualised-deepfakes/amp_articleshow/128236778.cms" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> called</a> for X to stop Grok from producing sexualized content within five days or face legal action. The European Commission<a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/eu-commission-has-ordered-x-retain-all-grok-documents-until-end-2026-2026-01-08/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> ordered</a> X to preserve all internal documents related to Grok over doubts about compliance, while 57 members of the European Parliament<a href="https://iapp.org/news/a/meps-press-european-commission-for-clarity-on-legality-of-deepfake-apps" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> called</a> for bans on &ldquo;nudification&rdquo; tools under the AI Act. California&rsquo;s attorney general sent a cease-and-desist<a href="https://oag.ca.gov/news/press-releases/attorney-general-bonta-sends-cease-and-desist-letter-xai-demands-it-halt-illegal" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> letter</a> to xAI. And U.S. senators<a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/tech/internet/senators-urged-apple-google-remove-x-grok-app-stores-rcna253048" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> wrote</a> to Apple and Google requesting the removal of X from app stores.</p>
<p>xAI&rsquo;s response was to<a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/ce8gz8g2qnlo" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> comply</a> by preventing Grok creating sexualized deepfakes in jurisdictions where it is illegal (as discussed in<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/130630/grok-deepfakes-content-capability" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> this</a> previous <i>Just Security</i> article). The company was saying the quiet part out loud: xAI would do the minimum required, country by country, because no coordinated international standard exists to require otherwise.</p>
<h2><b>AI Harms Risk Growing Without International Coordination</b></h2>
<p>The problem here is not a lack of concern; after all, major jurisdictions responded within days. The issue is that AI systems like Grok operate globally while governance remains national and largely uncoordinated. Each country acted according to its own timeline, legal framework, and enforcement capacity. None could act decisively on behalf of others and so what resulted was a regulatory patchwork where Grok could continue generating sexualized deepfakes for users in some jurisdictions.</p>
<p>This is a clear failure of infrastructure rather than political will. The diplomatic channels for rapid, coordinated international response to AI harms simply do not exist, unless a particular harm happens to also fall into specific, pre-existing categories (for instance, matters of cybercrime that benefit from the Budapest Convention&rsquo;s<a href="https://www.coe.int/en/web/cybercrime/24/7-network-new" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> 24/7 Network</a> coordination mechanism&mdash;but even this is only available to States parties to that convention, and for specific law enforcement cooperation purposes). When Indonesia banned Grok, it could not compel action elsewhere. When Britain&rsquo;s Ofcom demanded answers, its jurisdiction ended at the English Channel. And when California&rsquo;s attorney general invoked state law, he was one voice among many.</p>
<p>Some will object that the United States presents a special case. Free speech protections there<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/109603/regulating-social-media-platforms-series/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> make</a> content regulation genuinely difficult, and reasonable people disagree about where to draw lines. While that is true, the Grok incident was not about speech at the margins. Child sexual abuse material is not protected expression anywhere. This was, in every sense, an easy case. And the global response still failed.</p>
<p>That should concern us. Indeed, if this is how we handle situations where everyone agrees that something is wrong, what happens when the questions get harder?</p>
<p>The coordination failures visible in Grok exist across the AI landscape&mdash;and the new International AI Safety Report documents them in detail. Competitive pressure pushes labs to ship faster and cut corners on safety, even when individual leaders would prefer to be cautious. No credible mechanisms exist to verify claims about model capabilities, training runs or safety measures, which makes mutual trust and treaties difficult to sustain. Frontier labs lack standard protocols for reporting serious incidents, so problems often stay siloed until they become public scandals.</p>
<p>The stakes will only increase. The report notes that current AI systems can already assist non-experts in designing dangerous biological agents&mdash;with 23 percent of the highest-performing biological AI tools having high misuse potential&mdash;and are being adapted into semi-autonomous cyber attackers. These are documented capabilities. This means the question is less about whether harder cases will arrive and more about whether the infrastructure to address them will exist when they do.</p>
<p>International coordination forums are sometimes dismissed as talk shops where diplomats exchange pleasantries while real power lies elsewhere. This criticism misses the point. Of course, dialogue alone cannot, and does not, solve problems. But without trusted channels between governments, industry and civil society, we will keep watching harms unfold without effective mechanisms to respond collectively.</p>
<h2><b>The India Summit and Tracks for International AI Coordination</b></h2>
<p>At the India AI Impact Summit in New Delhi that took place from Feb. 16-20, OpenAI CEO Sam Altman <a href="https://www.yahoo.com/news/articles/openais-altman-says-world-urgently-080140574.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">said</a> the world &ldquo;urgently&rdquo; needs something like the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) for AI&mdash;a body capable of rapidly responding to changing circumstances. The aspiration is right as the IAEA is about trust and verification, which is exactly what global labs&mdash;especially in the United States and China&mdash;need right now in order to start collaborating on AI risk management. But unless we lay out a fast mechanism for onboarding nations, we cannot afford to wait for the decade-long ratification arc that brought the IAEA itself into being.</p>
<p>The Grok incident illustrates why the most urgent need is not a new institution, but a new operational layer: specifically, a standing Rapid Response Network among the national AI Safety Institutes that already exist in the United Kingdom, United States, European Union, Japan, Singapore, India, and Canada, but also including China&mdash;with binding commitments to exchange incident data within 24 to 48 hours whenever an AI harm crosses borders. In parallel, major economies should conclude bilateral and multi-lateral AI incident notification agreements&mdash;the equivalent of nuclear hotlines, requiring no new treaty body and activatable within months&mdash;so that when a regulator in one jurisdiction identifies a systemic harm, counterparts elsewhere are legally obligated to respond within their domestic capabilities rather than left to act voluntarily and asynchronously, as happened with Grok.</p>
<p>The &ldquo;domestic capabilities&rdquo; qualifier matters. Jurisdictions will inevitably bring different authorities, regulatory frameworks, and enforcement options to the table. As the Grok episode makes plain, some will criminalize or regulate AI harms far more aggressively than others&mdash;reflecting not only legal culture but political will. The long-term answer to that divergence is, of course, sweeping multilateral conventions that create shared criminalization and enforcement capabilities globally; but such instruments take years, sometimes decades, to negotiate, ratify, and implement. The notification agreements proposed here are designed to work in the interim and below that threshold. At a minimum, they could stipulate a floor-level response obligation&mdash;one feasible for all signatories regardless of their current domestic frameworks&mdash;so that no party is simply left to act voluntarily and asynchronously, as happened with Grok.</p>
<p>The natural convening structure for both tracks already exists (provided that the <a href="https://digichina.stanford.edu/work/what-do-we-know-about-chinas-new-ai-safety-institute/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">China AI Development and Safety Network</a> is properly integrated): <a href="https://www.csis.org/analysis/ai-safety-institute-international-network-next-steps-and-recommendations" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">the International Network of AI Safety Institutes</a>, built through Bletchley, Seoul, Paris, and now New Delhi, can establish the rapid-notification architecture, while the <a href="https://oecd.ai/en/ai-principles" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">OECD AI Principles framework</a>&mdash;adopted by over 50 countries&mdash;provides the interoperability layer that translates shared standards into mutual recognition of safety assessments, closing the regulatory arbitrage window that permissive jurisdictions currently exploit.</p>
<p>These are the foundations on which a more ambitious IAEA-style International AI Agency, now being informally discussed in academic and policy circles, can eventually be built&mdash;but the foundations must be laid now, before the harder cases arrive.</p>
<h2><b>Conclusion</b></h2>
<p>Several efforts to build this foundation are underway and there is precedent for success. In 2023, 16 major AI companies&mdash;including Amazon, Anthropic, Google, Meta, Microsoft, and OpenAI, though notably not xAI&mdash;<a href="https://epic.org/white-house-announces-new-voluntary-commitments-from-leading-a-i-companies-to-manage-a-i-risks/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">signed</a> on to voluntary safety commitments coordinated by the White House, agreeing to shared standards on security testing, information sharing, and content watermarking. The Frontier Model Forum<a href="https://www.frontiermodelforum.org/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> emerged</a> from that process to develop industry-wide safety practices. More recently, the<a href="https://c2pa.org/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> Coalition for Content Provenance and Authenticity</a> is developing technical standards for authenticating AI-generated media.</p>
<p>The findings of the International AI Safety Report informed discussions at the India Summit. As the report&rsquo;s authors note, &ldquo;The value of this Report is not only in the findings it presents, but in the example it sets of working together to navigate shared challenges.&rdquo; That example needs to become the norm.</p>
<p>The alternative is to continue as we are: responding to each incident ad hoc, jurisdiction by jurisdiction, while AI systems advance faster than our collective capacity to govern them. That path leads to a world where the most permissive rules set the floor, where companies arbitrage between regulatory regimes, and where the next Grok-style incident is merely a preview of worse to come.</p>
<p>Many will see the Grok incident as an aberration. But we see it as a demonstration. The technology worked as designed, the harms were predictable, and the global response was exactly what the current system allows&mdash;which is to say, not much. Whether we build the coordination capacity to respond differently next time is a choice. And it is one we must make now.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131377/what-ungoverned-ai-looks-like/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Grok Showed the World What Ungoverned AI Looks Like</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-10T13:12:26+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Cyrus Hodes</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-10T13:12:26+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="ai &amp; emerging technology"/>

	<category term="ai chatbots"/>

	<category term="artificial intelligence (ai)"/>

	<category term="diplomacy"/>

	<category term="emerging technology"/>

	<category term="generative ai"/>

	<category term="governance"/>

	<category term="international and foreign"/>

	<category term="large language models (llms)"/>

	<category term="technology"/>

	<category term="twitter"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-10:/282154</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133481/year-later-fcpa-enforcement-pause/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=year-later-fcpa-enforcement-pause" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">A Year Later – What Did the Pause on FCPA Enforcement Do?</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>On Feb. 25, 2025, Foreign Affairs published my piece on the Trump administration&rsquo;s decision to suspe...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>On Feb. 25, 2025, <em>Foreign Affairs</em> <a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/united-states/more-corrupt-world-will-be-bad-america" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">published</a> my piece on the Trump administration&rsquo;s decision to suspend the implementation of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA). The Trump administration defended the decision as part of a broad effort to reprioritize and streamline work at the Department of Justice. But, for many of us who had worked in the U.S. government&rsquo;s anti-corruption system, this was an alarming way for the Trump administration to commence.</p>
<p>I asserted at the time that, unless corrected, the result would be:</p>
<p>1.&nbsp;U.S. citizens, banks, and companies would be subjected to bribe solicitation and without the cover created by FCPA to say no;</p>
<p>2.&nbsp;U.S. standing in international bodies, such as the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), would be diminished, possibly resulting in a future deliberation on whether the United States itself should be subject to additional scrutiny by banks and companies as a risky jurisdiction; and,</p>
<p>3.&nbsp;China could take advantage of the U.S. departure from the global anti-corruption scene to advance its own interests, both in the use of corrupt practices and in casting whatever the United States does in those lights.</p>
<h2>So, what&rsquo;s happened since then?</h2>
<p>In many ways, the situation is far worse than I warned. The tone set by the president shapes how forcefully corruption laws are applied, and how companies and foreign officials and intermediaries assess the likelihood that bribe solicitation will be investigated. Barely a day goes by where there is not a credible allegation of corrupt practices, sometimes involving the president&rsquo;s companies and family directly. It has effectively stopped being news that the <a href="https://www.wsj.com/politics/trump-family-business-visualized-6d132c71" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">president&rsquo;s family is seeking to capitalize</a> on his public office for private gain. Even setting aside new ventures, such as the creation of <a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/danalexander/2025/06/05/this-is-how-much-trump-has-made-from-crypto-so-far/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">his own cryptocurrency</a>, the President has not denied these reports. Instead aides have returned to a long-held argument that he&rsquo;s <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/05/25/us/politics/trump-money-plane-crypto.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">sufficiently wealthy to be uncorruptible</a>, and he&rsquo;s clung to an interpretation that <a href="https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/posts/114279756371714617" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">his interests are the American people&rsquo;s interests</a>, especially as he is not seeking to hide the existence or nature of these ventures. Moreover, there are <a href="https://www.wired.com/story/cantor-fitzgerald-trump-tariff-refunds/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">reports</a> of <a href="https://www.esquire.com/news-politics/politics/a66156699/witkoff-trump-sachs-uae-corruption/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">similar behavior</a> taking place at lower levels in the <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2025/04/24/politics/donald-trump-cabinet-policy-ethics" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">cabinet</a> and appointed bureaucracy, and within <a href="https://www.csmonitor.com/USA/Politics/2025/1210/insider-trading-stocks-congress-ban" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Congress</a>.</p>
<p>Still, these examples of corruption &ndash; while pernicious, grotesque, and damaging to the institution of the presidency and integrity of the U.S. government &ndash; are analytically distinct from FCPA enforcement, but they are not unrelated: A president who openly monetizes his office sets the tone for how corruption risks are perceived throughout the system, including by the foreign officials and intermediaries that FCPA targets.&nbsp; Put simply, the above reports indicate corruption of U.S. institutions; whereas the main objective of the FCPA is corruption of foreign institutions by U.S. actors.</p>
<p>So, what of the FCPA itself? We can apply three levels of analysis to whether my prognostics were correct: (1) what we are seeing; (2) what we are hearing; and (3) what we can reasonably fear.</p>
<h2>What We Are Seeing</h2>
<p>On seeing, the Department of Justice&rsquo;s Fraud Section, which is responsible for FCPA enforcement, continued to obtain <a href="https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/former-coal-company-executive-convicted-international-bribery-and-money-laundering-scheme" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">convictions</a> and fines as a result of FCPA prosecutions, but the numbers are down significantly when compared to the last ten years.</p>
<p>Over at the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC), which also has a significant role to play in FCPA enforcement, there were zero civil enforcement actions brought in all of 2025 and the unit responsible for FCPA enforcement was effectively <a href="https://www.paulweiss.com/insights/client-memos/fcpa-enforcement-and-anti-corruption-developments-2025-year-in-review" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">disbanded</a> with the departure of its leadership and delisting as a specialized unit under Chairman Atkins. Notably, a variety of cases that had been brought under the Biden administration in response to a variety of frauds (including those involving cryptocurrencies) were <a href="https://www.gibsondunn.com/securities-enforcement-2025-year-end-update/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">dismissed</a> thereafter.</p>
<p>Overall, the picture is of significantly less enforcement over the past year.&nbsp; Some of this probably reflects the 118-day pause in enforcement of the FCPA itself. But, given that the culmination of the review was the termination of approximately half of the active FCPA investigative docket, it is reasonable to view the result as being a deliberate narrowing rather than procedural delay. <a href="https://www.gibsondunn.com/2025-year-end-fcpa-update/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Gibson Dunn</a> and other law firms have also reported that some investigations were dropped, which suggests that the overall trajectory of criminal resolutions will remain lower. This trend is compounded by the absence of SEC civil enforcement actions, which historically complemented DOJ&rsquo;s criminal cases. s. The overall picture is one where the U.S. enforcement agencies have taken their foot off the gas, at a minimum.</p>
<p><img fetchpriority="high" decoding="async" src="https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/2026-03-04-fcpa-enforcement-chart-3-1.png?resize=659%2C624&amp;ssl=1" alt="" referrerpolicy="no-referrer" loading="lazy"></p>
<p>The resolution of the pause itself gives credence to the theory that U.S. government is pulling back from enforcement. Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche issued &ldquo;<a href="https://www.justice.gov/dag/media/1403031/dl" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Guidelines for Investigations and Enforcement of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act</a>&rdquo; on June 9, 2025, that ordered prosecutors to focus investigations on criminal cases that (1) involve cartels or transnational criminal organizations, (2) show direct economic harm to identifiable American companies, (3) threaten U.S. national security, or (4) show clear evidence of individual corrupt intent.</p>
<p>As a set of priorities, there are still ample opportunities in these guidelines to undertake significant investigations and it is not an objectively bad idea to try to focus limited prosecutorial resources in some fashion, as is done in almost every change of administration. But time will tell if what this administration says their priorities are actually match what cases they bring.</p>
<p>However, more disturbing than the dismissal of existing cases, is that the sections responsible for these investigations <a href="https://www.justice.gov/criminal/media/1425226/dl" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">cut their number of prosecutors</a>, matching cuts in personnel and operations at the <a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/justice-department/firings-pardons-policy-changes-gutted-doj-anti-corruption-efforts-expe-rcna200571" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">FBI</a> and other enforcement bodies. The cumulative effect, as seen already in the numbers, is likely to be a smaller enforcement posture overall especially since the prosecutions undertaken in 2025 began in truth under the Biden administration.</p>
<p>Likewise, the United States has been signaling broader disinterest in corruption that takes place abroad unless it directly and materially affects U.S. persons.&nbsp; For example, the United States has reversed several sets of sanctions against corrupt actors that helped to complement FCPA by imposing costs on those who engage in bribery and other corrupt acts abroad.</p>
<p>Throughout 2025, the State and Treasury Departments reversed sanctions on corrupt actors from Paraguay (where former president <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/us-lifts-sanctions-paraguay-ex-president-cartes-2025-10-06/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Horacio Cartes</a> saw his sanctions lifted) to Hungary (where <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/us-lifting-sanctions-key-aide-hungarys-orban-2025-04-15/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Antal Rogan</a>, an aide of Viktor Orban, had been sanctioned by the United States in late 2024.)&nbsp; Perhaps the biggest removal was on <a href="https://www.rferl.org/a/us-pro-russian-bosnian-serb-dodik-sanctions-list/33576314.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Milorad Dodik and 47 other individuals and entities</a> who had been sanctioned for corruption under the Western Balkans program.&nbsp; For none of these did the U.S. government articulate a specific reason for sanctions removal beyond the incompatibility of continued sanctions for the foreign policy of the United States.&nbsp;&nbsp; Although this is the bare minimum legal step that the U.S. executive branch must take to remove sanctions, it suggests less a resolution of the corrupt acts for which these individuals were sanctioned and more a decision to set them aside for other exigencies.</p>
<p>In the case of Cartes, this is doubly surprising because his designation coincided with significant reporting about his <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/us-treasury-sanctions-paraguay-former-president-current-vp-corruption-2023-01-26/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">relationship with Hezbollah</a>, a <em>b&ecirc;te noire</em> of the Trump administration <em>especially</em> in the Western Hemisphere.&nbsp; Indeed, this is one of the primary charges laid at the feet of Cuba to justify an <a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2026/01/addressing-threats-to-the-united-states-by-the-government-of-cuba/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">executive order</a> targeting the country with tariffs associated with its purchases of crude oil. To remove sanctions against Cartes given his designation criteria and without comment on this relationship is highly questionable.</p>
<h2>What We Are Hearing</h2>
<p>With that background, what are we hearing? Have corporations or banks gotten more corrupt during the last year and have they taken advantage of the opportunity created by DOJ&rsquo;s decisions? It is impossible to say with any certainty, though anecdotally some companies have indicated more bribe solicitations from foreign officials since Trump took office. More time will need to pass for firm data to point to this as a systemic issue.</p>
<p>In my various meetings with compliance officials and professionals in the private sector, they have taken pains to note that they view corruption as a tax on their operations and a hindrance to their business activities. More than one noted that the statute of limitations under the FCPA is five years, meaning that any FCPA violations that they might undertake during the Trump administration could be enforced under a subsequent one. This is not a dispositive argument; after all, some may also assume that a future administration will have to prioritize as well among many potential cases, but &ndash; for the moment &ndash; it is possible that private sector actors will continue to exercise appropriate restraint and compliance.</p>
<p>Still, the problems associated with U.S. actors engaging in corruption abroad was seldom about those companies prepared to staff and maintain compliance departments that would attend sessions of other compliance professionals; the problem is with those that don&rsquo;t take compliance seriously unless presented with real risk of being caught. It is these companies that, even when faced with a long statute of limitations timeframe, may be prepared to test their luck.</p>
<p>One indicator to watch will be the number of voluntary self-disclosures by U.S. companies. Under the Biden administration, companies were encouraged to <a href="https://corpgov.law.harvard.edu/2024/12/09/doj-revises-corporate-enforcement-policy-to-incentivize-companies-to-voluntarily-self-report/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">self-report corruption-related</a> issues and promised more lenient terms for doing so. The Biden administration&rsquo;s intention in offering this option was to incentivize cooperation and improve compliance standards within companies; and for companies, although they may still pay a penalty, it would be less than if the government found out about these allegations first. Of the three FCPA corporate resolutions in 2025, two were from voluntary self-reports made in prior years.</p>
<p>Companies could very well decide to keep implementing their corporate compliance programs, at least for the time being, but halt active cooperation with the DOJ out of an expectation that there is no real risk of the DOJ finding out about this misconduct otherwise. But it will be interesting to watch if this pipeline of self disclosure to resolution matches with what compliance professionals say about continuing to abide by the laws.</p>
<h2>Where the Danger Lies</h2>
<p>But the real danger isn&rsquo;t captured in enforcement statistics alone &mdash; it&rsquo;s in what the overall picture signals about whether the United States takes bribery seriously, and how that signal changes the risk calculus for companies deciding whether to comply. In my view, this is the most serious area of danger for the United States, its business integrity, and its reputation, and it is still too early to tell. When the President of the United States is accepting a <a href="https://www.npr.org/2025/11/14/nx-s1-5609341/a-rolex-a-gold-bar-a-trade-deal-and-the-ethics-of-presidential-gifts" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">gold bar</a> as a gift, it is reasonable to ask whether similar gifts given to other foreign heads of state will be seen as grounds for investigations, much less prosecutions. A year on, we may lack substantive details of such arrangements abroad but, given the murky nature of corruption, absence of proof cannot be reasonably taken to be the same as absence of illicit conduct. The very act of pausing implementation of the FCPA before restarting it with a trimmed caseload, fewer prosecutors, and diminished resources to pursue charges gives a strong indication of the administration&rsquo;s actual priorities.</p>
<p>Although the United States has not disappeared from the global anti-corruption stage, it has substantially withdrawn from it. The United States is still a member in good standing at the FATF and has continued to be represented at some global anti-corruption events, such as the Conference of the States Parties to the UN Convention against Corruption held in Doha in December 2025.&nbsp; However, this obscures what has been an irrefutable diminution in the U.S. anti-corruption position internationally, especially combined with the reduction in U.S. participation in more routine anti-corruption fora (such as the March 2025 OECD working group on bribery, which DOJ did not attend).&nbsp; Perhaps the most significant rupture came with the dismantling of the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) and termination of many of its international programs. Other steps &ndash; such as the elimination of the position of Coordinator on Global Anti-Corruption (CGAC), a position I held from 2022-2024, and reduction of U.S. staffing in anti-corruption work &ndash; augur against an active anti-corruption agenda abroad.</p>
<p>Of course, we are still only a year into the Trump administration.&nbsp; There are other spaces that I am watching carefully, such as support given to the OECD in its anti-corruption reform agenda, the U.S. relationship with the UN Office on Drugs and Crime that manages the UN Convention Against Corruption, and regional fora for anti-corruption support.</p>
<p>It is into this breach that China and other actors can step, both in demonstrating international leadership that the United States has abandoned and in engaging in activities that are themselves corrupt. There is insufficient information to support the contention that China is utilizing these practices more now, even if the opportunity is available to it. Instead, it seems that China&rsquo;s strongest argument in advancing its economic interests has been to contrast its business practices against those of the United States, especially in areas related to international <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/articles/can-zero-tariff-policy-rebalance-china-africa-trade/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">trade and tariffs</a>. A similar story can be told about other countries where corruption has long been an issue, such as India, Brazil, and South Africa. At the same time, the UK, France, and Switzerland agreed to stand up a new <a href="https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/67dc0bb3931ea30d1b7ee33d/International_Anti-Corruption_Prosecutorial_Taskforce.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">International Anti-Corruption Prosecutorial Task Force</a> that would normally have involved the United States but now is intended to address U.S. absence.</p>
<p>While corruption may itself remain a major issue in these countries and as relates to foreign business activities, the broader dimensions of global economic policy may be more significant determinants of their behavior today than corruption.</p>
<p>***</p>
<p>A year on, we have an incomplete picture. On the one hand, there are some indications of continued engagement in international anti-corruption and the FCPA is still in effect. In fact, in mid-February 2026, DOJ won a case against an <a href="https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/former-coal-company-executive-convicted-international-bribery-and-money-laundering-scheme" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">individual</a> charged with FCPA violations, a case that had been <a href="https://www.millerchevalier.com/sites/default/files/resources/FCPAReview/FCPAReviewSpring2025_US-v-Hobson_Entry-96.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">paused</a> in 2025 no less. But, this damns U.S. efforts with faint praise: FCPA is a law that the Trump administration is obliged to implement and nominal involvement in anti-corruption fora does not obscure the sea change in U.S. prioritization and effort. Across every measurable dimension &ndash; enforcement actions, staffing, sanctions, institutional capacity, and international engagement &ndash; the United States has drawn down its anti-corruption posture.</p>
<p>We do not have enough information to fill in the picture completely as to the effects these policies will have on the private sector and foreign countries. But, given that corruption thrives in precisely the conditions of reduced scrutiny and enforcement that now prevail, the uncertainty itself is cause for serious concern and data lags offer no consolation.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133481/year-later-fcpa-enforcement-pause/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">A Year Later &ndash; What Did the Pause on FCPA Enforcement Do?</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-10T12:57:22+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Richard Nephew</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-10T12:57:22+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="congress"/>

	<category term="corruption"/>

	<category term="democracy &amp; rule of law"/>

	<category term="department of justice (doj)"/>

	<category term="law enforcement"/>

	<category term="trump administration second term"/>

	<category term="usaid"/>

	<category term="when guardrails erode: an anti‑corruption series"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-10:/282155</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133456/early-edition-march-10-2026/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=early-edition-march-10-2026" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Early Edition: March 10, 2026</title>
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A curated weekday guide to major news and d...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Signup to receive the Early Edition in your inbox&nbsp;<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/newsletter-signup/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>.</p>
<div>
<p>A curated weekday guide to major news and developments over the last 24 hours. Here&rsquo;s today&rsquo;s news:</p>
<p><b><i>IRAN WAR&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>U.S.-Israeli airstrikes have killed at least 1,332 Iranian civilians since the war began at the end of February</b>, Iran&rsquo;s U.N. ambassador said yesterday. In Lebanon, the death toll reached almost 500 people yesterday following another day of Israeli airstrikes. UNICEF said yesterday that the escalating hostilities have forced nearly 700,000 people, including 200,000 children, in Lebanon to flee their homes. Parisa Hafezi, Enas Alashray, and Kanishka Singh report for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/iran-says-oil-blockade-will-continue-until-attacks-end-trump-threatens-hit-2026-03-10/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>; Ahmed Al Kerdi and Maayan Lubell report for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/hezbollah-reports-israeli-raid-east-lebanon-war-enters-second-week-2026-03-09/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>.</p>
<p><b>Iranian airstrikes on Bahrain wounded more than 30 people and sparked a fire near a petroleum refinery yesterday,</b> according to the Bahraini authorities. Raja Adbulrahim reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/09/world/middleeast/bahrain-iran-strikes.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>Turkey yesterday accused Iran of targeting it with a ballistic missile for the second time in a week. </b>NATO defenses downed the missile, the Turkish defense ministry said, adding that debris from the missile fell near the city of Gaziantep. Ben Hubbard reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/09/world/middleeast/turkey-iranian-missile-nato.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>Artillery shells fired from Lebanon overnight landed near Damascus, </b>according to a statement from the Syrian military this morning. The statement accused Hezbollah of targeting Syrian army positions and said military officials had observed Hezbollah reinforcements arriving along the Syrian-Lebanese border. Syria warned it would respond to any attack on its territory. Ephrat Livni reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/09/world/middleeast/syria-hezbollah-iran-lebanon.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>Iran&rsquo;s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps said today that it would not let any oil be shipped from the Middle East if the U.S.-Israeli attacks continue. </b>Trump told reporters that U.S. attacks would increase sharply if Iran sought to block tanker traffic through the Strait of Hormuz. Earlier on Monday, Trump said that the war in Iran would go on for at least another week, saying &ldquo;we&rsquo;ve already won in many ways, but we haven&rsquo;t won enough.&rdquo; At another news conference, Trump said the war would be over &ldquo;very soon,&rdquo; claiming major U.S. military successes after 10 days of fighting, but noted again it would not end this week. Several U.S. officials said such comments were aimed at calming energy markets. Parisa Hafezi, Enas Alashray, and Kanishka Singh report for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/iran-says-oil-blockade-will-continue-until-attacks-end-trump-threatens-hit-2026-03-10/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>; Luke Broadwater reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/09/us/politics/trump-gas-oil-iran.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>; Barak Ravid reports for <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/09/trump-iran-war-over-soon" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Axios</a>.</p>
<p><b>Internal deliberations over the timing and conditions for a U.S. Navy escort operation in the Strait of Hormuz have been a central focus for the Trump administration in the last week, </b>several sources told <a href="https://edition.cnn.com/2026/03/09/business/oil-iran-strait-navy-economy" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">CNN</a>. Officials are focused on analyzing the risk of sending U.S. naval assets into an active conflict zone, with one source calling the strait &ldquo;Death Valley.&rdquo; U.S. intelligence suggests that Iran is unlikely to strike tankers entering the Gulf, but is expected to target them on the way out, once fully laden. Phil Mattingly and Zachary Cohen report.</p>
<p><b>Pakistani warships have begun escorting merchant vessels in the Middle East to ensure Pakistan&rsquo;s access to energy supplies, </b>the Pakistani government announced yesterday. Qasim Nauman reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/live/2026/03/10/world/iran-war-trump-us-israel/5d042685-5a71-52fb-94a2-b92f17a828e4?smid=url-share" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>The United States has intercepted encrypted communications believed to have originated in Iran that may serve as &ldquo;an operational trigger&rdquo; for &ldquo;sleeper assets&rdquo; outside of Iran,</b> according to a federal government alert reviewed by <a href="https://abcnews.com/US/iran-activating-sleeper-cells-alert/story?id=130897687" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">ABC News</a>. The alert said a transmission was relayed across multiple countries shortly after the killing of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. The transmission was encoded and appeared destined for &ldquo;clandestine recipients&rdquo; who possess the encryption key. Aaron Katersky and Josh Margolin report.</p>
<p><b>Missile fragments purporting to be from the deadly strike that hit a naval base and girls&rsquo; school in southern Iran on Feb. 28 bear the markings of a U.S. cruise missile, </b>according to analysis by the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/09/world/middleeast/iran-school-strike-us-missile.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>. Photos of the fragments were posted online by Iran&rsquo;s state broadcaster and characterized as showing &ldquo;the remains of the American missile that landed on the children of Minab school.&rdquo; It is not clear where or how the fragments were recovered, but they do contain serial numbers and other details consistent with how the Pentagon categorizes and labels munitions. Christiaan Triebert, Malachy Browne, and John Ismay report.</p>
<p><b>The U.S. military used $5.6 billion worth of munitions during the first two days of its assault on Iran,</b> according to three U.S. officials. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Dan Caine said last week that the campaign will shift away from using precision munitions towards cheaper laser-guided bombs, while the United States also moves air-defense systems and weapons from other regions to the Middle East to sustain the conflict. Noah Robertson reports for the <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/2026/03/09/iran-war-cost/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Washington Post</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>IRAN WAR &ndash; POLITICAL RESPONSE&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>Energy Secretary Chris Wright said yesterday the United States is considering coordinating sales of oil from the U.S. Strategic Petroleum Reserve with releases from other countries.</b> Wright also said there are &ldquo;some other options&rdquo; on allowing more sales of Russian oil held in tankers. Liz Hampton reports for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/business/energy/us-considering-selling-oil-strategic-reserve-us-energy-chief-says-2026-03-09/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>.</p>
<p><b>Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin yesterday discussed the war with Iran and efforts to end the war in Ukraine during a phone call,</b> the Kremlin said. The call came within hours of Putin&rsquo;s remarks that the U.S.-Israeli war on Iran had triggered a global energy crisis. Three sources told <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/kremlin-putin-phone-call-with-trump-shares-proposals-end-iran-war-quickly-2026-03-09/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a> that the Trump administration is considering reducing oil sanctions on Russia, with an announcement possible in the coming days. Guy Faulconbridge, Vladimir Soldatkin, and Jarrett Renshaw report.</p>
<p><b><i>ISRAEL-GAZA WAR&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>Disarmament talks to advance Trump&rsquo;s plan to end the war in Gaza have been on hold since the U.S-Israeli joint attack on Iran began,</b> three sources said. One source said the pause was due to flight disruptions in the Middle East preventing mediators from travelling around the region. Another source said Hamas had been expected to hold talks with mediators on the day the war erupted, but the meeting was scrapped, and no new date was set.&nbsp; A White House official denied there has been any pause in the talks, saying &ldquo;Discussions on disarmament are ongoing and positive.&rdquo; Rami Ayyub, Nidal al-Mughrabi, and Alexander Cornwell report for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/trumps-gaza-plan-hold-iran-war-pauses-disarmament-talks-sources-say-2026-03-09/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>OTHER GLOBAL DEVELOPMENTS&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>Drones operated by Haitian security forces and private contractors have killed at least 1,243 people and injured 738 others between March 1, 2025, and Jan. 21, 2026,</b> according to a report published yesterday by Human Rights Watch. Danica Coto reports for <a href="https://apnews.com/article/haiti-drone-attacks-police-human-rights-watch-a1e575416a5f1859b7af144d89e5a572" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AP News</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>U.S. FOREIGN AFFAIRS&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>The State Department yesterday </b><a href="https://www.state.gov/releases/office-of-the-spokesperson/2026/03/afghanistan-designated-as-a-state-sponsor-of-wrongful-detention/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>designated</b></a><b> Afghanistan as a state sponsor of wrongful detention. </b>With the designation, Afghanisation joins Iran as a country singled out by the United States for its practice of detaining U.S. citizens in the hope of extracting policy concessions. Iran was given an identical designation on Feb. 27. Eric Tucker and Edith M. Lederer report for <a href="https://apnews.com/article/afghanistan-state-department-hostages-un-13ca1e3fb7b54a6c3fa912ae0a6084bb" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AP News</a>.</p>
<p><b>U.S. ambassador to the U.N. Mike Walz said yesterday that international assistance to Afghanistan should be evaluated, </b>given the Taliban government&rsquo;s intransigence. Waltz noted that the budget for the U.N. Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) is the largest of any special U.N. mission in the world. UNAMA interim chief Georgette Gagnon said that Afghanistan had urgent humanitarian needs, adding that agencies aimed to assist 17.5 million Afghans in 2026 through an appeal for $1.71 billion, but this was currently only 10% funded. David Brunnstrom reports for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/china/us-says-un-aid-afghanistan-needs-evaluation-2026-03-09/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>U.S. IMMIGRATION DEVELOPMENTS&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>At least 11 immigrants have died in ICE custody from January 2026 through early March, </b>according to ICE. Ted Hesson reports for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/eleven-people-died-us-immigration-custody-this-year-ice-says-2026-03-09/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a><i>.</i></p>
<p><b>A federal judge yesterday ordered the Homeland Security Department to provide written justification for the detention of Nashville journalist Estefany Rodriguez Florez.</b> Mariah Timms reports for the <a href="https://www.wsj.com/us-news/law/ice-ordered-to-justify-the-detention-of-nashville-journalist-92f9ceb2?mod=hp_lista_pos3" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Wall Street Journal</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>TRUMP ADMINISTRATION ACTIONS</i></b></p>
<p><b>The Trump administration has subpoenaed records related to the 2020 election in Maricopa County, Arizona,</b> Arizona Senate President Warren Petersen (R) said yesterday, adding that the FBI now has the records. Jacob Wendler and John Sakellariadis report for <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/09/donald-trump-arizona-2020-elections-maricopa-subpoena-00819024" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">POLITICO</a>.</p>
<p><b>The White House is preparing an executive order formally instructing the federal government to remove Anthropic&rsquo;s AI from its operations,</b> sources told <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/09/trump-white-house-anthropic-executive-order" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Axios</a>. One source said the order could be issued this week. Maria Curi reports.</p>
<p><b>The U.S Agency for Global Media failed to cooperate with a required annual audit of its finances,</b> according to an audit report dated Feb. 27. This is the first time in 20 years that the agency has failed to receive a clean audit report. The agency denied that it had blocked auditors from doing their work, with Kari Lake declining to address questions on the audit. Minho Kim reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/09/us/politics/voice-of-america-audit.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>&ldquo;We probably have some skills we now need to hire back, quite frankly,&rdquo;</b> Scott Kupor, the head of the Office of Personnel Management, said in an interview. The Trump administration cut more than 387,000 federal jobs in its first year, while hiring about 123,000 in the same period. It is now increasing hiring under new rules that centralize recruitment and allow greater White House influence over the federal civilian workforce. Emily Davies and Meryl Kornfield report for the <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2026/03/09/trump-hiring-federal-workers/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Washington Post</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>TRUMP ADMINISTRATION LITIGATION&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>A federal judge </b><a href="https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.dcd.289845/gov.uscourts.dcd.289845.32.0.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>ruled</b></a><b> late on Sunday that the Trump administration could not immediately overhaul the process by which migrants can appeal rulings by immigration judges,</b> pausing major changes that were set to take effect yesterday. Zach Montague and Mattathias Schwartz report for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/09/us/politics/judge-trump-immigration-appeals.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>A federal judge yesterday </b><a href="https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.njd.540663/gov.uscourts.njd.540663.317.0_2.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>ruled</b></a><b> that Attorney General Pam Bondi had illegally appointed a three-person leadership team to oversee the U.S. attorney&rsquo;s office in New Jersey.</b> The judge said that Trump&rsquo;s insistence on handpicking U.S. attorneys showed that the White House cared more about personal control than public safety. Kyle Cheney, Matt Friedman, and Erica Orden report for <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/09/new-jersey-us-attorney-leaders-ruling-00819403" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">POLITICO</a>; Jonah E. Bromwich and Tracey Tull report for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/09/nyregion/us-attorney-nj-prosecutors.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>Anthropic filed a </b><a href="https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.cand.465515/gov.uscourts.cand.465515.1.0.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>lawsuit</b></a><b> yesterday against the Trump administration for declaring the company a risk to the Defense Department&rsquo;s supply chain.</b> Brendan Bordelon and Kyle Cheney report for <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/09/anthropic-sues-trump-admin-over-supply-chain-risk-label-00818716" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">POLITICO</a>.</p>
<p><b>A group of international tech experts filed a lawsuit yesterday challenging a Trump administration policy that denied visas and threatened deportation for foreign researchers who advocate stronger social-media regulation.</b> Zach Montague reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/09/us/politics/lawsuit-rubio-social-media.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>Two advocacy groups and four Somalis filed a lawsuit yesterday seeking to stop the Trump administration from ending Temporary Protected Status for Somali immigrants next week. </b>Nate Raymond reports for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/legal/government/lawsuit-challenges-trump-administrations-ending-protections-somalis-2026-03-10/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>.</p>
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<p><strong>ICYMI: Yesterday on<em> Just Security</em></strong></p>
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<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132950/technology-icrc-gc-iv-2025-commentary/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Technology and the ICRC&rsquo;s GC IV 2025 Commentary</a></p>
<p><span>By</span>&nbsp;<span>Michael Schmitt</span></p>
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<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133361/iran-war-powers-purse-leverage-legalization/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Iran, War Powers, and the Power of the Purse: Leverage or Legalization</a></p>
<p>By <span>Brian Finucane</span></p>
<div>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133417/aggression-iran-response-shany-cohen/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Aggression, Plain and Simple: A Response to Shany and Cohen on the Attack on Iran</a></p>
<p><span>By</span>&nbsp;<span>Tom Dannenbaum and Rebecca Hamilton</span></p>
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<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133456/early-edition-march-10-2026/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Early Edition: March 10, 2026</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-10T12:09:10+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Elisabeth Jennings</name></author>
	<source>
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		<updated>2026-03-10T12:09:10+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="daily news roundup"/>

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</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-10:/282128</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131508/report-new-evidence-starvation-darfur/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=report-new-evidence-starvation-darfur" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Report Offers New Evidence of Starvation Crimes in Darfur</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>The world&rsquo;s largest humanitarian crisis is continuing to spiral in Sudan, where the war between the ...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>The world&rsquo;s largest humanitarian crisis is continuing to spiral in Sudan, where the war between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and its former ally, the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), is poised to enter its fourth year. The impact on civilians has been severe. In a <a href="https://youtu.be/Bj4Qa80vGWw?si=c-I_JLUoO_TIhOpq" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">briefing</a> to the United Nations Security Council on January 19, Nazhat Shameem Khan, the deputy prosecutor for the International Criminal Court (ICC), described a campaign of &ldquo;widespread mass criminality&rdquo; and characterized the situation as one of &ldquo;collective torture.&rdquo; The U.N. Independent International Fact-Finding Mission for the Sudan released a <a href="https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/documents/hrbodies/hrcouncil/sessions-regular/session61/advance-version/a-hrc-61-77-auv-en.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">report</a> on Feb. 17 documenting RSF war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide.</p>
<p>Now, new evidence is available about a specific set of international crimes carried out by the RSF. This morning, March 10, the Yale Humanitarian Research Lab (Yale HRL) published a <a href="https://files-profile.medicine.yale.edu/documents/0667d53f-af67-415c-99ce-bd9b2f32bc0e" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">report</a> that relies on remote sensing technology to establish a devastating pattern of RSF conduct in the vicinity of El-Fasher, Sudan between March 31 and June 12, 2024. The report draws on multiple data sources to expose the RSF&rsquo;s systematic razing of agricultural communities, destruction of livestock corrals, and displacement or killing of inhabitants in the agrarian villages that are a critical local source of food for El-Fasher. During the 10 weeks under analysis, the RSF attacked, sometimes repeatedly, 41 rural farming communities on some of the most fertile land in Darfur. Together with the RSF&rsquo;s <a href="https://www.unicef.org/press-releases/after-500-days-under-siege-children-sudans-al-fasher-face-starvation-mass" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">denial</a> of <a href="https://www.ipcinfo.org/fileadmin/user_upload/ipcinfo/docs/IPC_Famine_Review_Committee_Report_Sudan_Oct_2025.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">humanitarian access</a> to El-Fasher (including through <a href="https://files-profile.medicine.yale.edu/documents/fa53bffe-06a7-4451-9276-afb784e94706" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">constructing</a> an earthen wall to block entry and exit completed in October 2025) and targeting of <a href="https://files-profile.medicine.yale.edu/documents/319dd62a-d4d2-454b-8205-47214168dcf5" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">markets</a> and <a href="https://files-profile.medicine.yale.edu/documents/e9f76d25-5620-4ff1-ac0d-dc361789a9b1" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">community kitchens</a> within the city, attacks on agricultural communities and systems in the surrounding area formed a critical component of the group&rsquo;s starvation strategy during the 18-month siege that culminated in the <a href="https://files-profile.medicine.yale.edu/documents/876b4afc-e1da-495b-ac32-b5098699a371" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">fall of El-Fasher</a> on Oct. 26, 2025.</p>
<p>In what follows, we assess the legal significance of this new evidence. Before doing so, it is important to clarify two points. First, our analysis here does not purport to provide a comprehensive legal analysis of international crimes in Sudan, or even in the specific region around El-Fasher. Rather, it focuses on the evidence presented in the March 2026 Yale HRL report and the criminal categories it specifically implicates. Second, by way of disclosure, we have both consulted pro bono with the Yale HRL team throughout this investigation. Here, we offer our independent legal analysis of the evidence that they have brought to light.</p>
<p>We conclude that the new Yale HRL report provides compelling evidence relevant to multiple RSF starvation crimes in the vicinity of El-Fasher, including war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide. The region is central to an <a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/2026-01/2026-01-19-icc-report-unsc-darfur-eng.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">ongoing ICC investigation</a>. Additionally, the report has broader significance beyond the situation in Sudan, as it models careful investigative analysis of satellite imagery and open-source data in documenting atrocity crimes as they unfold, when on-the-ground investigations are difficult or impossible.</p>
<h2><strong>Background: The Conflict in Sudan</strong></h2>
<p>The current conflict has been raging since April 2023 when the RSF (the successor force to the Janjaweed), led by General Mohamed Hamdan &ldquo;Hemedti&rdquo; Dagalo, split from the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), under the command of General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, the country&rsquo;s de facto ruler. For the past 34 months, the two factions have wreaked calamity on the civilian population. Well over <a href="https://data.unhcr.org/en/situations/sudansituation" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">11 million people</a> have been displaced by the conflict, which has caused desperate levels of food insecurity, including multiple determinations of famine, <a href="https://www.ipcinfo.org/ipcinfo-website/countries-in-focus-archive/issue-107/en/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">initially</a> in Zamzam Camp south of El-Fasher, <a href="https://www.ipcinfo.org/ipc-country-analysis/details-map/en/c/1159433/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">subsequently</a> in Al Salam and Abu Shouk camps (in El-Fasher) and in the Western Nuba Mountains, and <a href="https://www.ipcinfo.org/ipcinfo-website/countries-in-focus-archive/issue-137/en/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">most recently</a> in El-Fasher town and Kadugli. According to the <a href="https://www.ipcinfo.org/fileadmin/user_upload/ipcinfo/docs/IPC_Sudan_Acute_Food_Insecurity_Sept2025_May2026_Special_Report.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">November 2025 analysis</a> of the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC), which tracks hunger across the globe, 21.2 million people in Sudan are suffering acute food insecurity at crisis or worse levels, including 6.7 million at emergency or worse, and 375,000 in catastrophe. <a href="https://www.ipcinfo.org/ipcinfo-website/countries-in-focus-archive/issue-143/en/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Last month</a>, following mass displacement from El-Fasher, acute malnutrition levels surpassed the famine threshold in Um Baru and Kernoi.</p>
<p>The war, which has been characterized by repeated and credible reports of widespread atrocities by both sides, has created the conditions for this devastating reality. First, the fighting and the parties&rsquo; <a href="https://www.unocha.org/publications/report/sudan/sudan-humanitarian-access-snapshot-al-fasher-and-zamzam-8-april-2025" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">well-documented</a> <a href="https://www.wfp.org/news/one-year-after-famine-first-confirmed-sudan-wfp-warns-people-trapped-el-fasher-face-starvation" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">obstruction</a> of humanitarian relief have, for extended periods, made the transportation of food and aid to places that desperately need it nearly impossible. Second, there have been credible reports of widespread attacks on and destruction of objects indispensable to civilian survival. The latter is the focus of this analysis.</p>
<p><strong>New Information in the March 2026 Yale HRL Report</strong></p>
<p>Providing granular detail on the targeted burning, destruction, and razing of 41 agrarian villages northwest of El-Fasher in Darfur, the Yale HRL report contributes to our understanding of the desperate situation in Sudan. Among the critical new findings documented in the report are the following:</p>
<ul>
<li>Forty-one communities north-northwest of El-Fasher were razed between March 31 and June 12, 2024.</li>
<li>Most of the analyzed communities experienced damage to civilian dwellings and livestock corrals, followed by no or reduced observable agricultural activity and other patterns of life for months after the razing, which indicates that civilians living in these communities were killed, forcibly displaced, or fled.</li>
<li>The communities targeted are primarily ethnically Zaghawa and participate in agricultural activities that support the food ecosystem of El-Fasher. After the attacks, many of the communities halted their traditional agricultural preparations and harvest of food that would typically feed the population in the wider El-Fasher area.</li>
<li>The pattern of thermal scarring is consistent with intentional attacks and inconsistent with accidental fires.</li>
<li>In a number of cases, the sites were attacked multiple times including at least one community attacked on seven distinct occasions. Figure 4 in the Yale HRL report maps the communities that were attacked between March 31 and June 12, 2024 and the number of times they were attacked:</li>
</ul>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p><img decoding="async" src="https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/hathawaydannenbaum.png?resize=562%2C435&amp;ssl=1" alt="" srcset="https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/hathawaydannenbaum.png?resize=300%2C232&amp;ssl=1 300w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/hathawaydannenbaum.png?resize=1024%2C793&amp;ssl=1 1024w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/hathawaydannenbaum.png?resize=768%2C595&amp;ssl=1 768w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/hathawaydannenbaum.png?resize=1536%2C1190&amp;ssl=1 1536w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/hathawaydannenbaum.png?w=1920&amp;ssl=1 1920w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/hathawaydannenbaum.png?resize=300%2C232&amp;ssl=1 300w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/hathawaydannenbaum.png?resize=1024%2C793&amp;ssl=1 1024w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/hathawaydannenbaum.png?resize=768%2C595&amp;ssl=1 768w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/hathawaydannenbaum.png?resize=1536%2C1190&amp;ssl=1 1536w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/hathawaydannenbaum.png?w=1920&amp;ssl=1 1920w" sizes="(max-width: 562px) 100vw, 562px" referrerpolicy="no-referrer" loading="lazy"></p>
<p>In separate investigative work, Yale HRL confirmed attacks on 26 <a href="https://files-profile.medicine.yale.edu/documents/0d895704-fd30-4064-8d22-715d89451b0d" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">additional communities</a> in and around El-Fasher. It is likely that the true number of communities attacked is much higher. Together with the siege and denial of humanitarian access, this pattern of attacks has contributed to the deterioration of food security in the region. The IPC determinations of famine at multiple local sites, including El-Fasher itself, and extreme rates of malnutrition <a href="https://www.doctorswithoutborders.org/latest/staggering-malnutrition-rates-sudan-amid-wider-emergency" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">among those who fled</a> to Tawila following the city&rsquo;s fall emphasize the catastrophic consequences for civilians of this multimodal practice of deprivation.</p>
<p>Having reviewed it carefully, our view is that the information provided in the March 10 report includes evidence relevant to multiple crimes codified in the <a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/2025-05/Rome-Statute-EN-2025.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Statute of the International Criminal Court</a>. Specifically, it includes:</p>
<ul>
<li>Strong evidence of the systematic deprivation of objects indispensable to civilian survival, which, combined with other publicly available information, is highly probative of the war crime of <strong>starvation of civilians as a method of warfare </strong>(article 8(2)(e)(xix)).</li>
<li>Strong evidence of the war crime of <strong>destroying adversary property not imperatively demanded by the necessities of the conflict </strong>(article 8(2)(e)(xii))</li>
<li>Strong evidence of the infliction of destructive conditions of life on the population of El-Fasher and its surroundings through the deprivation of food, which, if combined with evidence that this contributed to the mass killing of civilians, would strongly support a finding of <strong>extermination</strong> as a crime against humanity (article 7(1)(b) and 7(2)(b)). Alternatively, evidence of a causal link between the acts of deprivation and the deaths of a smaller number of civilians would support a finding of <strong>murder </strong>as a crime against humanity (article 7(1)(a)).</li>
<li>Strong evidence of the infliction of conditions of great suffering and serious injury to mental or physical health among civilians in El-Fasher and its surroundings, in clear support of a finding of <strong>other inhumane acts</strong> as a crime against humanity (article 7(1)(k))</li>
<li>Strong evidence that civilians in the attacked villages and communities were either killed, implicating <strong>murder </strong>and potentially <strong>extermination</strong>, or were forcibly transferred from those locations, supporting a finding of <strong>forcible transfer</strong> as a crime against humanity (article 7(1)(d)) or forcible <strong>displacement </strong>of the civilian population as a war crime (article 8(2)(e)(viii)).</li>
<li>If any of the crimes detailed above were inflicted with discriminatory animus, the evidence could also support a finding of <strong>persecution</strong> (article 7(1)(h)). However, additional evidence would be necessary to decisively establish that intent. This could include evidence relating to discriminatory animus evaluated in the recent Fact-Finding Mission <a href="https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/documents/hrbodies/hrcouncil/sessions-regular/session61/advance-version/a-hrc-61-77-auv-en.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">report</a>.</li>
<li>The evidence in the report is consistent with the crime of <strong>genocide</strong>, particularly via the infliction of destructive conditions of life (article 6(c)), but given the tools employed in the investigation, it does not contain the evidence necessary to establish specific genocidal intent. The evidence in the report could, however, provide support for such a charge in connection with additional evidence, such as that evaluated in the aforementioned Fact-Finding Mission <a href="https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/documents/hrbodies/hrcouncil/sessions-regular/session61/advance-version/a-hrc-61-77-auv-en.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">report</a>, which assessed that genocidal intent was &ldquo;the only reasonable inference that can be drawn&rdquo; from the RSF&rsquo;s pattern of conduct during the siege and subsequent fall of El-Fasher.</li>
</ul>
<p>In what follows, after noting some preliminary jurisdictional complexities, we summarize the key evidence for each of these crimes, as provided in the report. This, of course, is only one component of the broad evidence base upon which prosecutors will need to draw in pursuing accountability in relation to Sudan. Nonetheless, the Yale HRL report is striking in its detail and in the legal clarity of its implications. It provides critical evidence to support criminal charges.</p>
<h2><strong>Jurisdiction</strong></h2>
<p>Sudan is not party to the ICC and has not otherwise accepted its jurisdiction. Ordinarily, this would preclude ICC action here. The Court generally has jurisdiction over atrocity crimes perpetrated either on the territory of, or by the nationals of, a State that has accepted ICC jurisdiction. However, there is one way around these jurisdictional constraints: referral by the U.N. Security Council. More than 20 years ago, in its first engagement with the then-fledgling ICC, the Security Council approved <a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/N0529273.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Resolution 1593</a>, referring the situation in Darfur to the Court. The referral&rsquo;s jurisdictional durability two decades on has yet to be fully tested, but ICC Chief Prosecutor Karim Khan, who is currently on leave, and the deputies leading the Office of the Prosecutor in his absence have been <a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/news/statement-icc-prosecutor-karim-khan-kc-united-nations-security-council-situation-darfur-0" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">unequivocal</a> in <a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/2026-01/2026-01-19-icc-report-unsc-darfur-eng.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">grounding</a> investigative authority today in Resolution 1593. One month ago, the Office of the Prosecutor <a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/2026-01/2026-01-19-icc-report-unsc-darfur-eng.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">asserted</a>, &ldquo;alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity committed during the hostilities in El-Fasher and its surrounding areas as well as in West Darfur fall within the jurisdiction of the Court.&rdquo; We anticipate that the Court will affirm this position, although it would be useful to clarify when jurisdiction predicated on Security Council referrals terminates. Parenthetically, it should also be noted that the resolution applies to Darfur, rather than the entirety of Sudan, although that is no barrier to ICC jurisdiction over the criminal activity spotlighted in the Yale HRL report, all of which occurs within Darfur.</p>
<p>A second jurisdictional note relates to conflict classification. War crimes can only be committed during an armed conflict&mdash;whether an international armed conflict (IAC) (between States) or a non-international armed conflict (NIAC) (a conflict between a State and organized armed group or between organized armed groups). The intense and organized fighting between the RSF and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) over the past 35 months would easily satisfy the criteria for a NIAC (for more detail on these criteria see paras 702-725 <a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/CourtRecords/CR2019_03568.PDF" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><em>Prosecutor v. Ntaganda</em></a>), but the question is whether that is the correct classification. Specifically, if it could be established that the RSF is acting under the <a href="https://cld.irmct.org/notions/show/475/internal-armed-forces-acting-on-behalf-of-a-foreign-power" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">overall control</a> of an external State, such as the United Arab Emirates (UAE), their fight could be characterized instead as an IAC. The UAE&rsquo;s significant contributions to the RSF notwithstanding, we have not seen evidence of that level of control, so we presume a NIAC here. However, the distinction is relevant because the specific war crime of starvation of civilians as a method of warfare is most likely available at the ICC only if the conflict is an IAC, due to the rules around the jurisdictional availability of amendment crimes (a point on which one of us has written in greater detail in a <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/93581/does-the-icc-have-jurisdiction-over-the-starvation-war-crime-in-sudan/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">prior article</a> for <em>Just Security</em>). To be clear, even assuming the starvation war crime is not available, other ICC crimes would be, including crimes against humanity, genocide, and the Statute&rsquo;s original NIAC war crimes.</p>
<p>Additionally, even if it is not available jurisdictionally at the ICC, the NIAC starvation war crime could be prosecuted in other fora as a war crime implicating universal jurisdiction. Similarly, if, contrary to our expectation, the Security Council&rsquo;s 2005 referral of the situation in Darfur were found not to underpin current ICC jurisdiction at all, accountability for war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide could be pursued elsewhere, including in domestic courts exercising universal jurisdiction, or potentially in a hybrid or international court created for this specific situation (for a recent example, see the hybrid tribunal <a href="https://x.com/gambia_moj/status/1868337231401828720?s=46" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">agreed</a> by The Gambia and the Economic Community of West African States).</p>
<p>In any event, it appears that the ICC will be faced with these questions in short order, if they are not already before its Pre-Trial judges. The conflict in Sudan escalated quickly up the Office of the Prosecutor&rsquo;s list of investigative priorities. Karim Khan <a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/news/statement-icc-prosecutor-karim-khan-kc-united-nations-security-council-situation-darfur-2" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">indicated</a> <a href="https://asp.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/asp_docs/ASP-23-STMT-PROS-ENG.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">repeatedly</a> that he was poised to request arrest warrants. Subsequently, the ICC was <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/law/2025/apr/28/icc-judges-order-that-arrest-warrant-requests-in-palestine-case-be-kept-secret" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">reported</a> to have required that the Prosecutor keep arrest warrant applications in certain situations under seal&mdash;a requirement that it later formalized in an <a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/news/icc-judges-amend-regulations-court-regulate-classification-applications-arrest-warrants-or" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">amendment</a> to the Regulations of the Court in November 2025. It is almost certain that warrant applications have either been submitted or are imminent. The primary questions relate instead to the charges that have been included.</p>
<p>Although the range of potential charges in this situation is broad, the fact of mass deprivation of food, water, and medicine, however characterized legally, must play a central role in any arrest warrant applications. The Yale HRL report offers crucial evidentiary support to investigators at the ICC and elsewhere in that respect.</p>
<h2><strong>War Crimes</strong></h2>
<h4>Starvation of Civilians as a Method of Warfare</h4>
<p>In addition to the elements relating to the armed conflict, the two key substantive elements of the starvation war crime are: (1) the perpetrator deprived civilians of objects indispensable to their survival, and (2) the perpetrator intended to starve civilians as a method of warfare. As one of us has <a href="https://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/vjtl/vol55/iss3/3/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">detailed</a> previously, the best interpretation of the intent threshold here is that it includes two alternative forms&mdash;direct and oblique. Either the perpetrators engaged in the deprivation of objects indispensable to survival for the purpose of denying the objects&rsquo; sustenance value to civilians or to a civilian population (whether or not they were certain that civilians would starve as a result), or the perpetrators engaged in deliberate deprivation in conditions in which they were virtually certain that civilians would starve (regardless of whether the deprivation was done for reasons other than sustenance denial). In evaluating the first form of intent, it is important to emphasize that a predominantly civilian population does not lose its civilian character in virtue of the presence of combatants within it (see, e.g., Additional Protocol I,&nbsp;<a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/api-1977/article-50?activeTab=undefined" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">article 50(3)</a>; ICTY&nbsp;<a href="https://www.icty.org/x/cases/karadzic/tjug/en/160324_judgement.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><em>Prosecutor v. Karadz&#780;ic&#769;</em></a>&nbsp;Trial Judgment 2016, paras. 474, 4610 n.5510). The population of El-Fasher and the surrounding communities was overwhelmingly civilian during this time.</p>
<p>The report is replete with evidence of the deliberate destruction or burning of agricultural areas, agricultural equipment, and infrastructure, all of which are paradigmatic examples of objects indispensable to survival. Importantly, criminal deprivation of objects indispensable to survival is not limited to acts of destruction; <a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/2025-05/Rome-Statute-EN-2025.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">article 8(2)(e)(xix)</a> refers to &ldquo;willfully impeding relief supplies,&rdquo; emphasizing that denying access to objects indispensable to survival can also meet the legal threshold. For similar reasons, separating farmers from their land through displacement, or otherwise impeding their ability to farm effectively, can qualify as a form of deprivation of objects indispensable to survival.</p>
<p>The report provides evidence for these and other modes of deprivation from multiple sources. Specifically:</p>
<ul>
<li>Yale HRL analysts combined satellite imagery, remote sensing data, and open-source data analysis with social media, local news reporting, multimedia, and other reports, to identify 41 razed farming villages during the period of interest.</li>
<li>The team compiled data from NASA&rsquo;s Visible Infrared Imaging Radiometer Suite (VIIRS) and Moderate Resolution Imaging Spectroradiometer (MODIS) from 2019 to 2024 to establish a baseline for fires and thermal anomalies. From this baseline, they identified a massive increase in thermal detections in the greater El-Fasher area of interest in 2024 (at the time of attacks on the identified communities). They also determined that agricultural land within 2 kilometers of the attacked villages had comprised 1.7 percent of thermal detections between 2019 and 2023, but comprised 35 percent of the thermal detections in 2024, a relative jump that is inconsistent with wildfires or other random burning and strongly indicative of deliberate targeting. This can be seen in figure 6, which demonstrates that there were far more thermal detections&mdash;likely active fires&mdash;in 2024 than in the five preceding years:</li>
</ul>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p><img decoding="async" src="https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/thermal_detections_chart.png?resize=800%2C444&amp;ssl=1" alt="" srcset="https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/thermal_detections_chart.png?w=800&amp;ssl=1 800w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/thermal_detections_chart.png?resize=300%2C167&amp;ssl=1 300w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/thermal_detections_chart.png?resize=768%2C426&amp;ssl=1 768w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/thermal_detections_chart.png?w=800&amp;ssl=1 800w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/thermal_detections_chart.png?resize=300%2C167&amp;ssl=1 300w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/thermal_detections_chart.png?resize=768%2C426&amp;ssl=1 768w" sizes="(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px" referrerpolicy="no-referrer" loading="lazy"></p>
<ul>
<li>The Yale HRL analysts generated a dataset through the analysis of thermal anomaly data, charting changes in low, moderate, and very high-resolution (VHR) satellite imagery, and open-source information to triangulate and strengthen the determination that the observed thermal anomalies reflect deliberate targeted burning to raze the observed villages and agricultural areas.</li>
<li>The team quantified year-on-year changes in land use/land cover (LULC) classification of crop using Google&rsquo;s and the World Resources Institute&rsquo;s dataset &ldquo;Dynamic World,&rdquo; which includes near real-time LULC data at 10-meter resolution. They found significant decreases in areas of crop production during the growing period after communities were razed. This can be seen in figure 12 of the report, which shows contractions in crop area in 2024 when compared to the crop baseline assessed using the mode of 2019-2023:</li>
</ul>
<p><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" src="https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/hathaway-map-2.png?resize=589%2C434&amp;ssl=1" alt="" srcset="https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/hathaway-map-2.png?resize=300%2C221&amp;ssl=1 300w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/hathaway-map-2.png?resize=1024%2C755&amp;ssl=1 1024w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/hathaway-map-2.png?resize=768%2C566&amp;ssl=1 768w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/hathaway-map-2.png?resize=1536%2C1132&amp;ssl=1 1536w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/hathaway-map-2.png?w=1791&amp;ssl=1 1791w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/hathaway-map-2.png?resize=300%2C221&amp;ssl=1 300w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/hathaway-map-2.png?resize=1024%2C755&amp;ssl=1 1024w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/hathaway-map-2.png?resize=768%2C566&amp;ssl=1 768w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/hathaway-map-2.png?resize=1536%2C1132&amp;ssl=1 1536w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/hathaway-map-2.png?w=1791&amp;ssl=1 1791w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 589px) 100vw, 589px" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></p>
<ul>
<li>Evidence of the reduction in agricultural activity near razed communities can also be seen in figure 13 of the report, which shows that the average estimated crop area within two kilometers of communities that were burned was 1.25 square kilometers in 2024, a substantial decrease from an average of 7.16 square kilometers at baseline (2019-2023):</li>
</ul>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" src="https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/crop_area_hires.png?resize=800%2C451&amp;ssl=1" alt="" srcset="https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/crop_area_hires.png?w=800&amp;ssl=1 800w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/crop_area_hires.png?resize=300%2C169&amp;ssl=1 300w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/crop_area_hires.png?resize=768%2C433&amp;ssl=1 768w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/crop_area_hires.png?w=800&amp;ssl=1 800w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/crop_area_hires.png?resize=300%2C169&amp;ssl=1 300w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/crop_area_hires.png?resize=768%2C433&amp;ssl=1 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></p>
<ul>
<li>The Yale HRL analysts measured changes from 2019 to 2024 in normalized difference vegetation index (NDVI) using Sentinel-2 imagery of the assessed communities, controlling for cumulative rainfall during the same period based on estimates from the Climate Hazards Group InfraRed Precipitation with Station data (CHIRPS), to demonstrate reduced pattern of life consistent with civilian displacement or death. In particular, the report documents the following:
<ul>
<li>After the attacks, there was significant vegetation overgrowth within 40 of the 41 villages in areas where vegetation would not ordinarily be expected (due to the grazing of livestock, the preparation of fields for crops, other agricultural practices, and ordinary patterns of life), indicating reduced or no human presence or farming.</li>
<li>The Yale HRL team examined patterns of life using multitemporal low, moderate, and very high-resolution (VHR) satellite imagery to show: reduced or no reconstruction of homes, livestock corrals, and other damaged or destroyed structures; reduced or no use of fields for agricultural preparation, some of which were barren; extensive damage to livestock corrals in at least 20 communities; and partial and sometimes widespread removal of metal roofs in many villages.</li>
<li>Figure 7 depicts the community pattern of life post-razing, showing observable reductions or absences of visible agricultural activity in 33 of the 41 attacked communities, including particularly those located along the Wadi, near fertile land. This included no visible patterns of life in 28 of the 41 communities and reduced patterns of life in five of the 41 communities:</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<p><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" src="https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-3.png?resize=580%2C418&amp;ssl=1" alt="" srcset="https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-3.png?resize=300%2C216&amp;ssl=1 300w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-3.png?resize=1024%2C739&amp;ssl=1 1024w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-3.png?resize=768%2C554&amp;ssl=1 768w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-3.png?resize=1536%2C1108&amp;ssl=1 1536w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-3.png?w=1920&amp;ssl=1 1920w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-3.png?resize=300%2C216&amp;ssl=1 300w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-3.png?resize=1024%2C739&amp;ssl=1 1024w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-3.png?resize=768%2C554&amp;ssl=1 768w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-3.png?resize=1536%2C1108&amp;ssl=1 1536w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-3.png?w=1920&amp;ssl=1 1920w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 580px) 100vw, 580px" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></p>
<ul>
<li>
<ul>
<li>Figure 8 of the report provides an example of this sequence of thermal scarring followed by overgrown vegetation within dwellings (and no observable patterns of life):</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<p><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" src="https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-3-panel.jpg?resize=639%2C217&amp;ssl=1" alt="" srcset="https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-3-panel.jpg?resize=300%2C102&amp;ssl=1 300w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-3-panel.jpg?w=628&amp;ssl=1 628w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-3-panel.jpg?resize=300%2C102&amp;ssl=1 300w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-3-panel.jpg?w=628&amp;ssl=1 628w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 639px) 100vw, 639px" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></p>
<ul>
<li>
<ul>
<li>Figure 9 in the report shows the change in NDVI between 2019-2023 and 2024, demonstrating an increase in healthy vegetation, indicative of limited to no presence of civilians or livestock:</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<p><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" src="https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-4.png?resize=595%2C409&amp;ssl=1" alt="" srcset="https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-4.png?resize=300%2C206&amp;ssl=1 300w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-4.png?resize=1024%2C705&amp;ssl=1 1024w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-4.png?resize=768%2C528&amp;ssl=1 768w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-4.png?resize=1536%2C1057&amp;ssl=1 1536w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-4.png?w=1920&amp;ssl=1 1920w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-4.png?resize=300%2C206&amp;ssl=1 300w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-4.png?resize=1024%2C705&amp;ssl=1 1024w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-4.png?resize=768%2C528&amp;ssl=1 768w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-4.png?resize=1536%2C1057&amp;ssl=1 1536w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-4.png?w=1920&amp;ssl=1 1920w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 595px) 100vw, 595px" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></p>
<ul>
<li>
<ul>
<li>Figure 11 of the report exemplifies the absence of signs of agricultural activity (specifically pit planting) as compared to the prior year:</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<p><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" src="https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-5.png?resize=632%2C356&amp;ssl=1" alt="" srcset="https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-5.png?resize=300%2C169&amp;ssl=1 300w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-5.png?w=624&amp;ssl=1 624w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-5.png?resize=300%2C169&amp;ssl=1 300w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-5.png?w=624&amp;ssl=1 624w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 632px) 100vw, 632px" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></p>
<ul>
<li>
<ul>
<li>The report also shows that the level of overgrowth in the aftermath of attacks on the villages is inconsistent with the historical relationship between NDVI and cumulative rainfall, which indicates that the vegetation overgrowth is not likely to be solely attributable to increased rainfall in 2024.</li>
</ul>
</li>
</ul>
<p>To qualify as starvation of civilians as a method of warfare, the aforementioned modes of deprivation would need to be committed with criminal intent&mdash;i.e. either for the purpose of sustenance denial, or in the knowledge that civilian starvation would result.</p>
<p>Several factors indicate that this deprivation was done for the purpose of denying the population the sustenance value of these agricultural areas. For example, the targeting of livestock corrals or agricultural areas around dwellings is very difficult to explain without reference to their food-production value. As emphasized in the report, the selection of targets for burning is evinced by spacing between burned structures and repeated burning in specific locations relevant to agricultural production. This is exemplified in figure 3 in the report:</p>
<p><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" src="https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-6.png?resize=648%2C365&amp;ssl=1" alt="" srcset="https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-6.png?resize=300%2C169&amp;ssl=1 300w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-6.png?w=594&amp;ssl=1 594w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-6.png?resize=300%2C169&amp;ssl=1 300w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/hathaway-map-6.png?w=594&amp;ssl=1 594w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 648px) 100vw, 648px" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></p>
<p>Moreover, the Yale HRL team observed no indicators of any reciprocal conduct of hostilities in the attacked and razed areas, which significantly diminishes the plausibility that they were attacked due to their effective contribution to military combat operations.</p>
<p>These agrarian villages were also in an area that was, by March 2024, deteriorating precipitously, with 50 percent of the population of El-Fasher suffering emergency or worse levels of food insecurity, according to contemporaneous <a href="https://www.ipcinfo.org/ipc-country-analysis/details-map/en/c/1157066/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">analysis</a>, and famine looming. In a <a href="https://www.ipcinfo.org/fileadmin/user_upload/ipcinfo/docs/IPC_Sudan_Acute_Food_Insecurity_Jun2024_Feb2025_Report.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">report</a> published in July 2024, the IPC warned of a risk of famine in El-Fasher &ldquo;if immediate action is not taken to address the needs of the people and prevent further escalation of conflict.&rdquo; In other words, even if, contrary to the indications noted above, deprivation of objects indispensable to survival was inflicted for reasons other than to deny sustenance to the civilian population, that deprivation occurred in a context in which it was virtually certain to contribute to civilian starvation. As such, it would still implicate the war crime of starvation of civilians as a method of warfare. The location-specific tables of the contemporaneous IPC report are telling:</p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" src="https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/PopulationTable_April-May2024_cont.png?resize=800%2C631&amp;ssl=1" alt="" srcset="https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/PopulationTable_April-May2024_cont.png?w=800&amp;ssl=1 800w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/PopulationTable_April-May2024_cont.png?resize=300%2C237&amp;ssl=1 300w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/PopulationTable_April-May2024_cont.png?resize=768%2C606&amp;ssl=1 768w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/PopulationTable_April-May2024_cont.png?w=800&amp;ssl=1 800w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/PopulationTable_April-May2024_cont.png?resize=300%2C237&amp;ssl=1 300w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/PopulationTable_April-May2024_cont.png?resize=768%2C606&amp;ssl=1 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p><img loading="lazy" decoding="async" src="https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/PopulationTable_June-Sept2024_cont.png?resize=800%2C631&amp;ssl=1" alt="" srcset="https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/PopulationTable_June-Sept2024_cont.png?w=800&amp;ssl=1 800w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/PopulationTable_June-Sept2024_cont.png?resize=300%2C237&amp;ssl=1 300w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/PopulationTable_June-Sept2024_cont.png?resize=768%2C606&amp;ssl=1 768w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/PopulationTable_June-Sept2024_cont.png?w=800&amp;ssl=1 800w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/PopulationTable_June-Sept2024_cont.png?resize=300%2C237&amp;ssl=1 300w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/PopulationTable_June-Sept2024_cont.png?resize=768%2C606&amp;ssl=1 768w" sizes="auto, (max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></p>
<p>Source: <a href="https://www.ipcinfo.org/fileadmin/user_upload/ipcinfo/docs/IPC_Sudan_Acute_Food_Insecurity_Jun2024_Feb2025_Report.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Sudan IPC Acute Food Insecurity Analysis</a> (July 22, 2024)</p>
<h4>Destroying / Seizing the Property of the Adversary Without a Basis in Military Necessity</h4>
<p>A more basic war crime implicated in the RSF&rsquo;s destruction of villages, agricultural areas, and related objects is that of unnecessary destruction or seizure. The aforementioned burning and dismantling of structures (as evinced by the removal of metal roofs, destruction of corrals, and thermal scarring), as well as the razing or burning of agricultural land would meet the threshold of &ldquo;destruction.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The ICC&rsquo;s <a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/Publications/Elements-of-Crimes.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Elements of Crimes</a> specifies that the required elements of this crime in non-international armed conflicts are that the property was protected under the law of armed conflict, that it was the property of an adversary, and that the destruction was not justified by military necessity.</p>
<p>There is no indication that any of the structures or burned objects (whether indispensable to survival or not) were making an <a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/customary-ihl/v1/rule8" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">effective contribution to military action</a>. As such, they were protected under the law of armed conflict as <a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/customary-ihl/v1/rule9" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">civilian objects</a>. Those that qualify as objects indispensable to survival, such as farmland and agricultural equipment and infrastructure, are subject to heightened legal protection.</p>
<p>For the purposes of this rule, &ldquo;adversary&rdquo; property includes the property of civilians who are aligned with, have some allegiance to, or otherwise belong to the adversary of the forces engaged in the destruction. The allegiance of civilians for this purpose can be established with reference to their ethnicity or place of residence (<a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/CourtRecords/CR2015_04025.PDF" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><em>Prosecutor v. Katanga</em></a>, para. 892). Applying that standard, Zaghawa residents of the villages around El-Fasher during the period of analysis would qualify as civilians aligned with the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Joint Forces (see <a href="https://www.euaa.europa.eu/country-guidance-sudan/22-sudanese-authorities-sudanese-armed-forces-saf-and-main-allies" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>, <a href="https://sudanwarmonitor.com/p/darfur-joint-force-declares-war-on" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>, <a href="https://acleddata.com/update/may-2024-sudan-rsf-sets-its-eyes-north-darfur" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>, and&nbsp;<a href="https://acleddata.com/report/two-years-war-sudan-how-saf-gaining-upper-hand" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>). Given that, their property would qualify as &ldquo;adversary property&rdquo; for the purposes of this rule and its destruction without military necessity would therefore implicate the war crime.</p>
<p>In assessing whether the destruction could possibly be justified by military necessity, two details warrant emphasis. First, as noted earlier, the Yale HRL team observed no indicators of any reciprocal conduct of hostilities in any of the attacked and razed areas, some of which were razed repeatedly. Second, there is no indication that those areas were cleared to facilitate military activity. On the contrary, the vegetation overgrowth in many of the attacked villages is evidence not only of the severe diminution in agricultural work and other ordinary patterns of life, but also of the absence of any human presence, including any activity that might be expected if the destruction were essential to military maneuvers or operations that could not otherwise take place.</p>
<p>Finally, it should also be noted that military necessity cannot be invoked to override clear international humanitarian law (IHL) prohibitions. In that respect, the qualification of the property in this case as <a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/customary-ihl/v1/rule54" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">an object indispensable to survival</a> is likely dispositive. Objects indispensable to survival may be destroyed only if they are being used either (i) solely for the sustenance of armed forces, or (ii) to contribute directly to the adversary&rsquo;s military operations in any other way, in a context in which their destruction would not be expected to leave civilians starving or forced to move. There is nothing to indicate that either of those exceptions applies here.</p>
<p>Despite some contrary case law (<a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/CourtRecords/CR2008_05172.PDF" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><em>Prosecutor v. Katanga and Ngudjolo Chui</em>,</a> para. 330; <a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/CourtRecords/CR2015_04025.PDF" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><em>Prosecutor v. Katanga</em></a>, paras. 893-895), it has been argued that this war crime attaches primarily to destruction occurring in contexts in which the perpetrator exercises some level of control over the property and the surrounding area (as distinct from attacks on objects during the conduct of hostilities) (Gei&szlig; &amp; Zimmermann in Ambos, <a href="https://www.bloomsbury.com/us/rome-statute-of-the-international-criminal-court-9781509944057/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Commentary</a>, p.661-662). Even assuming that to be the case, the absence of any indicia of reciprocal conduct of hostilities in the attacked villages is indicative of RSF control, as is the group&rsquo;s ability to repeatedly raze the same areas without any effective resistance or response.</p>
<h2><strong>Crimes Against Humanity</strong></h2>
<p>To qualify as crimes against humanity, acts must occur as part of a widespread or systematic attack on a civilian population. At the ICC, that attack must occur as part of a state or organizational policy. The report does not provide a direct window into an assessment of RSF policy. However, there are clear indicia of systematicity. Those indicia are also powerful evidence of an organizational policy. Most obviously, the attacks follow a common pattern of burning, destruction, and reduced or eliminated patterns of life. Moreover, RSF troops sustained that pattern over a significant period of time. The destruction is also part of a widespread operation, covering multiple villages in the vicinity of El-Fasher, inflicting unsparing damage on each of them, and affecting both the civilian population of inhabitants of the 41 villages, as well as the broader civilian population that had been dependent on these agrarian areas. To establish a crime against humanity it is sufficient to show systematicity or widespreadness; it is not necessary to prove both.</p>
<h4>Forcible Transfer of Civilian Populations</h4>
<p>The elimination of patterns in life in 28 of the 41 communities and the reduction in patterns of life in five more after attacks and burning is indicative of either mass killing or displacement. The forcible transfer of civilians from their homes in the attacked villages could qualify as a war crime or a crime against humanity. The crux of both crimes is the involuntary nature of the displacement, the perpetrator&rsquo;s role in creating that coercive dynamic, and the lack of legal basis for the transfer of persons.</p>
<p>Given the observable patterns of destruction and burning, it is quite likely that displacement was effectuated by physical force. However, the criterion of coercion and involuntariness is not restricted to displacement by physical force. It may include other forms of coercion, including taking advantage of a coercive environment (<a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/Publications/Elements-of-Crimes.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">ICC Elements of Crimes</a>, p.4, n.12). Regardless of the specific interactions between RSF fighters and the village inhabitants, the burning of the latter&rsquo;s homes and agricultural areas would have eliminated any genuine choice with respect to displacement. It clearly surpasses the level of coercion necessary to implicate forcible transfer. The elimination or diminution of patterns of life and the vegetation overgrowth within dwellings and fenced areas provide strong evidence of comprehensive displacement from each of the villages where these phenomena were observed, as visualized in the maps provided above.</p>
<p>The crime applies only when the civilians in question were lawfully present in the area from which they are removed (which is straightforwardly true in this case) and does not apply to legally authorized evacuation orders, such as those relating to military necessity or the protection of civilian security, as provided for in IHL. Here, there is no indication of any military necessity. As noted in the discussion of unnecessary destruction, other than repeat attacks in several cases, there were no subsequent military operations or maneuvers in the attacked areas. Moreover, the unlawful destruction of homes and objects indispensable to survival directly contradicts an evacuation designed to ensure civilian security. Indeed, both forms of legally authorized transfer under IHL (military necessity and civilian security) are definitionally temporary. Precluding return, the unlawful (and sometimes repeated) destruction of homes and objects indispensable to survival is incompatible with the temporariness criterion of permissible evacuation orders.</p>
<p>The forcible transfer war crime, unlike the parallel crime against humanity, includes an element that the transfer must be &ldquo;ordered&rdquo; by the perpetrator. However, in the <a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/court-record/icc-01/04-02/06-2666-red" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><em>Ntaganda</em></a> case, the ICC Appeals Chamber held that this includes orders to perform acts from which the displacement of a significant proportion of civilians &ldquo;would necessarily occur&rdquo; (para. 544). This would not include the ordering of IHL-compliant acts from which civilian displacement is inevitable. However, for the reasons discussed above, the destruction detailed in the Yale HRL report does not fall into that category.</p>
<h4>Extermination / Murder as Crimes Against Humanity</h4>
<p>Murder and extermination are both crimes of killing. The key distinction is that extermination involves mass-killing, whereas murder has no massiveness threshold. If part of the explanation for reduced patterns of life in most of the attacked villages is that inhabitants were killed, that would qualify as extermination, or at the very least as murder as a crime against humanity. The current report does not attempt to identify the causes of the reduced patters of life that it documents, but a <a href="https://files-profile.medicine.yale.edu/documents/001a93f9-1c99-4437-a023-bac1294d3d0e" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">report</a> issued in December 2025 by the Yale HRL documented systematic mass killings and body disposal in the vicinity of El-Fasher in October and November 2025&mdash;after the period covered in the current report.</p>
<p>A distinct way in which murder or extermination could be implicated would be through killing by starvation. It is difficult to establish this violation, due to the challenge of establishing cause of death in context where the nexus between acts of deprivation and subsequent mortality is temporally stretched and complicated by the influence of intervening factors. The Yale HRL report does not provide specific information linking the destruction of agricultural areas to lethal outcomes. It would need to be supplemented with other evidence of death, its causation, and perpetrators&rsquo; knowledge of those implications to establish either murder or extermination.</p>
<p>However, the report provides clear evidence of the infliction of conditions of life calculated to bring about the destruction of part of a population. Both the <a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/2025-05/Rome-Statute-EN-2025.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">ICC Statute</a> and the <a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/Publications/Elements-of-Crimes.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Elements of Crimes</a> specify that this mechanism of extermination includes the deprivation of access to food and medicine. Plainly, the systematic destruction of agricultural resources in a context of catastrophic food insecurity is an example of precisely that kind of act. Additionally, it should be noted that the RSF&rsquo;s destruction of agricultural resources has not occurred in isolation. As discussed above, it has occurred alongside the group&rsquo;s <a href="https://perma.cc/HLQ5-HKN7" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">impediment</a> of <a href="https://perma.cc/2PP7-H2MF" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">humanitarian relief</a> to <a href="https://www.wfp.org/news/one-year-after-famine-first-confirmed-sudan-wfp-warns-people-trapped-el-fasher-face-starvation" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">civilians in El-Fasher</a> and the targeting of <a href="https://files-profile.medicine.yale.edu/documents/319dd62a-d4d2-454b-8205-47214168dcf5" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">community kitchens and markets</a> in El-Fasher, albeit that these other actions are not the focus of the HRL report.</p>
<p>Although this report does not itself provide evidence of the elevated mortality arising from these practices, devastating evidence of that impact came to light after the fall of El-Fasher starting on Oct. 26, 2025. <a href="https://news.sky.com/story/tens-of-thousands-missing-in-killing-fields-around-city-in-hands-of-sudans-paramilitary-group-13463324" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Specific</a> <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c8dr5e30m5ro" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">evidence</a> <a href="https://perma.cc/J339-CHAJ" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">includes</a> satellite imagery analysis of clusters of objects consistent in shape and size of human remains, reddish ground discoloration consistent with blood, video of RSF soldiers carrying out killings, and <a href="https://perma.cc/5TDA-2XKF" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">witness</a> accounts. The scope of mortality is estimated to be in the tens of thousands, with limited information on those who were able to flee. It is unclear how many remain in El-Fasher at this time. Additionally, the malnutrition level among the population that fled from El-Fasher, as <a href="https://www.msf.org/people-face-extreme-malnutrition-sudan-crisis" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">measured upon their arrival in Tawila</a>, indicates a catastrophic level of food insecurity, which is strong circumstantial evidence that many of those who died in El-Fasher suffered that fate as a direct consequence of food deprivation. Combining this information with that compiled in the report offers strong evidence of extermination by starvation.</p>
<h4>Inhumane Acts</h4>
<p>The key difference between establishing the crime against humanity of inhumane acts and establishing those of murder or extermination is that the former does not require proving death or its cause. Instead, it must be shown that the inhumane act (here, the deprivation of objects indispensable to survival) inflicted great suffering, or serious injury to body or to mental or physical health. Here, again, the HRL report provides evidence of the relevant conduct. The difference is in the nature of the evidence with which it would need to be supplemented. One of us has argued <a href="https://revista17.org/en/hambre-y-justicia-internacional?task=callelement&amp;format=raw&amp;item_id=391&amp;element=0da2a8a3-f985-4a8a-9d56-d911e8b03bce&amp;method=download&amp;args%5b0%5d=0" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">elsewhere</a> (p.148) that the deprivation of objects indispensable to survival in contexts of emergency or worse levels of food insecurity ought to be interpreted to entail the infliction of great suffering by definition. Even if that position were not adopted, the aforementioned condition of those who escaped El-Fasher after it fell to the RSF evinces great suffering as a result of malnutrition.</p>
<h4>Persecution</h4>
<p>If any of the crimes detailed above were inflicted with discriminatory animus, including on ethnic or cultural grounds, persecution would also be an applicable criminal category. It is difficult to discern discriminatory intent from remote sensing of the kind employed in the Yale HRL investigation. However, the attacked villages were primarily ethnically Zaghawa, a non-Arab community, which is indicative of a possibility of discriminatory animus by the RSF, particularly if combined with other evidence that goes more directly to that intent.</p>
<p>Additionally, it should be noted that persecution can apply to the severe deprivation of fundamental rights &ldquo;in connection&rdquo; with ICC crimes. The deprivation of objects indispensable to survival in a context of catastrophic food insecurity implicates multiple fundamental rights, including those relating to life, health, food, and to be free from cruel treatment. Even assuming the starvation war crime is not available at the ICC in relation to NIACs, the severe deprivation of food &ldquo;in connection with&rdquo; the war crime of unnecessarily destroying adversary property (for example) could underpin a persecution charge focused on starvation as a deprivation of fundamental rights.</p>
<h2><strong>Genocide</strong></h2>
<p>Finally, the central underlying act referenced above in relation to extermination&mdash;namely, the infliction of conditions of life calculated to bring about the destruction of part of a population&mdash;can also qualify as an underlying act of genocide. To support a genocide charge, it would need to be combined with evidence that perpetrators possessed the specific intent to destroy a racial, religious, ethnic, or national group in whole or in part, as such. The report does not itself provide direct evidence of specific genocidal intent. However, here too, the fact that the targeted villages were primarily ethnically Zaghawa is significant. Moreover, the details in the report could be used in combination with evidence of destructive intent to support a genocide charge. In contrast to the crime against humanity of extermination, genocide does not require proving lethality or cause of death. The infliction of destructive conditions of life with genocidal intent would be sufficient.</p>
<p>The U.S. State Department <a href="https://2021-2025.state.gov/genocide-determination-in-sudan-and-imposing-accountability-measures/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">concluded</a> on Jan. 7, 2025 (in the final days of the Biden administration) that the RSF and RSF-aligned militias have committed genocide. On that basis, the United States <a href="https://www.state.gov/genocide-determination-in-sudan-and-imposing-accountability-measures/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">sanctioned</a> RSF leader Hemedti, together with seven RSF-owned companies located in the United Arab Emirates and one individual involved in procuring weapons for the RSF. Last month, three additional RSF commanders were <a href="https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/sb0399" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">added</a> to the sanctions list for atrocities in and around El-Fasher.</p>
<p>As noted above, a recent U.N. Fact-Finding Mission <a href="https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/documents/hrbodies/hrcouncil/sessions-regular/session61/advance-version/a-hrc-61-77-auv-en.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">report</a> provided a more detailed analysis of the question, reaching the conclusion that genocidal intent was &ldquo;the only reasonable inference that can be drawn&rdquo; from the RSF&rsquo;s pattern of conduct during the siege and subsequent fall of El-Fasher. The Yale HRL report complements and supports this analysis, providing granular detail on a specific contribution to the deterioration of conditions of life in the build-up to the siege and during its early stages.</p>
<p><strong>Beyond Criminality: State Responsibility</strong></p>
<p>Criminal accountability is important, but it is not the only legal function relevant to armed conflict. As <a href="https://texaslawreview.org/ensuring-responsibility-common-article-1-and-state-responsibility-for-non-state-actors/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">each</a> of <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/39356AC349B91754C6F85774DAF489B8/S0002930024000538a.pdf/international-law-in-gaza-belligerent-intent-and-provisional-measures.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">us</a> has emphasized elsewhere, a key principle of international humanitarian law is third states&rsquo; duty to ensure belligerents&rsquo; respect for IHL. This duty is triggered when there is a serious risk of IHL violations. That threshold has clearly been surpassed in the current situation in Sudan. The evidence of RSF violations in this report and elsewhere ought to inform external states&rsquo; assessments of what leverage they may have to bring RSF actors&mdash;and those enabling and supporting them&mdash;into compliance. Given the level of RSF <a href="https://www.wsj.com/world/how-u-a-e-arms-bolstered-a-sudanese-militia-accused-%20of-genocide-781b9803" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">reliance</a> upon the UAE in that regard, this implies not only that the UAE itself has a duty to cease contributing to the RSF&rsquo;s violations and otherwise to use its enormous influence to ensure the RSF&rsquo;s compliance with IHL, but also that those with leverage over the UAE (most obviously the United States) should exercise that leverage to the same end. The United States has taken a first step with targeted sanctions, but there is much more that it&mdash;and other States&mdash;can and must do to end the suffering of civilians in Sudan.</p>
<h2><strong>Conclusion</strong></h2>
<p>The Yale HRL report represents an important step forward in providing clear and specific documentation of the events that took place in the vicinity of El-Fasher between March 31 and June 12, 2024. It includes significant evidence upon which the Office of the Prosecutor at the ICC may draw as it continues its pursuit of accountability for the many crimes that have been committed in Sudan since 2005. This is small comfort for those who have survived these horrors and it will not bring back those who have not. Nonetheless, it is a step toward some measure of justice.</p>
<p>The Yale HRL report also offers new insights into tools and techniques for documenting international crimes using new remote sensing technology and analysis of the information it offers. These techniques offer promise not only for those seeking justice, but also for those litigating or otherwise mobilizing to demand that third-party States exercise available leverage to halt ongoing violations. The work to document what has happened stands as a rebuke to those who think they can commit their crimes with impunity by repressing the flow of information from the people and communities they victimize. The collection of the evidence in the Yale HRL report demonstrates that the world is watching and gathering the information that will be needed to eventually bring those responsible to account.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131508/report-new-evidence-starvation-darfur/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Report Offers New Evidence of Starvation Crimes in Darfur</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-10T07:00:15+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Tom Dannenbaum</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-10T07:00:15+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="armed conflict"/>

	<category term="atrocities"/>

	<category term="atrocities/mass atrocities"/>

	<category term="civilian harm"/>

	<category term="crimes against humanity"/>

	<category term="human rights"/>

	<category term="humanitarian"/>

	<category term="international and foreign"/>

	<category term="international criminal court (icc)"/>

	<category term="international human rights law"/>

	<category term="international human rights law (ihrl)"/>

	<category term="international humanitarian law (ihl)"/>

	<category term="international law"/>

	<category term="jurisdiction"/>

	<category term="law of armed conflict/ihl"/>

	<category term="starvation"/>

	<category term="sudan"/>

	<category term="un security council (unsc)"/>

	<category term="universal jurisdiction"/>

	<category term="war crimes"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-09:/282014</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132950/technology-icrc-gc-iv-2025-commentary/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=technology-icrc-gc-iv-2025-commentary" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Technology and the ICRC’s GC IV 2025 Commentary</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Sixty-seven years after the ICRC published the so-called &ldquo;Pictet Commentary&rdquo; to the 1949 Geneva Conv...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p><span>Sixty-seven years after the ICRC published the so-called &ldquo;</span><a href="https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/7d971f/pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Pictet Commentary</span></a><span>&rdquo; to the 1949 Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilians in Time of War (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/assets/treaties/380-GC-IV-EN.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>GC IV</span></a><span>), it has completed an updated version that considers, </span><i><span>inter alia</span></i><span>, State practice, </span><i><span>opinio juris</span></i><span>, judicial decisions, and scholarly commentary relevant to the evolution of warfare since 1958. That evolution has been driven in great part by technological advances, both in how wars are fought and in their impact on the civilian population. Indeed, the internet, cyber operations, digital data, space operations, autonomous systems, biometrics, artificial intelligence, and countless other technologies were largely inconceivable when the Pictet Commentary was produced.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Developed over five years under the leadership of Jean-Marie Henckaerts, the resulting 2025 </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Commentary</span></i></a><span> addresses technology not through a single dedicated section but by integrating discussion into the commentary on specific rules. Doing so is consistent with the principle that new technologies are subject to existing law of armed conflict rules. The International Court of Justice (ICJ) confirmed this principle in its </span><a href="https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/95/095-19960708-ADV-01-00-EN.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Nuclear Weapons</span></i></a><span> advisory opinion, where it observed that to hold otherwise would &ldquo;be incompatible with the intrinsically humanitarian character of the legal principles in question which permeates the entire law of armed conflict and applies to all forms of warfare and to all kinds of weapons, those of the past, those of the present and those of the future&rdquo; (&para; 86; see also, e.g., DoD </span><a href="https://media.defense.gov/2023/Jul/31/2003271432/-1/-1/0/DOD-LAW-OF-WAR-MANUAL-JUNE-2015-UPDATED-JULY%202023.PDF" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Law of War Manual</span></i></a><span>, &sect; 16.2 on cyber).</span></p>
<p><span>But, of course, the very novelty of new technologies sometimes precludes hand-in-glove application of extant rules. This necessitates interpreting the rules in the changed context in which they are to be applied. As Henckaerts has </span><a href="https://blogs.icrc.org/law-and-policy/2025/10/21/protecting-civilians-in-good-faith-the-updated-commentary-on-the-fourth-geneva-convention/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>observed</span></a><span>, doing so requires States, acting in good faith, to &ldquo;adapt their interpretations to ensure that the rationale behind the protections remains in place&rdquo; (see also </span><a href="https://legal.un.org/ilc/texts/instruments/english/conventions/1_1_1969.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>VCLT</span></a><span>, art. 31(1)). It is an observation that finds support in the ICJ&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/92/092-19970925-JUD-01-00-EN.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Gab&#269;&iacute;kovo-Nagymaros</span></i></a> <span>statement that &ldquo;[t]he principle of good faith obliges the Parties to apply [treaties] in a reasonable way and in such a manner that its purpose can be realized&rdquo; (&para; 142). And, as I have asserted </span><a href="https://lieber.westpoint.edu/interpreting-law-self-defense/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>elsewhere</span></a><span>, an interpretation must not only be made in good faith and reflect the object and purpose of the rule in question, it must also &ldquo;pass the straight face test.&rdquo;</span></p>
<p><span>In this article, I survey revisions to the 1958 GC IV </span><i><span>Commentary</span></i><span> that accommodate technologies that did not exist when either the GC IV or the original </span><i><span>Commentary</span></i><span> drafters were at work, grouping my review across five themes. I do so not only to alert readers to the adjustments, but also to assess whether the ICRC&rsquo;s </span><i><span>Commentaries</span></i><span> team applied the aforementioned interpretive approach in a measured fashion, one that remains loyal to the respective rule&rsquo;s object and purpose without masking an attempt to style </span><i><span>lex ferenda </span></i><span>(the law that should be) as</span><i><span> lex lata </span></i><span>(the law as it exists).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Ultimately, the ICRC&rsquo;s work in the </span><i><span>Commentary </span></i><span>is highly positive, with just one potentially premature conclusion (regarding the treatment of data as property).</span></p>
<h2><b>1. Cyber Operations and the Threshold of Armed Conflict</b></h2>
<p><span>The 2025 </span><i><span>Commentary</span></i><span> takes on the challenging question of whether cyber operations can trigger an international armed conflict under </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-2?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Common Article 2</span></a><span> of the Geneva Conventions or a non-international armed conflict under </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-3?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Common Article 3</span></a><span>. It is a dispositive question, for in the absence of armed conflict, the GC IV&rsquo;s rules, including those affording protection to civilians, are inapplicable (although other protections apply in peacetime, such as those provided for by international human rights law).</span></p>
<p><span>There is universal agreement that cyber operations with a nexus to an ongoing armed conflict, whether international or non-international, are subject to the law of armed conflict (see, e.g., DoD </span><a href="https://media.defense.gov/2023/Jul/31/2003271432/-1/-1/0/DOD-LAW-OF-WAR-MANUAL-JUNE-2015-UPDATED-JULY%202023.PDF" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Law of War Manual</span></i></a><span>, &sect; 16.2; ICRC </span><a href="https://www.icrc.org/sites/default/files/document/file_list/icrc_ihl-and-cyber-operations-during-armed-conflicts.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>cyber position paper</span></a><span>, pages 4-5; and </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/76864/the-sixth-united-nations-gge-and-international-law-in-cyberspace/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span> on the United Nations Groups of Governmental Experts approach). The harder question is whether these operations, standing alone, can initiate armed conflict. As the </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-2/commentary/2025?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Commentary</span></i></a> <span>notes (&para; 323; see also &para; 324),&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Technological advances, in particular the exponential increase in States&rsquo; cyber capabilities and their potential impact on the population and infrastructure as well as on the military capabilities of an enemy State, pose important questions in relation to the applicability of international humanitarian law. More specifically, it is important to determine at what point cyber operations bring an international armed conflict into existence.</span></p>
<p><span>With respect to international armed conflict, the </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-2/commentary/2025?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>commentary</span></a><span> to Common Article 2 accurately notes that &ldquo;[i]t is generally accepted by experts, and reflected in the positions of a growing number of States, that cyber operations having similar effects to traditional kinetic operations would amount to an international armed conflict and would have to be conducted in accordance with the rules on the conduct of hostilities&rdquo; (&para; 325; see also </span><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/tallinn-manual-20-on-the-international-law-applicable-to-cyber-operations/E4FFD83EA790D7C4C3C28FC9CA2FB6C9" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Tallinn Manual 2.0</span></i></a><span>, rule 82 commentary). Thus, if a cyber operation results in physical damage, destruction, injury, or death of individuals, and all other conditions for qualification as an international armed conflict (especially that Hostilities are between States) are satisfied, an international armed conflict is underway.</span></p>
<p><span>As to cyber operations not having these physical consequences, the </span><i><span>Commentary</span></i><span> is cautious, and rightfully so: &ldquo;it remains to be seen if and under what conditions states will treat such cyber operations as armed force amounting to armed conflict under international humanitarian law in future operations&rdquo; (&para; 326). For example, the widespread denial of service operations conducted by a State into another State&rsquo;s territory would raise the issue.</span></p>
<p><span>My own view corresponds with the ICRC&rsquo;s position that &ldquo;there is no requirement that the use of armed force between the Parties reach a certain level of intensity before it can be said that an armed conflict exists&rdquo; (&para; 306). I am also of the </span><a href="https://academic.oup.com/jcsl/article-abstract/17/2/245/852811?login=false" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>opinion</span></a><span> that a cyber operation that qualifies as an &ldquo;attack&rdquo; under the law of armed conflict suffices to trigger an international armed conflict (see Additional Protocol I, </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/api-1977/article-49" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>art. 49</span></a><span>, for an accepted definition of attack).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>But even if this approach is adopted, the threshold dilemma remains unresolved. The </span><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/tallinn-manual-20-on-the-international-law-applicable-to-cyber-operations/E4FFD83EA790D7C4C3C28FC9CA2FB6C9" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Tallinn Manual 2.0</span></i></a><span> experts struggled mightily with the legal meaning of the term &ldquo;attack&rdquo; in the context of cyber operations. Some would require physical effects, while others would treat a non-physical loss of functionality of the targeted infrastructure as sufficient damage to qualify an operation as an attack. But even those in the latter group disagreed on the degree of functional loss that sufficed (rule 92 commentary). This lack of consensus was subsequently mirrored in State positions (see, e.g., </span><a href="https://eucyberdirect.eu/research/european-approaches-to-the-application-of-international-law-in-cyberspace-a-comparative-legal-analysis" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Schmitt &amp; Vihul</span></a><span>, pages 69-70). The point is that the question of whether non-destructive, non-injurious cyber operations can initiate an armed conflict remains unsettled.</span></p>
<p><span>Common Article 3 concerns non-international armed conflicts and sets forth limited protections for civilians. Like Common Article 2 for international armed conflict, the </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-3/commentary/2025?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>commentary</span></a><span> to the article notes that, in principle, the same criteria that are employed to determine whether kinetic operations trigger a non-international armed conflict apply in the case of cyber operations &ndash;&nbsp;&ldquo;protracted armed violence between governmental authorities and organized armed groups or between such groups within a State&rdquo; (</span><a href="https://www.icty.org/x/cases/tadic/acdec/en/51002.htm" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Tadi&#263;</span></i></a><span>, para. 70; see also ICTR,&nbsp;</span><a href="https://www.refworld.org/cases,ICTR,40278fbb4.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Akayesu</span></i></a><span>, para. 619; ICC,&nbsp;</span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/CourtRecords/CR2009_04528.PDF" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Bemba</span></i></a><span>, para. 229).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>However, it warns that &ldquo;[p]articular challenges arise when applying the established classification criteria to cyber operations&rdquo; (&para; 510), highlighting the same issues that others have consistently singled out (see, e.g., </span><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/tallinn-manual-20-on-the-international-law-applicable-to-cyber-operations/E4FFD83EA790D7C4C3C28FC9CA2FB6C9" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Tallinn Manual 2.0</span></i></a><span>, rule 83 commentary; and </span><a href="https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1032&amp;context=ils" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span>). These include the question of how to treat a group organized entirely online (e.g., how to enforce the law of armed conflict within the group) and the fact that most cyber operations do not generate consequences of a nature and intensity sufficient to satisfy the relatively high threshold required for a non-international armed conflict.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Interestingly, given the centrality of space in contemporary warfare, a footnote notes that Common Article 3 also applies to an existing non-international armed conflict involving operations in space (FN 123). This is consistent with Rule 30 of the </span><a href="https://academic.oup.com/oxford-law-pro/book/57847" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Woomera Manual</span></i> <i><span>on the International Law of Space Operations</span></i></a><span>: &ldquo;To the extent that a terrestrial non-international armed conflict that originates on the territory of a State involves military operations from, to, or within space, all relevant rules of the law of armed conflict relating to non-international armed conflicts apply to those operations.&rdquo; The </span><i><span>Woomera Manual</span></i><span> experts, however, were pessimistic about a non-international armed conflict occurring entirely in space, for both legal and practical reasons (rule 30, commentary). Such hesitancy is consistent with the commentary&rsquo;s decision to limit its mention of space to ongoing non-international armed conflict.</span></p>
<p><span>With regard to both international and non-international armed conflicts, the ICRC has fairly characterized the state of the law regarding cyber operations that, standing alone, trigger an armed conflict.&nbsp;</span><b></b></p>
<h2><b>2) Protection of Medical Services and Data in Cyberspace</b></h2>
<p><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-18?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 18</span></a><span> of GC IV requires that parties to a conflict &ldquo;respect and protect&rdquo; civilian hospitals (see also </span><i><span>Customary IHL</span></i><span>, </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/customary-ihl/v1/rule28" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>rule 28</span></a><span>; DoD </span><a href="https://media.defense.gov/2023/Jul/31/2003271432/-1/-1/0/DOD-LAW-OF-WAR-MANUAL-JUNE-2015-UPDATED-JULY%202023.PDF" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Law of War Manual</span></i></a><span>). Given their vulnerability to hostile cyber operations, the article&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en%2Fihl-treaties%2Fgciv-1949/article-18/commentary/2025?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>commentary</span></a><span> appropriately discusses the effects such operations may have on the delivery of medical services (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-18/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Commentary</span></i></a><span>, &para; 1799).</span></p>
<p><span>The obligation to respect civilian hospitals also involves not interfering with their medical functioning by non-physical means, such as cyber or other digital operations. Disrupting the information technology infrastructure of medical services or disabling the functionality of medical equipment would be unlawful. Importantly, such disruption includes manipulating, deleting or otherwise damaging medical data that form an integral part of medical facilities. Relevant data in the medical context include those necessary for the proper operation of medical equipment and for tracking the inventory of medical supplies, as well as personal medical information essential for the treatment of patients.</span></p>
<p><span>This is precisely the approach the </span><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/tallinn-manual-20-on-the-international-law-applicable-to-cyber-operations/E4FFD83EA790D7C4C3C28FC9CA2FB6C9" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Tallinn Manual 2.0</span></i></a><span> experts had earlier taken: &ldquo;The duty to respect [medical units] is breached by actions that impede or prevent medical &hellip; personnel, medical units, or medical transports from performing their medical &hellip; functions, or that otherwise adversely affect the humanitarian functions of medical &hellip; personnel, units, or transports. It includes, but is not limited to, the prohibition on attacks&rdquo; (rule 131 commentary). In fact, the commentary&rsquo;s reference to data draws directly from examples in the commentary to </span><i><span>Tallinn Manual 2.0</span></i><span>&rsquo;s Rule 132. Importantly, rule 132 emphasized that the protection did not depend on the cyber operation in question qualifying as an attack under the law of armed conflict.</span></p>
<p><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-19" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 19</span></a><span> of GC IV deals with situations in which medical facilities lose protection because they are being &ldquo;used to commit, outside their humanitarian duties, acts harmful to the enemy.&rdquo; Paradigmatic examples include using a medical facility to store weapons or other military equipment, shelter combatants, or serve as a fighting position. Despite the loss of protection, attack is only permitted&nbsp; &ldquo;after due warning has been given, naming, in all appropriate cases, a reasonable time limit, and after such warning has remained unheeded.&rdquo;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>As noted in the article&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-19/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>commentary</span></a><span>, &ldquo;The absence of a further definition of this concept allows for flexibility in determining how to implement this requirement in light of the prevailing circumstances and available technologies.&rdquo; Thus, it sensibly observes that among the means that can be employed to issue the warning are &ldquo;an e-mail addressed to the hospital management or competent authorities&rdquo; (&para; 1855). Other means, such as text messages or taking control of computers to message the hospital concerned, would likewise suffice, since the requirement is not based on the mode of warning but on its effectiveness.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Accommodation has also been made for the possibility of new forms of civilian medical transport,&nbsp; which, like hospitals and other medical facilities, are protected from attack (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-21?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>art. 21</span></a><span> for land and sea transport; </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-22?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>art. 22</span></a><span> for medical transport by air; see also </span><i><span>Customary IHL</span></i><span>, </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/customary-ihl/v1/rule29" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>rule 29</span></a><span>). Of particular note are uncrewed or autonomous medical transport systems, which are especially well-suited for battlefield evacuation because they dramatically reduce risk to medical personnel who might otherwise be involved. Such ground systems are already in </span><a href="https://militarnyi.com/en/news/military-medics-develop-ground-drone-for-casualty-evacuation/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>use</span></a><span> in Ukraine. Comparable air evacuation systems are under development (e.g., see </span><a href="https://www.pesco.europa.eu/project/unmanned-air-transport-injured-soldiers-unatis/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span> and </span><a href="https://www.army.mil/article/195268/army_looking_into_unmanned_medevac_medical_resupply" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span>).</span></p>
<p><span>The </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-21/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>commentary</span></a> <span>to Article 21, which extends special protection to land vehicles that are exclusively assigned (temporarily or permanently) to the medical transportation of civilians and are in convoy, anticipates such developments (&para; 1942).</span></p>
<p><span>It is increasingly likely that States will develop and employ ground medical evacuation vehicles that are either remotely controlled or autonomous to collect and transport wounded and sick persons. As long as they operate in convoys and are assigned exclusively to medical transportation, either permanently or temporarily, there is no reason to exclude such transports from the scope of Article 21. Their protection can only contribute to the humanitarian objectives of the Convention.</span></p>
<p><span>Note that the special protection from attack for medical vehicles applies only when in convoy, as the text makes clear. However, I see no reason the convoys could not be entirely made up of uncrewed or autonomous systems. In any event, such vehicles are already immune from attack as civilian objects, and in my estimation, all medical vehicles, military or civilian, convoyed or not, are specially protected from attack under customary international law (</span><i><span>Customary IHL</span></i><span>, </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/customary-ihl/v1/rule29" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>rule 29</span></a><span>; DoD </span><a href="https://media.defense.gov/2023/Jul/31/2003271432/-1/-1/0/DOD-LAW-OF-WAR-MANUAL-JUNE-2015-UPDATED-JULY%202023.PDF" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Law of War Manual</span></i></a><span>, &sect; 17.11.1).</span></p>
<p><span>Article 22&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-22/commentary/2025?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>commentary</span></a><span> emphasizes that &ldquo;uncrewed aerial vehicles&rdquo; used for civilian medical treatment are encompassed within the meaning of the term &ldquo;aircraft&rdquo; (&para; 1978). In doing so, it mirrors the position taken by the experts who prepared the Program on Humanitarian Policy and Conflict Research at Harvard University (HPCR) </span><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/hpcr-manual-on-international-law-applicable-to-air-and-missile-warfare/EB28F7A1701637CA2390B25FB4840629" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Manual on International Law Applicable to Air and Missile Warfare</span></i></a><span>, which defined aircraft as &ldquo;any vehicle &ndash; whether manned or unmanned &ndash; that can derive support in the atmosphere from the reactions of the air&rdquo; (sect. a).</span> <span>The</span> <span>article&rsquo;s commentary</span> <span>is especially forward-looking, as it adds: &ldquo;Advances in transportation technology may also result in new types of aircraft (including uncrewed aircraft) falling within the scope of Article 22&rdquo; (</span><i><span>id</span></i><span>.). This will allow the commentary to remain current as further advances, such as autonomous medical and AI-enabled evacuation aircraft, become commonplace, as they surely will.</span><b></b></p>
<h2><b>3) Data as Protected Property</b></h2>
<p><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-53?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 53</span></a><span> of GC IV prohibits &ldquo;[a]ny destruction by the Occupying Power of real or personal property belonging individually or collectively to private persons, or to the State, or to other public authorities, or to social or cooperative organizations&hellip; except where such destruction is rendered absolutely necessary by military operations.&rdquo; This provision relates to a question that has occupied the attention of the law of armed conflict community in a different context since being identified by the </span><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/tallinn-manual-20-on-the-international-law-applicable-to-cyber-operations/E4FFD83EA790D7C4C3C28FC9CA2FB6C9" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Tallinn Manual</span></i></a><span> experts (rule 100 commentary). The issue is whether data qualifies as an object, such that a cyber operation directed at civilian data that destroys, damages, or alters it qualifies as an attack on a civilian object and, therefore, is not only an &ldquo;internationally wrongful act&rdquo; by the State concerned but also a war crime by the individuals involved.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Article 53 raises the analogous question of whether data can qualify as property. In its </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-53/commentary/2025?activeTab=#Fn_F24CE7A5_00037" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>commentary</span></a><span>, the ICRC takes the position that data can do so: &ldquo;the concept of property is not limited to tangible property, and includes intangible property, such as intellectual property, data, and even certain classes of rights. This confirms the interpretation suggested by the ordinary meaning of the term.&rdquo; In a footnote (37), the commentary adds, &ldquo;On the specific question of whether data is property protected by this provision, it is the ICRC&rsquo;s view that it is.&rdquo;</span></p>
<p><span>The view is reasonable but not unassailable. For instance, there is disagreement over whether the intangible nature of data precludes treating it as an object; the majority of the </span><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/tallinn-manual-20-on-the-international-law-applicable-to-cyber-operations/E4FFD83EA790D7C4C3C28FC9CA2FB6C9" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Tallinn Manual</span></i> <i><span>2.0</span></i></a> <span>experts concluded that it does, and therefore, by that view, civilian data does not enjoy the protection that civilian objects do (page 550). The problem, as I have </span><a href="http://international-review.icrc.org/articles/wired-warfare-30-protecting-civilian-population-during-cyber-operations" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>explained</span></a><span> multiple times, is that neither view fully accommodates the balance between military necessity and humanitarian considerations that should animate any interpretation of the law of armed conflict. That same reality applies, </span><i><span>mutatis mutandis</span></i><span>, to the question of whether data is property.</span></p>
<p><span>It is a bit disappointing that the ICRC consigned the discussion of this difference of opinion to a footnote, which is itself somewhat problematic. First, Footnote 37 asserts that &ldquo;the recognition of data as property that is protected under Article 53 has been questioned, albeit without explanation, by a majority of the experts who drafted the Tallinn Manual.&rdquo; But it failed to acknowledge that, in some circumstances, the experts did treat data as protected property, for instance, in the case of cultural property (</span><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/tallinn-manual-20-on-the-international-law-applicable-to-cyber-operations/E4FFD83EA790D7C4C3C28FC9CA2FB6C9" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Tallinn Manual</span></i> <i><span>2.0</span></i></a><span>, rule 142 commentary).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>My primary concern, however, is relegation of this important issue (the distinction between objects and property) to the footnotes. A debate continues to rage among scholars and States over whether data is an </span><i><span>object</span></i><span>, a fact I hope the ICRC will acknowledge in its forthcoming commentary on Additional Protocol I. But that debate does not necessarily map directly onto the law of armed conflict protections afforded to certain types of property, as the </span><i><span>Tallinn Manual</span></i><span> experts noted with respect to cultural property. In this regard, Footnote 37 also points out that the question of whether Article 52 protects data is distinct from whether data can be pillaged under Article 33 (see below). It also distinguishes between data as property under Article 53 and data as an object under Article 52 of Additional Protocol I, which prohibits attacks on civilian objects.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Given the centrality of data in the lives of the civilian population, the issue merited somewhat more attention than it received. It would have been useful for the ICRC to provide further support for its position on data as property under Article 53, which was slim and conclusory, and to fully explain its criteria for the distinctions highlighted in the footnote. Moreover, the text in question relies heavily on ICRC publications, whereas State practice provides far greater authoritative interpretive valence. Simply put, the ICRC was too quick to arrive at a definitive conclusion.</span></p>
<p><span>As mentioned, GC IV, </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-33?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 33</span></a><span>, prohibits pillage, which </span><a href="https://casebook.icrc.org/a_to_z/glossary/pillage" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>includes</span></a><span> the &ldquo;systematic and violent appropriation of movable public or private property belonging to [inter alia] the enemy State [and] civilians&rdquo; (see also ICRC </span><i><span>Customary IHL</span></i><span>, </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/customary-ihl/v1/rule52" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>rule 52</span></a><span>). Traditionally, the prohibition has been understood to encompass movable </span><i><span>physical</span></i><span> property. But this raises the question of whether the destruction of data can be considered a form of pillage.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>The answer follows from whether data may be treated as property, the issue discussed above. The ICRC believes it may, although my criticism of its thin support for the proposition applies </span><i><span>mutatis mutandis</span></i><span> here.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Nevertheless, and commendably, the </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-33/commentary/2025?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>commentary</span></a><span> to Article 33 acknowledges that &ldquo;[i]t is at present unsettled whether the prohibition of pillage extends to computer (digital) data.&rdquo; In a very fair rendering of the matter, the ICRC cautions (&para; 2580),</span></p>
<p><span>it is unclear whether, for example, exfiltrating, leaking or encrypting data stored on a device belonging to another would amount to an act of &lsquo;appropriation&rsquo; of such data, given that the original owner would not necessarily be dispossessed of it in the same way as with physical property. Therefore, it remains to be seen whether and under what conditions States will treat such cyber operations as acts of pillage.</span></p>
<p><span>I commend the ICRC for addressing this issue with insightful caution, one that we failed to identify during either of the two </span><i><span>Tallinn Manuals</span></i><span> projects.</span><b></b></p>
<h2><b>4) Protected persons, including internees and families&nbsp;&nbsp;</b></h2>
<p><span>A key protection of relevance to the use of technology during armed conflict is </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-27?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 27</span></a>&lsquo;<span>s prohibition on exposing protected persons to &ldquo;public curiosity.&rdquo; In that regard, the article&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-27/commentary/2025?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>commentary</span></a><span> points to &ldquo;the rapid developments in communication technology and the growing involvement of mass media in the coverage of armed conflicts, together with the ubiquity of social media as a means of distributing both images and other digital content.&rdquo; It concludes, correctly so, that &ldquo;[w]hile the spread of harmful information is not new, the use of modern technologies to disseminate it has a considerable impact on the scale and speed at which such information reaches multiple target audiences online&rdquo; (&para; 2276).&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Accordingly, &ldquo;Parties to a conflict must exercise due diligence in preventing the media, including social media platforms, from exposing protected persons to public curiosity&rdquo; (&para; 2276). The acknowledgement that technology poses a particular risk of public curiosity aligns with observations in the ICRC&rsquo;s 2020 GC III </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciii-1949/article-13/commentary/2020?activeTab=#_Toc42436492" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Commentary</span></i></a> <span>regarding the prohibition on making prisoners of war the objects of curiosity (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciii-1949/article-13" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>art. 13</span></a><span>). It points out that &ldquo;[p]rohibited images or private data of prisoners leaked to the press or posted on the internet can be quickly picked up and retransmitted by television channels, newspapers or websites all over the world&rdquo; (&para; 1632).</span></p>
<p><span>Along similar lines, the GC IV 2025 </span><i><span>Commentary</span></i><span> deals with technology in its discussion of multiple articles governing internment. For instance, in addressing the right of internee communication (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-107?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>art. 107</span></a><span>), it </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-107/commentary/2025?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>highlights</span></a><span> various forms of communication, including phones, text messaging, e-mail, and video conferencing (&para;&para; 5240, 5241, 5245, 5266). And under GC IV, </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-116?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 116</span></a><span>, internees are &ldquo;allowed to receive visitors, especially near relatives, at regular intervals and as frequently as possible.&rdquo; The article&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-116/commentary/2025?activeTab=#c__Toc211093384" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>commentary</span></a> <span>cautions</span> <span>that the fact that internees are communicating in accordance with Article 107 by telephone or video calls does not deprive them of the right to visits (&para; 5503). This would equally extend, in my view and likely the ICRC&rsquo;s, to all other means of modern communication. That said, the commentary</span> <span>on the right emphasizes that should actual visits with family members be exceptionally restricted or postponed, the aforementioned modern means of communication &ldquo;must be considered in order to fulfil, to the degree still possible, the obligation to respect family rights in accordance with </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-27" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 27</span></a><span>&rdquo; (&para; 5518).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Although internees have a right to communicate, communications may be censored for valid reasons. But </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-112?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 112</span></a><span> imposes limits on censorship that extend, according to its </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-112/commentary/2025?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>commentary</span></a><span>, to communications by &ldquo;more modern means of communication, such as email, audio and video messages&rdquo; (&para; 5403).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Internees are also subject to surveillance to maintain order and prevent escapes. Article 100&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-100/commentary/2025?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>commentary</span></a><span> mentions, for instance, electronic monitoring bracelets and video surveillance. Such means of surveillance may have &ldquo;humanitarian advantages by discouraging abuses by guards who may fear the discovery of any violation that may have been committed or that the footage could be used as evidence against them&rdquo; (&para; 5052). However, as with censorship, GC IV restricts surveillance (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-100?activeTab=#c__Toc211507282" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>art. 100</span></a><span>). They are particularly important in light of new technologies (&para; 5053),&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Even more recent technological advances enable ever-more intrusive and omniscient surveillance systems. The capacity and speed of biometric and other personal data collection, storage, and automated processing are accelerating exponentially, including for instance through the use of automated facial recognition and artificial intelligence. Sensitive personal data risks becoming exposed to nearly limitless remote access in practice, whether authorized or not.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Accordingly, Detaining Powers &ldquo;must ensure that the technologies deployed, and the circumstances and manner in which they are used, comply with the requirements of the Convention.&rdquo; In particular, they have to &ldquo;ensure that any collection and processing of biometric information is proportionate to a legitimate purpose and subject to a degree of protection, confidentiality and security commensurate with its heightened sensitivity&rdquo; (&para; 5053). The </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-120/commentary/2025?activeTab=#c__Toc211452729" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>commentary</span></a> <span>to </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-120?activeTab=#c__Toc211452729" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 120</span></a><span>, which, in relevant part, addresses the use of surveillance to prevent escapes (&para; 5653), as well as that on </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-116/commentary/2025?activeTab=#c__Toc211093384" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>visits</span></a><span> under Article 116 (&para; 5524), raises the same sorts of issues.</span></p>
<p><span>Advances in technology have also impacted GC IV obligations concerning internee recreation and education, with the </span><i><span>Commentary </span></i><span>highlighting</span> <span>electronic sources and distance learning (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-94?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>art. 94</span></a><span>, &para;&para; 4803 and 4818) and internee valuables and financial resources, which in the modern context can involve electronic money and digital wallets (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-97?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>art. 97</span></a><span>, &para; 4928; </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-98?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>art. 98</span></a><span>, &para;&para; 4957, 49068).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>GC IV also extends protections to family life. During an armed conflict, &ldquo;all persons in the territory of a Party to the conflict, or in a territory occupied by it, shall be enabled to give news of a strictly personal nature to members of their families, wherever they may be, and to receive news from them (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-25?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>art. 25</span></a><span>). To effectuate this right, the article&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-25/commentary/2025?activeTab=#refFn_CB3364B4_00055" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>commentary</span></a> <span>suggests (&para; 2139),&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>States should consider technological developments when interpreting Article 25 to give full effect to its purpose. Article 25 is best realized today by ensuring that the civilian population has access to the widest possible range of communication options &ndash; including ordinary post, telephone, text message, email and social media &ndash; so that each individual can share personal news with family members using the most convenient and effective means for them.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>In support of this right, </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-26?activeTab=%23Fn_F24CE7A5_00037" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 26</span></a><span> obligates parties to a conflict to &ldquo;facilitate enquiries made by members of families dispersed owing to the war, with the object of renewing contact with one another and of meeting, if possible.&rdquo; Moreover, they are to encourage the work of organizations supporting these efforts. The </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-26/commentary/2025?activeTab=%2523Fn_F24CE7A5_00037" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>commentary</span></a><span> highlights technological advances, like email and &ldquo;other internet data transfers,&rdquo; appearing since the Convention was adopted, and maintains that &ldquo;[s]uch developments should be taken into account in determining the most effective means of facilitating the dispatch, receipt and processing of enquiries in any given context, while also considering questions of reliability, security and integrity&rdquo; (&para; 2167).</span></p>
<p><span>Finally, </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-136?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 136</span></a><span> of GC IV provides an important protection for civilians, the establishment of an official Information Bureau by each party to the conflict. The Bureau is &ldquo;responsible for receiving and transmitting information in respect of the protected persons who are in its power.&rdquo; </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-137?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 137</span></a><span> lays out how that information is to be transmitted. In that regard, its </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-137/commentary/2025?activeTab=#c__Toc211456699" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>commentary</span></a><span> acknowledges that, since the Convention was drafted, &ldquo;numerous national, regional and international instruments relating to privacy and data protection have been adopted.&rdquo; Such instruments impose varying obligations and prohibitions, some of which would apply to Information Bureau activities. Accordingly, the commentary to Article 137 cautions (&para; 6163),</span></p>
<p><span>While these instruments vary in content and scope, the principles of lawfulness of processing, purpose specification, data minimization and data security they contain are relevant in this context. The collection and transmission of information on protected persons by the bureaux should be reconciled with these principles.</span><b></b></p>
<h2><b>5) Judicial and law enforcement activities</b></h2>
<p><span>The GC IV </span><i><span>Commentary </span></i><span>emphasizes the utility of technology in investigations and trials. For example, new technologies can enhance the ability of those accused of crimes during occupation to mount an effective defense (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-72?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>art. 72</span></a><span>). As the </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-72/commentary/2025?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>commentary</span></a> <span>to the article points out, when witnesses are not physically available, consideration should be given to &ldquo;the use of communications technology that would allow such witnesses to participate in proceedings remotely&rdquo; (&para; 4027). This reflects a trend already well established in international criminal proceedings, including at the International Criminal Court, the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda.</span></p>
<p><span>Along similar lines, </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-146?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 146</span></a><span> deals with penal sanctions for acts contrary to GC IV that constitute war crimes. That article&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-146/commentary/2025?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>commentary</span></a> <span>observes that efforts to investigate and prosecute war crimes &ldquo;have been facilitated significantly by technological developments that have created new possibilities for conducting investigations extraterritorially&rdquo; (&para; 6612). It offers as examples the use of digital evidence during investigations and trials in Syria, Iraq, and Ukraine.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Of note in this regard is the potential to leverage open-source intelligence (OSINT), which has played a central role in documenting war crimes. Indeed, independent investigative groups like </span><a href="https://www.bellingcat.com/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Bellingcat</span></a><span> and the Global Legal Action Network&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://j-and-a.glanlaw.org/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Justice and Accountability Unit</span></a><span> have demonstrated how geolocation, satellite imagery, social media metadata, and other publicly available digital traces can be systematically analyzed to reconstruct incidents and identify perpetrators of war crimes.</span></p>
<h2><b>Concluding Thoughts</b></h2>
<p><span>I have long been impressed with the ICRC&rsquo;s efforts to clarify the parameters of the law of armed conflict in a slow, methodical, and sophisticated manner. Indeed, as a result of those efforts, I never write on the subject, including this one, without carefully considering its </span><i><span>Customary International Humanitarian Law </span></i><span>study and the various </span><i><span>Commentaries</span></i><span> to the Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocols, both original and updated. The 2025 GC IV </span><i><span>Commentary </span></i><span>will certainly prove an indispensable tool for me and for anyone else doing serious work in the field.</span></p>
<p><span>As for the ICRC&rsquo;s approach to new technologies in the new GC IV </span><i><span>Commentary</span></i><span>, I find the discussion thorough, balanced, fair, and helpful. My sole concern was its treatment of data as property, a topic I felt the ICRC could have handled with greater granularity and more caution</span><i><span>. </span></i><span>But even there, my concern was not with the conclusion itself, which is not unreasonable, but rather due to a sense that it was a bit premature in the absence of State practice and </span><i><span>opinio juris.</span></i></p>
<p><span>Finally, my congratulations to the entire team that is, and has been, working on all of the updated </span><i><span>Commentaries. </span></i><span>A project that involves working for half a decade to produce a single </span><i><span>Commentary </span></i><span>must surely be exhausting. But for the international law community, their contributions cannot be overestimated. And, of course, that community owes a particular debt of gratitude to my longtime friend, Jean-Marie Henckaerts. A project of this magnitude has no hope of success without great leadership, which this one certainly enjoys.</span></p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132950/technology-icrc-gc-iv-2025-commentary/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Technology and the ICRC&rsquo;s GC IV 2025 Commentary</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-09T13:14:11+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Michael Schmitt</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-09T13:14:11+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

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	<category term="peace and security"/>

	<category term="protected persons"/>

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	<category term="rule of law"/>

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	<category term="tallinn manual"/>

	<category term="technology"/>

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</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-09:/282015</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133361/iran-war-powers-purse-leverage-legalization/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=iran-war-powers-purse-leverage-legalization" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Iran, War Powers, and the Power of the Purse: Leverage or Legalization</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>In the early hours of Feb. 28, President Donald Trump initiated a military campaign against Iran alo...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p><span>In the early hours of Feb. 28, President Donald Trump initiated a military campaign against Iran alongside Israel: </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/114556/collection-israel-iran-conflict/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Operation Epic Fury</span></a><span>. The attack on Iran, which as of writing has sparked a conflict stretching from Cyprus to the Indian Ocean, was undertaken without any prior congressional authorization. Despite the U.S. Constitution purposefully allocating the power to declare war and related authorities to Congress to provide an &ldquo;effectual check to the Dog of war by transferring the power of letting him loose from the Executive to the Legislative body&rdquo; (in the </span><a href="https://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=3078&amp;context=clr" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>words</span></a><span> of Thomas Jefferson), Trump unilaterally unleashed the dogs of war.</span></p>
<p><span>Congressional opponents of Trump&rsquo;s unauthorized war face daunting challenges in collaring the hellhound he&rsquo;s unchained and ending U.S. hostilities. The constitutional scheme in which the legislature must affirmatively vote to go to war has been upended. Now, Congress must instead vote to stop a war the president has already unilaterally started and indeed must be able to override a presidential veto to do so with legal force. The </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/04/us/politics/senate-trump-war-powers-iran.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Senate</span></a><span> and the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/05/us/politics/trump-war-powers-iran-house-vote.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>House</span></a><span> held such votes on Trump&rsquo;s Iran war this week, but both were narrowly defeated in their respective chambers.</span></p>
<p><span>Congress, however, has another tool, what has sometimes been called the ultimate war power: the power of the purse. The Trump administration reportedly intends to seek </span><a href="https://www.wsj.com/politics/national-security/pentagon-races-to-secure-money-for-iran-operations-munitions-277d0293?gaa_at=eafs&amp;gaa_n=AWEtsqejxn8PQJ__oq6v6GcDexdb-Ub02rlzbgEcDR5DB734aDUr8gOcrLwTC93HiGM%3D&amp;gaa_ts=69aae681&amp;gaa_sig=GtdcFzUg3xc5lijODZUbsxLpV_Ud0XVx9olcwQcMgu_V9ZnUsJgO4GTreNxXmXVtbtBDbnWhaJhuM5JRebajrg%3D%3D" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>supplemental appropriations</span></a><span> to fund the war on Iran&mdash;a conflict which cost an estimated </span><a href="https://www.wsj.com/politics/national-security/pentagon-races-to-secure-money-for-iran-operations-munitions-277d0293?gaa_at=eafs&amp;gaa_n=AWEtsqejxn8PQJ__oq6v6GcDexdb-Ub02rlzbgEcDR5DB734aDUr8gOcrLwTC93HiGM%3D&amp;gaa_ts=69aae681&amp;gaa_sig=GtdcFzUg3xc5lijODZUbsxLpV_Ud0XVx9olcwQcMgu_V9ZnUsJgO4GTreNxXmXVtbtBDbnWhaJhuM5JRebajrg%3D%3D" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>$11 billion in just the first four days</span></a><span>. In contrast to war powers legislation to block further hostilities that requires affirmative action by Congress, mere congressional inaction on appropriations by itself may serve as a restraint.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Should the Iran war continue, blocking or restricting appropriations presents a potential source of leverage for Congress to curtail further executive warmaking. Conversely, appropriating funds while the fighting continues may not only facilitate these unnecessary hostilities, but if the funding were clearly specific to ensuring these hostilities can continue, doing so risks legally authorizing them.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<h2><b>Funding Restrictions and Unauthorized War</b></h2>
<p><span>Congress has a long and mixed record of curbing funding to restrict unauthorized hostilities by the White House. (The Congressional Research Service has a number of excellent </span><a href="https://apps.dtic.mil/sti/pdfs/ADA462050.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>reports</span></a><span> analyzing this history.) Such restrictions can take two basic forms. First, Congress can simply refuse to enact appropriations and use legislative inaction to block requested funding. Second, Congress can attempt to enact specific funding restrictions or prohibitions through affirmative legislation. Such legislation is, however, subject to presidential veto (which would require supermajorities of both chambers to overcome).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>In the last several decades, Congress has sometimes succeeded in enacting such funding restrictions on U.S. military operations undertaken without prior congressional authorization.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>After the 1971 repeal of the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution&mdash;the authorization for the Vietnam War and other conflicts in Southeast Asia&mdash;the Nixon administration continued hostilities in the region. Congress ultimately terminated them&mdash;specifically President Richard Nixon&rsquo;s unauthorized bombing campaign of Cambodia, Operation Freedom Deal&mdash;through funding cutoffs in 1973. Section 307 of P.L. 93-50, which went into effect on Aug. 15, 1973 </span><a href="https://www.congress.gov/93/statute/STATUTE-87/STATUTE-87-Pg99-3.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>provides</span></a><span> that:&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>None of the funds herein appropriated under this act may be expended to support directly or indirectly combat activities in or over Cambodia, Laos, North Vietnam, and South Vietnam by United States forces, and after August 15, 1973, no other funds heretofore appropriated under any other act may be expended for such purpose.</span></p>
<p><span>This provision represented a compromise between Congress and the White House in the face of a looming government shutdown after Nixon vetoed an </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/1973/06/15/archives/sweeping-cutoff-of-funds-for-war-is-voted-in-senate-casechurch.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>earlier supplemental appropriations bill</span></a><span> which included an immediate funding prohibition.</span></p>
<p><span>In 1994, Congress also enacted funding restrictions to ensure the withdrawal of U.S. forces from Somalia. Section 8135 of the DOD Appropriations Act for Fiscal Year 1995, </span><a href="https://www.congress.gov/103/statute/STATUTE-108/STATUTE-108-Pg2599.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>P.L. 103-335</span></a><span> provides that, &ldquo;None of the funds appropriated in this act may be used for the continuous presence in Somalia of United States military personnel, except for the protection of United States personnel, after September 30, 1994.&rdquo;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>That year, Congress also enacted funding restrictions with respect to U.S. military operations in Rwanda. </span><a href="https://www.congress.gov/103/statute/STATUTE-108/STATUTE-108-Pg2599.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>P.L. 103-335</span></a><span> provides that, &ldquo;No funds provided in this act are available for United States military participation to continue Operation Support Hope in or around Rwanda after October 7, 1994, except for any action that is necessary to protect the lives of United States citizens.&rdquo;</span></p>
<p><span>Skipping forward to today, legislation to reform the 1973 War Powers Resolution in order to give that law real teeth&mdash;the </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/79933/2022-update-good-governance-paper-no-14-war-powers-reform/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>National Security Powers Act</span></a><span> in the Senate and the </span><a href="https://mcgovern.house.gov/news/documentsingle.aspx?DocumentID=398752" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>National Security Reform and Accountability Act</span></a><span> in the House&mdash;would impose automatic funding cutoffs for unauthorized military actions by the White House. Although these long needed reform measures were introduced on a bipartisan basis, neither has received a vote.</span></p>
<h2><b>Inaction on a Supplemental to Curb the Iran War&nbsp;</b></h2>
<p><span>In principle, the Trump administration&rsquo;s expected request for supplemental appropriations provides Congress with powerful leverage to curtail unauthorized hostilities. In its most blunt form, Congress could simply refuse to appropriate additional funds for the war.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>In that case, inaction could potentially force practical constraints on hostilities against Iran. A supplemental funding bill would require 60 votes in the Senate for passage &ndash; given there were 47 votes in favor of affirmatively ending the president&rsquo;s use of armed force against Iran in the recent War Powers Resolution vote, opponents of these hostilities have a real chance of defeating a supplemental appropriations bill.</span></p>
<p><span>By playing hardball, Congress could force the White House to more seriously look for offramps from the conflict it started. Of course, the enemy gets a vote and Iran may not be prepared to declare &ldquo;enough.&rdquo; (The administration may, in such a scenario, also have to use its considerable leverage over Israel to ensure its partner in this war also ceases hostilities.) But Congress needs to put meaningful pressure on the president to bring his unnecessary war to a close.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>For his part, the president has yet to articulate clear goals for the conflict, let alone a clear endgame. Indeed, he has reportedly even shown interest in escalating further by putting </span><a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/white-house/trump-privately-shown-serious-interest-us-ground-troops-iran-rcna262176" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>boots on the ground</span></a><span>. But he campaigned on ending forever wars, and may also feel political pressure to find a way out given the early </span><a href="https://www.cnn.com/2026/03/08/politics/us-service-member-killed-iran-war" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>loss</span></a><span> of U.S. service members, the </span><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2026/03/08/iran-war-economy-air-freight/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>economic</span></a> <a href="https://www.wsj.com/world/middle-east/persian-gulf-oil-squeeze-d9a39190?reflink=desktopwebshare_permalink" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>impacts</span></a><span>, and the domestic </span><a href="https://thehill.com/homenews/administration/5770427-trump-iran-attack-public-opinion/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>unpopularity</span></a><span> of the war.&nbsp;</span></p>
<h2><b>Using a Supplemental Request to Enact Iran War Funding Restrictions</b></h2>
<p><span>Depending on the precise supplemental funding request from the administration, Congress could also seek to impose specific funding restrictions. This could include, for example, prohibitions on &ldquo;combat activities in, over, or against Iran&rdquo; with an exception for the interception of incoming Iranian attacks.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Another alternative could be using funding restrictions to sunset the conflict by some future date,as Congress did in 1973 with Nixon&rsquo;s Cambodia bombing campaign.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Once again, any such affirmative legislative action&mdash;as opposed to congressional inaction of simply refusing to appropriate funds&mdash;would be subject to presidential veto. That said, if the executive branch needs the funds to keep fighting its war, it may be more likely to acquiesce to congressional restrictions or a sunset.</span></p>
<h2><b>The Consequences of Congress Providing Funds Specific to the Iran war</b></h2>
<p><span>Conversely, if Congress were to enact supplemental appropriations without restrictions, the legislature would not only be facilitating the continuation of this unnecessary conflict but also potentially providing the legal imprimatur it currently lacks.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Supplemental appropriations could also allow the White House to circumvent the time limits imposed by the War Powers Resolution for unauthorized hostilities. The War Powers Resolution contains a 60-day termination provision, requiring the withdrawal of U.S. forces from any unauthorized hostilities unless Congress steps in to authorize the military operations. In the view of the executive branch (as articulated in 2000 by a Department of Justice </span><a href="https://www.justice.gov/file/146196/dl?inline=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>memo</span></a><span>), sufficiently specific appropriations can constitute such an authorization and thus allow the White House to continue using military force notwithstanding the War Powers Resolution&rsquo;s 60-day clock.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>In 1999, the Clinton administration was able to continue its congressionally unauthorized Kosovo military intervention (Operation Allied Force) beyond that time limit because (in the view of the executive branch) Congress subsequently provided sufficiently specific funding.&nbsp;</span></p>
<h2><b>Conclusion</b></h2>
<p><span>The Constitution&rsquo;s division of war powers between Congress and the president is currently in abeyance with a majority in the legislature shirking its duties with respect to the use of force and the White House all too happy to usurp those authorities. The power of the purse is one of the few mechanisms available to the minority in Congress (specifically in the Senate) who oppose further unnecessary and imprudent presidential warmaking to put real pressure on the executive. If the president&rsquo;s Middle East war continues and the administration seeks additional funds for it, members of Congress seeking to restore the constitutional order must be prepared to use this tool.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133361/iran-war-powers-purse-leverage-legalization/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Iran, War Powers, and the Power of the Purse: Leverage or Legalization</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-09T12:51:30+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Brian Finucane</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-09T12:51:30+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="appropriations"/>

	<category term="armed conflict"/>

	<category term="congress"/>

	<category term="congressional oversight"/>

	<category term="democracy &amp; rule of law"/>

	<category term="executive branch"/>

	<category term="executive power"/>

	<category term="featured articles"/>

	<category term="international and foreign"/>

	<category term="iran"/>

	<category term="legislation"/>

	<category term="use of force"/>

	<category term="war powers"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-09:/282016</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133391/early-edition-march-9-2026/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=early-edition-march-9-2026" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Early Edition: March 9, 2026</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Signup to receive the Early Edition in your inbox&nbsp;here.
A curated guide to major news and develop...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<div>
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<p>Signup to receive the Early Edition in your inbox&nbsp;<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/newsletter-signup/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>.</p>
<p>A curated guide to major news and developments over the weekend. Here&rsquo;s today&rsquo;s news:</p>
<p><b><i>IRAN WAR&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><i>Friday&nbsp;</i></p>
<p><b>President Trump said on Friday that the United States had no shortage of munitions to carry on the war in Iran</b><i>. </i>After his meeting at the White House with executives from seven major defense contractors, Trump said the companies had agreed to quadruple their production of &ldquo;&lsquo;Exquisite Class&rsquo; Weaponry.&rdquo; Anton Troianovski, Farah Stockman, and Catie Edmondson report for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/06/us/politics/trump-us-weapons-stocks.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>The U.S. State Department issued a </b><a href="https://www.state.gov/israel-munitions-and-munitions-support/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>statement</b></a><b> on Friday night that Secretary of State Marco Rubio has determined that &ldquo;an emergency exists that requires the immediate sale&rdquo; to Israel of 12,000 bombs. </b>Two U.S. officials said that an additional 10,000 bombs of 500 pounds each were also part of the emergency sale. Edward Wong reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/06/us/politics/state-department-bomb-sale-israel.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><i>Saturday&nbsp;</i></p>
<p><b>U.S. intelligence agencies have determined that Iran or potentially another group could retrieve Iran&rsquo;s primary store of highly enriched uranium, which was entombed under Iran&rsquo;s nuclear site in Isfahan by U.S. strikes last year, </b>several sources said. Officials said that Iran can now access the uranium through a very narrow entry point. U.S. officials said that the United States has constant surveillance of the Isfahan site. When asked on Saturday, Trump told reporters that for now the United States is &ldquo;just decimating them, but we haven&rsquo;t gone after [the Uranium], adding &ldquo;but [that&rsquo;s] something we could do later on. We wouldn&rsquo;t do it now.&rdquo; Four sources told <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/08/iran-ground-troops-special-forces-nuclear" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Axios</a> that Israel and the United States have discussed sending forces into Iran to secure its uranium stockpile at a later stage of the war. Any such operation would likely require U.S. and Israeli troops in Iran. Julian E. Barnes, Tyler Pager, Christiaan Triebert, Eric Schmitt, and Ronen Bergman report for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/07/us/politics/iran-nuclear-site-uranium-intel.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>; Barak Ravid and Marc Caputo report.</p>
<p><b>The Israeli military struck several Iranian fuel sites on Saturday</b>, sending balls of fire and smoke into the air, according to videos reviewed by the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/07/world/middleeast/israel-iran-oil-strikes.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>. By Sunday morning, dark, oily smoke hung over Tehran. &ldquo;The night turned into morning and the morning into night&rdquo;, a resident said. The attacks appeared to be the first on Iran&rsquo;s energy infrastructure since the U.S.-Israeli joint operation began on Feb. 28. Iran&rsquo;s Ministry of Oil said in a statement that multiple oil storage depots in the provinces of Tehran and Alborz had been targeted. Farnaz Fassihi and Devon Lum report.</p>
<p><b>A report by the National Intelligence Council, dated before Feb. 28, assessed that even a large-scale military assault on Iran would be unlikely to topple its theocratic</b> <b>government</b>, according to several U.S. officials. Julian E. Barnes reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/07/world/middleeast/a-us-intelligence-assessment-in-february-found-that-an-attack-on-iran-was-unlikely-to-result-in-regime-change.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>An official with the Iraqi Kurdish Democratic Party told </b><a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/07/iran-kurds-iraq-israel-trump-cia-mossad" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>Axios</b></a><b> this weekend that so far, the Peshmerga, the Kurdish-Iraqi armed forces, were able to stop Kurdish-Iranian militias from launching an offensive from Iraq into Iran.</b> Iraqi Kurdish leaders have decided to stay neutral in the war for now, partially out of concern that the United States might abandon them, the official said. Barak Ravid and Marc Caputo report.</p>
<p><b>&ldquo;I personally apologise to neighbouring countries that were affected by Iran&rsquo;s actions,&rdquo; </b>Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian announced on Saturday, urging them not to join the U.S.-Israeli attacks on Iran. Pezeshkian also dismissed Trump&rsquo;s earlier demand for Iran&rsquo;s &ldquo;unconditional surrender&rdquo; as &ldquo;a dream,&rdquo; but said its temporary leadership council had agreed to suspend attacks on nearby states unless strikes on Iran originated from that territory. Hours after Pezeshkian&rsquo;s comments, Iran&rsquo;s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps said their drones had struck a U.S. air combat centre near Abu Dhabi. The U.S. Embassy in Baghdad was also targeted with rockets on Saturday night. Maya Gebeily, Alexander Cornwell, Nandita Bose, and Paris Hafezi report for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/iran-suspend-strikes-neighbours-unless-attacks-come-them-2026-03-07/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>.</p>
<p><b>Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi on Saturday accused the United States of attacking a desalination plan on Qeshm Island, affecting the water supply of 30 Iranian villages. </b>&ldquo;The U.S. set this precedent, not Iran,&rdquo; Araghchi said on social media. A spokesperson for U.S. Central Command said that U.S. forces were not responsible for the attack. A day later, Bahrain&rsquo;s interior ministry said that an Iranian drone had &ldquo;caused material damage&rdquo; to a desalination plant there. Vivian Nereim reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/08/world/middleeast/desalination-plants-iran-bahrain.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><i>Sunday&nbsp;</i></p>
<p><b>Israeli strikes on 30 Iranian fuel depots on Saturday went far beyond what the United States expected when Israel notified it in advance, </b>according to a U.S. official, an Israeli official, and another source. &ldquo;The president doesn&rsquo;t like the attack. He wants to save the oil. He doesn&rsquo;t want to burn it. And it reminds people of higher gas prices,&rdquo; a Trump adviser told <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/08/us-dismayed-israel-iran-fuel-strikes" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Axios</a>. Barak Ravid and Marc Caputo report.</p>
<p><b>A video released by Iranian state media yesterday showed what appears to be a U.S. cruise missile striking the compound where around 175 Iranian students and staff were killed at a girls&rsquo; school on Feb. 28.</b> Analysts say the missile resembles a U.S. Tomahawk. Trump told reporters the previous day that, based on what he had seen, &ldquo;I think it was done by Iran.&rdquo; Geoff Brumfiel reports for <a href="https://www.npr.org/2026/03/08/nx-s1-5739395/iran-school-airstrike-tomahawk-missile-trump" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">NPR</a>.</p>
<p><i>Monday&nbsp;</i></p>
<p><b>Iran today named Mojtaba Khamenei, son of the country&rsquo;s late supreme leader, as his successor, </b>according to Iranian State TV. <a href="https://edition.cnn.com/world/live-news/iran-war-us-israel-trump-03-09-26" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">CNN</a> reports.</p>
<p><b>Oil prices have risen above $100 per barrel for the first time since 2022.</b> The price surge intensified this morning, with a barrel of Brent crude, the international standard, trading at $119.50 per barrel before retreating to $105 a few hours later. Ben Geman reports for <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/08/iran-war-oil-market-barrel-cost" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Axios</a>; Alex Veiga and Elaine Kurtenback report for <a href="https://apnews.com/article/markets-oil-iran-trump-war-brent-72e8c9a29c2ba1fd761ee968f3d4e553" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AP News</a>.</p>
<p><b>French President Emmanuel Macron told reporters today that the G7 could dip into their emergency oil stockpiles in response to soaring energy prices, </b>adding that G7 leaders may meet later this week. Separately, finance ministers from the G7 nations are meeting this afternoon to discuss the joint release of oil from emergency reserves to tackle the surge in oil prices, several sources told the <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/e1141f96-db3e-41ef-b978-0131e91f1d82" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Financial Times</a>. John Leicester reports for <a href="https://apnews.com/live/iran-war-israel-trump-khamenei-03-09-2026#0000019c-d204-d04e-a1dc-da0d251d0000" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AP News</a>; Demetri Sevastopulo, Myles McCormick, and James Politi report.</p>
<p><b><i>IRAN WAR &ndash; POLITICAL RESPONSE&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>Swiss Defense Minister Martin Pfister said yesterday that the United States and Israel have broken international law with their attacks on Iran.</b> <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/iran-attacks-breach-international-law-swiss-defence-minister-says-2026-03-08/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a> reports.</p>
<p><b>Ukraine has sent interceptor drones and a team of drone experts to protect U.S. military bases in Jordan,</b> Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said on Friday. He said another team of Ukrainian experts would travel to the Middle East to help nations evaluate how they could protect themselves from Iranian drones without using Patriot interceptors. Kim Barker reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/09/world/middleeast/ukraine-shahed-drone-middle-east.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>ISRAEL-GAZA WAR&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>An Israeli airstrike and tank shelling killed six Palestinians, including two girls, in Gaza City yesterday in two separate attacks,</b> according to health officials. The Gaza health ministry said at least 640 Palestinians have been killed by Israeli fire since October. Israel says four soldiers have been killed by militants in Gaza over the same period. Nidal al-Mughrabi reports for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/israeli-strike-kills-two-palestinians-car-gaza-medics-say-2026-03-08/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>.</p>
<p><b>The Israeli military said yesterday that a &ldquo;firing component&rdquo; launched by its navy unintentionally struck a fuel truck belonging to the U.N Office for Project Services in Gaza. </b><a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/israeli-military-says-unintentionally-struck-un-agency-truck-gaza-2026-03-06/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a> reports.</p>
<p><b><i>WEST BANK VIOLENCE&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>Israeli settlers yesterday killed three Palestinians in the occupied West Bank. </b>Two Palestinians were killed by gunfire, and a third died from suffocation, likely due to tear gas, the Israeli military said. This brings the number of Palestinians killed in the West Bank in the last week to six. Imad Isseid and Melanie Lidman report for <a href="https://apnews.com/article/israel-palestinians-west-bank-settlers-violence-900ad24fd46e0ca5ae0de07c0328c960" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AP News</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>OTHER GLOBAL DEVELOPMENTS&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>Partial results from the Nepalese election released yesterday gave the party of Balendra Shah, the onetime rap artist and former mayor of Kathmandu, 100 out of 165 seats. </b>This marks the first time in decades that a single party has won a majority. Hannah Beech, Sajal Pradhan, and Binod Ghimire report for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/07/world/asia/nepal-election-rapper-balen-genz.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>Turkey&rsquo;s intelligence agency asked its British counterpart M16 last month to take a larger role in protecting Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa after recent assassination plots,</b> five sources said. Turkey denied that its intelligence agency had made any such request to M16. Jonathan Spicer, Feras Dalatey, and Jonathan Saul report for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/turkey-asks-britains-mi6-step-up-protection-syrias-sharaa-sources-say-2026-03-06/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>.</p>
<p><b>Thousands of civilians have fled Akobo, a town in eastern South Sudan, following an evacuation order issued by the South Sudanese army ahead of a new military operation</b>, officials said yesterday. Akobo is one of the last strongholds of the Sudan People&rsquo;s Liberation Movement in Opposition. &ldquo;The town is now almost empty,&rdquo; a local official said, adding, &ldquo;Women, children, and the elderly have left and crossed into Ethiopia.&rdquo; Florence Miettaux and Deng Machol report for <a href="https://apnews.com/article/south-sudan-fighting-akobo-army-evacuation-order-77540ca4cb0e9d8338178080eaedc75f" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AP News</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>U.S. CARIBBEAN AND PACIFIC OPERATIONS</i></b></p>
<p><b>Jason A. Reding Qui&ntilde;ones, the U.S. Attorney in South Florida, has ordered an inquiry into Cuban leaders and Communist Party officials for drug, immigration, economic, and violent crimes with a goal of bringing fast indictments</b>, three sources said. Glenn Thrush, Alan Feuer, Luke Broadwater, and Michael Crowley report for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/06/us/politics/justice-dept-orders-cuba-investigation.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>Trump on Saturday signed a </b><a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2026/03/commitment-to-countering-cartel-criminal-activity/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>proclamation</b></a><b> committing to countering cartel criminal activity by using &ldquo;lethal military force&rdquo; at the Shield of the Americas inaugural summit. </b>The event also marked the debut of Kristi Noem in her new role as special envoy to the Shield of the Americas. Seventeen countries signed onto the effort through a joint security declaration during a meeting with Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth last week, according to the U.S. Southern Command. Megan Messerly reports for <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/07/trump-military-cartels-latin-america-iran-00818070" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">POLITICO</a>; Ken Thomas and Vera Bergengruen report for the <a href="https://www.wsj.com/world/americas/trump-urges-latin-american-allies-to-use-military-against-drug-cartels-84c11dee?mod=hp_listc_pos3" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Wall Street Journal</a>.</p>
<p><b>The U.S. military killed six men yesterday in a strike against an alleged drug-smuggling vessel in the eastern Pacific Ocean, </b>U.S. Southern Command said on social media. <a href="https://apnews.com/article/boat-strike-pacific-cartels-trump-drugs-e22afebaf86e2b71308cd569b780672e" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AP News</a> reports.</p>
<p><b><i>U.S. IMMIGRATION DEVELOPMENTS&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>Federal judges across multiple states have ordered the Trump administration to provide bond hearings for immigrants detained by ICE, but many judges say the hearings conducted by immigration judges appear flawed or predetermined, </b>according to a review of cases by <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/06/immigration-case-hearings-judges-00815660" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">POLITICO</a>. Kyle Cheney reports.</p>
<p><b><i>U.S. DOMESTIC DEVELOPMENTS</i></b></p>
<p><b>The Florida Bar on Friday retreated from an earlier assertion that it was investigating Lindsey Halligan,</b> former U.S. attorney for the Eastern District of Virginia, for her role in pursuing charges against Trump&rsquo;s political foes. A spokesperson for the Bar said that the letter dated Feb. 4 had &ldquo;erroneously&rdquo; stated &ldquo;that there is a pending bar investigation&rdquo; of Halligan. Jonah E. Bromwich and Devlin Barrett report for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/06/us/politics/lindsey-halligan-florida-bar.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>Eric Trump and Donald Trump Jr. are backing Powerus, a new drone company merging with Aureus Greenway Holdings.</b> Powerus said it is working toward building more than 10,000 drones each month to meet Pentagon demand. Heather Somerville reports for the <a href="https://www.wsj.com/politics/national-security/trump-sons-back-new-drone-company-targeting-pentagon-sales-2f74abca?gaa_at=eafs&amp;gaa_n=AWEtsqeQxSX1kHsGyIghCGfR7hI1wvi4Jalva20Nrhf7a68tY2sekNOuH0yiLoHkEss%3D&amp;gaa_ts=69aeb703&amp;gaa_sig=kCoV5BSVJBiDHud9Gb8gys6nWPqXCBCi2uyXBp8Q6ovJQ4OE0kLYBuw2x7HYsY0w6W6K_lBon-iZQHZuCcpoRQ%3D%3D" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Wall Street Journal</a>.</p>
<p><b>A senior member of OpenAI&rsquo;s robotic team resigned over the weekend, citing concerns about how OpenAI moved forward with its new partnership with the Pentagon.</b> &ldquo;AI has an important role in national security. But surveillance of Americans without judicial oversight and lethal autonomy without human authorization are lines that deserved more deliberation than they got.&rdquo; Willem Marx reports for <a href="https://www.npr.org/2026/03/08/nx-s1-5741779/openai-resigns-ai-pentagon-guardrails-military" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">NPR</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>TRUMP ADMINISTRATION ACTIONS</i></b></p>
<p><b>The White House on Friday released its </b><a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/President-Trumps-Cyber-Strategy-for-America.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>National Cyber Strategy</b></a><b>, </b>calling for more aggressive use of U.S. cyber capabilities, including offensive operations. Dana Nickel, Maggie Miller, and John Sakellariadis report for <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/06/white-house-trump-cyber-strategy-00817698" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">POLITICO</a></p>
<p><b><i>TRUMP ADMINISTRATION LITIGATION&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>A federal judge on Saturday ruled that Senior Advisor for the U.S. Agency for Global Media Kari Lake did not have legal authority to largely dismantle the Voice of America by laying off most of its employees. </b>The judge said that while Lake was chosen by Trump, she never received Senate confirmation for her role. David Bauder reports for <a href="https://apnews.com/article/voice-of-america-kari-lake-press-freedom-7e9257d1a69907e1bb7489dfd32de833" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AP News</a>.</p>
<p><b>A federal appeals court on Friday upheld a lower court&rsquo;s ruling that the Trump administration had unlawfully terminated Temporary Protected Status for Haiti. </b>Haitians covered by TPS will be protected from deportation as the lawsuit proceeds in federal court. Miriam Jordan reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/06/us/haiti-tps-appeals-court.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>Rep. Joyce Beatty (D-OH) asked a federal court on Friday to block Trump&rsquo;s plan to close the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts for two years for reconstruction.</b> Beatty amended her lawsuit, saying &ldquo;President Trump&rsquo;s own words indicate that he is planning to demolish the existing Kennedy Center building&rdquo; without authorization from Congress. Luke Broadwater reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/06/us/politics/trump-kennedy-center-lawsuit.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
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<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133391/early-edition-march-9-2026/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Early Edition: March 9, 2026</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-09T12:16:21+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Elisabeth Jennings</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-09T12:16:21+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="daily news roundup"/>

	<category term="other"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-09:/282017</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133417/aggression-iran-response-shany-cohen/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=aggression-iran-response-shany-cohen" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Aggression, Plain and Simple: A Response to Shany and Cohen on the Attack on Iran</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>On Feb. 28, 2026, the United States and Israel launched a war of aggression against Iran, in clear v...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p><span>On Feb. 28, 2026, the United States and Israel launched a war of aggression against Iran, in clear violation of Article 2(4) of the UN Charter and customary international law, </span><a href="https://www.asil.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/ASIL_Statement_2026_Iran.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>according</span></a> <a href="https://www.ila-americanbranch.org/statement-of-the-president-regarding-the-united-states-attack-on-iran/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>to</span></a> <a href="https://crimeofaggression.info/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/GIPA-Iran-Statement.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>a</span></a> <a href="https://apnews.com/article/iran-us-international-law-war-aggression-6f0b57efff5e62e5c8fbc1acca4a3199" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>consensus</span></a><span> of </span><a href="https://www.ejiltalk.org/the-american-israeli-strikes-on-iran-are-again-manifestly-illegal/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>international law</span></a> <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133171/ayatollah-khamenei-leadership-strike-law/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>experts</span></a><span> with whom we agree. Iran responded with a series of </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132894/us-israel-iran-war-legal-options/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>unlawful attacks</span></a><span> against States in the region.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>In a </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133292/international-law-crossroads/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>piece</span></a><span> published last week by </span><i><span>Just Security</span></i><span>, Professors Yuval Shany and Amichai Cohen suggested the U.S. and Israeli strikes against Iran, and the notably mild or even supportive response by certain western States, reflects a general dissatisfaction with international law on the prohibition on the use of force. They suggest that international law must change to accommodate such States&rsquo; frustrations if a viable international legal order is to survive. We disagree.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>There is no doubt that there are systemic and structural problems with the international architecture to respond to States that transgress international law. Yet, the inference of a general dissatisfaction with the substantive rules of the U.N. Charter is unfounded. For the overwhelming majority of the 193 Member States in the United Nations, the prohibition on the use of force remains evidently in their interests. Many have made this clear, </span><a href="https://www.aa.com.tr/en/europe/italy-says-us-israeli-strikes-on-iran-outside-international-law-raises-defense-alert/3852870" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>with</span></a> <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/us-aircraft-leave-spain-after-government-says-bases-cannot-be-used-iran-attacks-2026-03-02/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>varying</span></a> <a href="https://au.int/en/pressreleases/20260228/au-commission-press-statement-us-iran-military-escalation" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>degrees</span></a> <a href="https://uk.diplomatie.gouv.fr/en/middle-east-peace-can-only-be-achieved-through-diplomatic-talks-president" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>of</span></a> <a href="https://x.com/Kemlu_RI/status/2027686527774691574?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>directness</span></a><span>, in their responses to the current war.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Shany and Cohen question whether third-party condemnations&ndash;</span><a href="https://www.regjeringen.no/en/whats-new/statement-from-prime-minister-jonas-gahr-store-about-the-situation-in-the-middle-east/id3150569/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>many</span></a> <a href="https://www.swissinfo.ch/eng/various/federal-councillor-martin-pfister-condemns-belligerent-countries/91058975" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>of</span></a> <a href="https://x.com/GabrielBoric/status/2028119253803540751" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>which</span></a> <a href="https://x.com/sanchezcastejon/status/2027707726738923754" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>denounced</span></a> <a href="https://x.com/MZEZ_RS/status/2029540843007205611?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>both</span></a><span> the </span><a href="https://x.com/_AfricanUnion/status/2027715913970008185?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>U.S. and Israeli attacks</span></a> <a href="https://x.com/antonioguterres/status/2027855751155212760" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>and</span></a> <a href="https://x.com/_AfricanUnion/status/2027811972763287850?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Iran&rsquo;s retaliation</span></a><span>&ndash;&ldquo;necessarily reflect a principled analysis&rdquo; of the law. Of course it&rsquo;s fair to question the discrepancy between States&rsquo; public statements and true preferences. And yet, Shany and Cohen appear to presume the good faith of the violators and a handful of their allies. The reality is that there is no indication that the United States and Israel have taken these steps pursuant to a principled assessment that the law needs to be changed or that it is unfit for purpose as applied to States generally. They clearly appear to have violated the law because they think it should not apply to </span><i><span>them</span></i><span>. Supportive or equivocal allies are either </span><a href="https://x.com/ZelenskyyUa/status/2027742862977200307?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>too</span></a> <a href="https://www.dw.com/en/iran-germany-and-the-end-of-the-rules-based-order/a-76227458" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>weak</span></a><span> in the context of a U.S. president who uses overwhelming power to threaten and bully, or too </span><a href="https://www.foxnews.com/video/6390268301112" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>enamored</span></a><span> with the prospect of a desirable outcome in this case to stand in the way.</span></p>
<p><span>Quite apart from the legal outlook of the parties to the armed conflict, Cohen and Shany are also wrong to entertain the notion that this war exemplifies an understandable pursuit of extra-legal imperatives associated with legitimacy and self-preservation. Although they express reservations about both approaches, a full-throated refutation of those approaches is needed. We reject outright both ways of framing the U.S. and Israeli aggression and state responses to it.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>For Shany and Cohen, to call out aggression in this context is to engage in &ldquo;grandstanding&rdquo; and &ldquo;lecturing States on how to act without offering them credible solutions to their actual problems.&rdquo; The truth is that the kind of &ldquo;pragmatic reevaluation of international law norms and institutions&rdquo; that they appear to advocate would most likely return humanity to the permanent scourge of war and open the floodgates to immense human suffering. To be clear, we do not write to diminish the gravity of this moment for the rule of law. International law is not self-enforcing; it is only as strong as the willingness of States to insist upon it being upheld. Its brazen violation and the failure of certain prominent States to flatly condemn that violation poses a profound challenge to the legal system. Plainly, that challenge merits scrutiny &ndash; just not in the way that Shany and Cohen propose.</span></p>
<h2><b>A flawed premise</b></h2>
<p><span>Shany and Cohen&rsquo;s article rests on the premise that the United States&rsquo; and Israel&rsquo;s aggression entails an understandable expression of frustration with the rules on the use of force given an international legal system that has failed to stop Iran&rsquo;s many transgressions. </span><span>On this telling, U.S. and Israeli operations to destroy Iran&rsquo;s military and change or collapse its regime are principled law-breaking, a violation motivated by the need for a better system and state of affairs. </span><span>They further suggest that failures to condemn the United States and Israel for violating the prohibition can be read as&nbsp; supportive of either the emergence of a new rule of customary international law or of an exception to its normativity. The former, they argue, would take the form of a new &ldquo;self-preservation&rdquo; carve-out to the prohibition on military force. The latter would manifest in a category of violations that qualify as legitimate, despite their illegality.</span></p>
<p><span>We unequivocally reject this premise. It is true that the formation of new customary international law often requires breaking an existing rule and seeing how other States react. But such action is done in service of advancing a new rule that applies, by definition, to </span><i><span>all </span></i><span>States. That is plainly not what the United States or Israel seeks. What happened here is simply that the United States and Israel violated the law. It misdescribes and, in turn, misdiagnoses the situation to claim otherwise.</span></p>
<p><span>This is obvious procedurally and it is obvious substantively. The United States and Israel did not seek, and would not have obtained, a nine-vote majority at the United Nations Security Council. They cannot claim they were stymied by an </span><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/existing-legal-limits-to-security-council-veto-power-in-the-face-of-atrocity-crimes/7EB9A13B1DE4F573CE29CEA6D3DFF936" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>illegitimate</span></a><span> use of the veto; they know they would not have received the votes necessary to pass a resolution even in the absence of a veto. They did not try to invoke the </span><a href="https://legal.un.org/avl/ha/ufp/ufp.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Uniting for Peace</span></a><span> procedure or otherwise seek the support of the U.N. General Assembly. They did not seek the support or authority of any other appropriate international organization or, indeed, any organization at all. They acted alone. None of this is consistent with a restrained and principled effort to change the law through violation underpinned by widespread normative affirmation.</span></p>
<p><span>Substantively, neither the United States nor Israel have articulated an alternative legal doctrine of self-preservation or a principled basis for legitimately violating the law. After breaking the foundational rule of international law, they have not made the case that a different rule of customary international law should emerge. They have defined no doctrine that they would recognize as available to other States that might act unilaterally and aggressively in pursuit of their interests.</span></p>
<p><span>Quite the opposite, President Donald Trump has stated publicly that he doesn&rsquo;t need international law, and that his power as Commander in Chief of the most powerful military the world has ever known is constrained only by his &ldquo;</span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/01/08/us/politics/trump-interview-power-morality.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>own morality</span></a><span>.&rdquo; In no case has he suggested that </span><i><span>all </span></i><span>States should be allowed to go to war against those who they deem illegitimate, those from whom they perceive a threat, or even those who </span><a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cvgr19m642zo" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>explicitly threaten</span></a><span> them. If there is any proposed rule here it is that the prohibition on the use of force does not apply to the United States and select allies.</span></p>
<p><span>Any notion that the aggression is an act of principled law-breaking is further belied by how the operations have been carried out. U.S. Secretary of Defense, Pete Hegseth</span> <a href="https://www.war.gov/News/Transcripts/Transcript/Article/4421037/secretary-of-war-pete-hegseth-and-chairman-of-the-joint-chiefs-of-staff-gen-dan/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>described</span></a><span> a campaign involving &ldquo;</span><span>B-2s, B-52s, B-1s, Predator drones, [and] fighters controlling the skies, picking targets, death and destruction from the sky all day long&rdquo; </span><span>and in which at least </span><a href="https://www.en-hrana.org/day-nine-of-the-u-s-israeli-war-on-iran-polluted-air-and-black-rain-in-tehran/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>1,205 civilians</span></a><span> are estimated to have been killed. Trump has </span><a href="https://www.cnn.com/world/live-news/iran-war-us-israel-trump-03-07-26?post-id=cmmg8l6l40000356suizlrjql&amp;Date=20260307&amp;Profile=CNN&amp;utm_content=1772886148&amp;utm_medium=social&amp;utm_source=twitter" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>forecast</span></a><span> &ldquo;complete destruction and certain death&rdquo; in targeted areas. </span><a href="https://www.cnn.com/2026/03/06/world/video/us-israeli-strikes-near-iranian-hospitals-digvid-invs" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Hospitals</span></a><span>, </span><a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cpw004xqxnjo" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>schools</span></a><span>, and a </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/08/world/middleeast/desalination-plants-iran-bahrain.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>desalination plant</span></a><span> have </span><a href="https://www.bellingcat.com/news/2026/03/08/video-shows-us-tomahawk-missile-strike-next-to-girls-school-in-iran/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>been</span></a> <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2026/mar/05/at-least-dozen-hospital-and-health-facilities-in-iran-hit-since-us-israel-attacks-began-who-says" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>struck</span></a><span>. Attacks on an oil depot have left residential </span><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/mar/08/dark-like-our-future-iranians-describe-scenes-of-catastrophe-after-tehrans-oil-depots-bombed" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>areas</span></a><span> of </span><a href="https://x.com/deepaparent/status/2030513108737720438?s=43&amp;t=xyrF9YtVXTPWiqzZlRxcKA" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Tehran</span></a> <a href="https://x.com/Shayan86/status/2030453808602509744" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>ablaze</span></a><span>.</span></p>
<p><span>In short, the lack of engagement with multilateral processes, the failure to articulate a principled justification for the campaign, and the manner of its implementation are wholly inconsistent with the notion that this was the last resort of States that are generally committed&nbsp; to the law, but saw no path forward other than violating the rules in search of a new legal or ethical paradigm.</span></p>
<h2><b>Ad hoc justifications for illegality</b></h2>
<p><span>Ad hoc legal justifications are presumptively suspect, so we engage Shany and Cohen&rsquo;s line of inquiry with serious reservations. That said, States have, for decades, debated both how narrowly or broadly to interpret the self-defense exception to the prohibition on the use of force, and whether there is space for a humanitarian intervention exception to the prohibition.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Aspects of Shany and Cohen&rsquo;s argument sound in the register of these longstanding debates. But they ignore key throughlines and discrepancies that make neither exception a plausible feature of the current international developments with respect to the war with Iran. Operation Epic Fury and Operation Roaring Lion are manifestly illegal, constituting both a violation of the UN Charter and the international crime of aggression. Neither the operations nor some States&rsquo; muted responses provide the political or normative conditions for legal reform or a framework of legitimate law-breaking.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><strong><i>&ldquo;Self-preservation&rdquo;</i></strong></p>
<p><span>Just over 80 years ago, the </span><a href="https://www.un.org/en/about-us/un-charter/full-text" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>United Nations Charter</span></a><span> solidified a shift in the way that States could lawfully respond to States that threatened them. Whereas previously the resort to war was understood by States to be a legitimate and lawful way of dealing with adversaries, the U.N. Charter set out to </span><span>&ldquo;to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war&rdquo; by removing the threat or use of force from the lawful toolkit that States could unilaterally deploy against each other. The goal was not, however, to leave States as sitting ducks in the face of an actual or imminent armed attack, which is why the inherent right of States to act in self-defense was retained as an exception to the new prohibition. Neither were the drafters blind to the possibility that, even in the absence of an actual or imminent armed attack, States could behave egregiously toward other Member States. Thus they created another exception to the new prohibition in situations where a case could be successfully made to the Security Council that using force against a State would in fact advance international peace and security. In the face of a Security Council veto, it has been argued (plausibly in our view) that such a case could be made instead to the U.N. General Assembly, which could support such action through a </span><a href="https://legal.un.org/avl/ha/ufp/ufp.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Uniting for Peace</span></a> <span>resolution.</span></p>
<p><span>Shany and Cohen acknowledge the existence of these options, as well as the reality that the self-defense exception&rsquo;s actual or imminent armed attack requirement does not cover any threat that Israel faces from Iran, and that neither the Security Council nor the U.N. General Assembly have been persuaded of the merits of using of force against Iran to maintain international peace and security.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Nonetheless, in observing the equivocal reaction of certain key western States to Operation Epic Fury/Roaring Lion, Shany and Cohen posit this may reflect tacit acknowledgement that the existing system is unworkable for States that perceive an existential threat. They go on to suggest that this may lead to the reemergence of &ldquo;right to self-preservation&rdquo; that frees self-defense from the strictures of the actual or imminent armed attack threshold. Indeed, such a right would far exceed even the most expansive interpretation of anticipatory self-defense&mdash;the so-called &ldquo;last window of opportunity&rdquo; conceptualization of imminence that has been advanced by </span><a href="https://x.com/gidonsaar/status/1935226608647885139" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Israel</span></a><span>, the </span><a href="https://www.ejiltalk.org/the-modern-law-of-self-defence/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>United Kingdom</span></a><span>, and </span><a href="https://www.ejiltalk.org/the-right-of-self-defence-against-imminent-armed-attack-in-%20international-law/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Australia</span></a><span>. Not even the public statements of U.S. or Israeli officials indicate that they acted at the last moment before the window to prevent an inevitable Iranian attack would close.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Shany and Cohen write that they would view the development of a consensus that the existing system is unworkable for States facing an existential threat as &ldquo;highly problematic.&rdquo; And yet, they appear somewhat sympathetic to its application in this case and fail to articulate precisely how they themselves think international law should adapt. We do not believe that, when considering perspectives beyond those of a few powerful States, this moment signals anything close to broad State support for incorporating a doctrine of self-preservation. Indeed, we are skeptical that even those States that are engaged in, or tacitly supporting, the attacks on Iran would actually endorse this as a universal standard that might be applied in reverse. What absolutely has been happening since at least the U.S. 2003 invasion of Iraq, is a fluctuating effort </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/75306/legally-sliding-into-war/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>across U.S. administrations</span></a><span> to frame illegal or legally questionable uses of force as justified by an expansive interpretation of self-defense in ways that have weakened this keystone rule of international law. Still, we believe it is important to explain precisely how dangerous this latest line of argumentation is.</span></p>
<p><span>As noted above, the move, in the aftermath of two world wars, to restrict the unilateral use of force by one State against another, did not leave States without options for shaping the behavior of their adversaries. Beyond the use of force framework, the U.N. Charter era has seen a proliferation of unilateral, regional and international self-help tools that States can and do use to mitigate threats. These include economic, diplomatic, and other sanctions, travel bans, non-forcible cyber measures, exclusion from international organizations, noncooperation, and more. Strikingly in the current case, the United States unilaterally withdrew from precisely such a non-forcible </span><a href="https://2009-2017.state.gov/e/eb/tfs/spi/iran/jcpoa/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>mechanism</span></a><span> for addressing the threat of Iranian nuclear proliferation, arguably contributing to the current situation in which the United States now claims a necessity to act.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Given the existing global distribution of military power, returning the prerogative to resort to war as a legally available option of States would, at most, benefit the handful of governments with the capability to project immense military power extraterritorially. Even for them, the benefits are highly doubtful. History counsels that while war reliably wreaks devastation, it is a very poor tool for achieving any policy goals that depend on the will and engagement of the people in the attacked States. Decisionmakers in powerful States might also consider whether even their military might will be sufficient to insulate them and their people from the calamity that would follow from a return to war as an ordinary tool for the pursuit of foreign policy interests.</span></p>
<p><span>Meanwhile, for most States that live under an existential threat&mdash;from Ukraine and Taiwan, to many of the States surrounding Israel and indeed even NATO Member States who have begun to think they can&rsquo;t count on the United States&mdash;their best chance for survival turns on the support of an international community that is willing to stand up for the existing limits on the use of force. What is certain is that for the overwhelming majority of States, and for humanity as a whole, the consequences of ending the prohibition on the use of force would be cataclysmic.</span></p>
<p><strong><i>&ldquo;Illegal but legitimate&rdquo;</i></strong></p>
<p><span>The notion that a resort to force in violation of the U.N. Charter might be &ldquo;illegal but legitimate&rdquo; </span><a href="https://academic.oup.com/book/26245/chapter/194446092" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>originated</span></a><span> with NATO&rsquo;s 1999 air campaign against what was then the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. The (controversial) idea was that an operation tailored to the objective of preventing atrocities and ethnic cleansing in Kosovo could be legitimate despite clearly transgressing Article 2(4) of the Charter. This, along with the failure of the international community to stop genocide in Rwanda, catalyzed the </span><a href="https://www.globalr2p.org/resources/the-responsibility-to-protect-report-of-the-international-commission-on-intervention-and-state-sovereignty-2001/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>effort</span></a><span> to articulate the conditions under which a &ldquo;responsibility to protect&rdquo; might be invoked.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>However, despite decades of advocacy, the notion that this doctrine would authorize military intervention to stop atrocities has received widespread State </span><a href="https://www.un.org/en/development/desa/population/migration/generalassembly/docs/globalcompact/A_RES_60_1.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>support</span></a><span> only in relation to actions authorized by the U.N. Security Council. The paradigmatic example in that regard was the Security Council-</span><a href="https://docs.un.org/en/S/RES/1973%20(2011)" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>authorized</span></a><span> intervention in Libya in 2011. The long-term consequences of the intervention, with an ensuing </span><a href="https://www.cfr.org/global-conflict-tracker/conflict/civil-war-libya" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>civil war</span></a><span> that has had a devastating impact on civilians, have diminished the normative pull of the &ldquo;responsibility to protect&rdquo; doctrine as the basis for resorting to force over the last 15 years.</span></p>
<p><span>Beyond Security Council authorization, the only scenario that has garnered sizable State support entails working through a relevant regional organization (see Article 4(h), </span><a href="https://au.int/sites/default/files/pages/34873-file-constitutiveact_en.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>African Union Constitutive Act</span></a><span>), and even this has not been developed in practice. Finally, and much more controversially, a tiny minority of States, most prominently the United Kingdom, have asserted the right to resort to force to stop atrocity, even in the absence of authorization by the U.N. Security Council or a relevant regional organization. Key components of even this </span><a href="https://academic.oup.com/ejil/article/32/2/613/6324070?guestAccessKey=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>minority</span></a> <a href="https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm201719/cmselect/cmfaff/1719/171902.htm" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>doctrine</span></a><span> entail some form of </span><a href="https://academic.oup.com/book/26245/chapter/194450794" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>multilateral</span></a><span> affirmation and a strict requirement that the resort to force be narrowly tailored to the urgent humanitarian objective.</span></p>
<p><span>Notwithstanding the significant attention paid to the topic in academic and policy discourse, States have rarely pursued humanitarian intervention since the Libya operation. This is despite ample situations in which it would have been plausible, whether in Myanmar, Sudan, Yemen, Gaza, Ethiopia, or Syria (here, the limited U.S.-led </span><a href="https://trumpwhitehouse.archives.gov/articles/joined-allies-president-trump-takes-action-end-syrias-chemical-weapons-attacks/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>military</span></a> <a href="https://trumpwhitehouse.archives.gov/articles/joined-allies-president-trump-takes-action-end-syrias-chemical-weapons-attacks/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>strikes</span></a><span> in response to the Syrian regime&rsquo;s use of chemical weapons, against the backdrop of 11 years of atrocities against Syrian civilians, marks the exception that proves the rule).</span></p>
<p><span>Whatever one makes of the &ldquo;illegal but legitimate&rdquo; concept in cases of narrowly tailored humanitarian intervention, it is implausible to try to fit the attacks on Iran into this limited tradition &ndash; either as a normative matter or as a scholarly description of what the operations and States&rsquo; reactions entail. There is little doubt that Iran has </span><a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2026/02/24/iran-tsunami-of-arbitrary-arrests-enforced-disappearances" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>perpetrated</span></a> <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131870/iran-crises-human-rights-rules-use-force/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>crimes against humanity</span></a><span> against political protestors in </span><a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2026/01/iran-after-unprecedented-violence-priority-must-be-gathering-evidence-hold?sub-site=HRC" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>recent months</span></a><span> (or that the Iranian regime has spent over four decades violating the human rights of its people). However, neither the United States nor Israel </span><a href="https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/posts/116147082884192486" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>has</span></a> <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/mar/03/trump-administration-reasons-for-going-to-war-with-iran" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>articulated</span></a><span> the </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/shorts/YcN0c-of-hI" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>mission</span></a><span> in terms of atrocity prevention and the military operations are plainly not narrowly tailored to a humanitarian objective. On the contrary, they pose </span><a href="https://x.com/shayan86/status/2030453808602509744?s=46" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>grave</span></a> <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2026/03/06/world/video/us-israeli-strikes-near-iranian-hospitals-digvid-invs" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>and</span></a> <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2026/mar/05/at-least-dozen-hospital-and-health-facilities-in-iran-hit-since-us-israel-attacks-began-who-says" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>expansive</span></a> <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/mar/08/dark-like-our-future-iranians-describe-scenes-of-catastrophe-after-tehrans-oil-depots-bombed" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>threats</span></a><span> to the </span><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2026/mar/06/tehran-bombing-iran-night-of-terror?CMP=Share_iOSApp_Other" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Iranian population</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Tellingly, neither the United States nor Israel has pursued any nonforcible mechanisms of atrocity prevention, sought any international endorsement to intervene, or even articulated a new doctrine of humanitarian intervention that would apply to all States. Yet Shany and Cohen suggest that having engaged in crimes against humanity, Iran might simply &ldquo;cease[] to be considered, in the eyes of many observers, a legitimate international actor.&rdquo; Given that neither the U.N. Security Council nor the U.N. General Assembly has sought to cast Iran outside the bounds of international law&rsquo;s protections, the argument seems to be that intervening States garner the unilateral discretion to decide that other States lose the protections of international law. That this evaluation might be conditioned on credible reports of the State&rsquo;s direct involvement in crimes against humanity is plainly not a standard to which either the U.S. or Israeli governments would subscribe, given credible reports of their own international crimes in, for example, </span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/news/situation-state-palestine-icc-pre-trial-chamber-i-rejects-state-israels-challenges" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Gaza</span></a> <a href="https://www.icj-cij.org/case/192/institution-proceedings" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>and</span></a><span> the </span><a href="https://www.lawfaremedia.org/article/the-administration-s-drug-boat-strikes-are-crimes-against-humanity" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Caribbean</span></a><span>. Shany and Cohen suggest a State&rsquo;s loss of status as a legitimate international actor might also be predicated on its threats to regional actors. But again, this does not appear to be a standard the United States or Israel would </span><a href="https://www.chathamhouse.org/2026/01/what-would-trumps-threatened-strikes-colombia-mexico-or-cuba-achieve" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>want </span></a><span>to universalize given how readily such a standard could be invoked against them.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Ultimately, Shany and Cohen appear to settle on the notion that &ldquo;the regime in Iran has lost almost all of its international credibility and support.&rdquo; But this is no basis for asserting the legitimacy of </span><i><span>unilaterally</span></i><span> resorting to force against the isolated State. Politically, one would expect the bar for convincing other States to endorse the use of force to be at its lowest in relation to a regime that has few friends and has &ldquo;lost almost all of its international credibility and support.&rdquo; That even in such a case there was no effort to engage the Security Council (even to evince veto obstruction), no effort to engage the General Assembly under Uniting for Peace, and no effort to garner any other form of credible multilateral approval speaks volumes about the weakness of the argument for going to war. No such efforts were made because they would not have been successful.</span></p>
<p><span>In sum, it is difficult to see past the conclusion that their argument boils down to a single and disturbing outcome: that &ldquo;tacit support given by many Western States&rdquo; can, in essence, legitimate aggression.</span></p>
<h2><b>The real issue</b></h2>
<p><span>The regime governing the resort to force is imperfect. For civilians under attack by States with a Security Council veto or a veto-wielding ally, be they in Gaza, Myanmar, Sudan, Syria, Ukraine or elsewhere, the limitations of the current system have long been clear. For those populations, Shany and Cohen&rsquo;s concern about the systemic failure of the Security Council resonates with particular urgency. But the nature of that failure inheres in the veto&mdash;a mechanism upon which one of the aggressors in this war has relied frequently, often to shield the other.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>The path to an international law and international institutions that are more responsive to genuine security concerns, be they existential or humanitarian, is through either reforming the Security Council, or reviving Uniting for Peace and the use of the General Assembly as a forum for addressing such issues when the Security Council is deadlocked by veto. More could also be done to empower regional organizations. Whatever one&rsquo;s view on the optimal path to reform, it must be multilateral and it must take seriously the security concerns of all States, rather than only the small handful with extraordinary military might.</span></p>
<p><span>The stakes could not be higher. The prohibition on the resort to force in international relations is the keystone of the contemporary international legal system. If it were to fall into desuetude, the consequences would be felt first and foremost in the catastrophic human toll of war. Beyond that immediate implication, it would also call into question the viability of international law across the board. The current framework of international law is predicated on the notion that States enjoy territorial integrity, political independence, control over their natural resources, and the ability to enter and exit agreements that operate on the basis of peaceful dispute resolution. None of that can be presumed in a world in which might makes right.</span></p>
<p><span>In this respect, the failure of key western States to condemn the strikes on Iran is extremely alarming for the health of the international legal order. International law is, by definition, applicable to all States. If certain States continue to condemn violations of international law only by States they see as adversaries or less powerful, while giving (particularly their more formidable) allies a free pass to commit brazen aggression, international law will ultimately cease to function altogether.&nbsp; </span></p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133417/aggression-iran-response-shany-cohen/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Aggression, Plain and Simple: A Response to Shany and Cohen on the Attack on Iran</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-09T11:50:46+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Tom Dannenbaum</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-09T11:50:46+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="armed conflict"/>

	<category term="armed conflicts"/>

	<category term="customary international law"/>

	<category term="diplomacy"/>

	<category term="featured articles"/>

	<category term="international humanitarian law (ihl)"/>

	<category term="international law"/>

	<category term="iran"/>

	<category term="israel"/>

	<category term="jus ad bellum"/>

	<category term="law of armed conflict (loac)"/>

	<category term="law of armed conflict/ihl"/>

	<category term="naval warfare"/>

	<category term="operation epic fury"/>

	<category term="the newport manual on the law of naval warfare"/>

	<category term="trump administration second term"/>

	<category term="un charter"/>

	<category term="un security council (unsc)"/>

	<category term="use of force"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-08:/281955</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133397/sinking-iran-frigate-dena-law-naval-warfare/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=sinking-iran-frigate-dena-law-naval-warfare" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Sinking Iran’s Frigate IRIS Dena and the Law of Naval Warfare</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Early in the morning of March 4, a U.S. Navy attack submarine, the USS Charlotte, sank an Iranian Na...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Early in the morning of March 4, a U.S. Navy attack <a href="https://www.armyrecognition.com/news/navy-news/2026/new-details-how-u-s-navy-sub-uss-charlotte-sank-iranian-frigate-iris-dena-with-two-mk-48-torpedoes" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">submarine</a>, the <a href="https://www.navydads.com/forum/topics/uss-charlotte-ssn766" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><em>USS Charlotte</em></a>, <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c4geelnw7w3o" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">sank</a> an Iranian Navy frigate, the <em>IRIS</em> (Islamic Republic of Iran Ship) <em>Dena</em>, in the international waters roughly 20 nautical miles off the southern coast of Sri Lanka. The Iranian warship had just participated in a multinational naval exercise, <a href="https://www.ifrmilan26.com/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">MILAN 2026</a>, and the International Fleet Review in India. As the <em>Dena </em>sailed home to Iran where armed hostilities were raging, it was <a href="https://news.usni.org/2026/03/04/video-u-s-attack-boat-torpedoes-iranian-frigate-off-sri-lanka" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">struck</a> by an <a href="https://www.navy.mil/Resources/Fact-Files/Display-FactFiles/Article/2167907/mk-48-heavyweight-torpedo/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">MK-48</a> torpedo, resulting in a large explosion and rapid flooding.</p>
<p>Almost immediately, the <em>Dena</em> transmitted a distress call, triggering a large-scale search-and-rescue (SAR) operation involving the Sri Lankan Navy, Coast Guard, and Air Force, as well as Indian assets. Although they arrived quickly, the vessel reportedly sank within two to three minutes of the torpedo&rsquo;s impact. SAR forces rescued 32 survivors and recovered over 80 bodies among the crew of approximately <a href="https://www.timesofisrael.com/iranian-warship-was-returning-from-naval-exercises-hosted-by-india-when-hit-by-us-torpedo/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">130</a> (although there are reports that as many as <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/sri-lanka-rescues-30-people-board-distressed-iranian-ship-foreign-minister-says-2026-03-04/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">180</a> were aboard).</p>
<p>The sinking triggered a <a href="https://www.military.com/daily-news/investigations-and-features/2026/03/05/strike-iranian-frigate-triggers-debate-over-law-morality-and-congressional-authority.html?ESRC=eb_260306.nl&amp;utm_medium=email&amp;utm_source=eb&amp;utm_campaign=20260306" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">debate</a> over the attack&rsquo;s lawfulness that focused on the location of the vessel, the attack itself (due to the vessel&rsquo;s activities), and the failure of the submarine to attempt the rescue of those who were shipwrecked. Indeed, Iran&rsquo;s Foreign Minister <a href="https://apnews.com/article/iran-warship-iris-dena-india-14916ad657e50f048bbeb42b38224ecb?utm_source=chatgpt.com" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">labeled</a> the attack &ldquo;an atrocity at sea&rdquo; and warned that the United States &ldquo;will come to bitterly regret&rdquo; the attack.</p>
<p>In this explainer, we outline the applicable international law rules regarding those three issues. They are found primarily in the law of naval warfare, which is applicable because Iran and the United States are undeniably involved in an <a href="https://casebook.icrc.org/a_to_z/glossary/international-armed-conflict" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">international armed conflict</a>. We do not address the question of whether the overall U.S. operations comport with the law governing the resort to force by States as an instrument of their national policy, the <em>jus ad bellum</em>, specifically the prohibition on the use of force and the right of individual and collective self-defense (<a href="https://www.google.com/search?q=un+charter&amp;oq=un+charter&amp;gs_lcrp=EgZjaHJvbWUyBggAEEUYOTIHCAEQABiABDIHCAIQABiABDIHCAMQABiABDIHCAQQLhiABDIGCAUQRRg8MgYIBhBFGDwyBggHEEUYPNIBCDMyNjVqMGo3qAIIsAIB8QXyJg8yC_agjw&amp;sourceid=chrome&amp;ie=UTF-8#:~:text=United%20Nations%20Charter,charter%20%E2%80%BA%20full%2Dtext" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">UN Charter</a>, arts. 2(4) and 51).</p>
<h2><strong>Location of the <em>IRIS</em> <em>Dena</em></strong></h2>
<p>During an armed conflict, the world&rsquo;s oceans are generally split into three areas in the law of naval warfare&ndash;neutral waters, belligerent waters, and international waters. Understanding the distinction between these maritime zones is critical because they define the geographic areas in which belligerents may lawfully conduct military operations at sea and those in which such operations are restricted.</p>
<p>Neutral waters encompass both the territorial sea and internal waters (e.g., ports, bays, rivers, etc.) of neutral States (meaning States that are not a party to the conflict). The 1907 Hague Convention XIII prohibits States from engaging in hostilities in them (art. 1). States universally recognize that prohibition as customary in character (see, e.g., DoD <em>Law of War Manual</em>, &sect; 15.3.1.2; <a href="https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=3106&amp;context=ils" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><em>Newport Manual</em></a>, 2nd ed., &sect; 11.3.2.1; <a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/san-remo-manual-1994/article-14-22?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><em>San Remo Manual</em></a>, &para; 15).</p>
<p>Obviously, warships of the parties to the conflict may exercise &ldquo;belligerent rights,&rdquo; including conducting attacks, in their own waters and those of their enemy (meaning the territorial seas and internal waters of States that are a party to the conflict). They may also engage in hostilities in international waters, which encompasses all waters that lie outside of any neutral State&rsquo;s territorial sea, including contiguous zones, exclusive economic zones (EEZ) and the high seas (absent a treaty to the contrary, like the <a href="https://www.ats.aq/e/antarctictreaty.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Antarctic Treaty</a>) (DoD <a href="https://media.defense.gov/2023/Jul/31/2003271432/-1/-1/0/DOD-LAW-OF-WAR-MANUAL-JUNE-2015-UPDATED-JULY%202023.PDF" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><em>Law of War Manual</em></a>, &sect; 13.3.1; <a href="https://digital-commons.usnwc.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=3106&amp;context=ils" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><em>Newport Manual</em></a>, &sect; 4.1.2; <a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/san-remo-manual-1994/article-14-22?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><em>San Remo Manual</em></a>, &para; 10).</p>
<p>There is no &ldquo;zone of naval operations&rdquo; to which naval engagements are limited. The paradigmatic example illustrating this point occurred during the 1982 Falklands War, when a British submarine torpedoed and sank the Argentine cruiser <em>ARA General Belgrano</em> well outside the United Kingdom&rsquo;s declared 200 nautical mile exclusion zone around the Falklands Islands. Despite significant political controversy, the United Kingdom argued, correctly, that the zone was intended only to improve the safety of neutral shipping and did not restrict lawful attacks on Argentine warships beyond it (<a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/conduct-of-hostilities-under-the-law-of-international-armed-conflict/CAFA76A7D01399503C93DF9BA4073039" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Dinstein</a>, &para; 913).</p>
<p>In principle, then, an enemy warship may be engaged anywhere in the world except neutral waters, meaning that belligerent naval operations may lawfully occur across vast expanses of the ocean, including areas that are far removed from the immediate land theater of any given conflict. Since the <em>Dena</em> attack took place in international waters and the law of naval warfare imposes no zones of engagement, there is no issue as to its location. Simply put, as noted in the US Navy/Marine Corps/Coast Guard&rsquo;s <a href="https://www.marines.mil/Portals/1/Publications/MCTP%2011-10B.pdf?ver=9Qihccgl32_Cwik1rnU0oQ%3D%3D" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><em>Commander&rsquo;s Handbook on the Law of Naval Operations</em></a> (NWP 1-14M), &ldquo;Enemy warships and military aircraft, including naval and military auxiliaries, are subject to attack, destruction, or capture anywhere beyond neutral territory&rdquo; (&sect; 8.6.1).</p>
<h2><strong>Attacking the <em>IRIS Dena</em></strong></h2>
<p>It is self-evident that in an international armed conflict, the enemy&rsquo;s warships are subject to attack (DoD <em>Law of War Manual</em>, &sect; 13.4.2; NWP 1-14M, &sect; 8.6.1; <em>San Remo Manual</em>, &para; 65-66). As noted in the <em>Newport Manual</em> (&sect; 8.6.1),</p>
<blockquote><p>Enemy warships and naval auxiliaries, whether manned or unmanned, are military objectives by nature that may be targeted anywhere and at any time (so long as they are not present in neutral waters). The definite military advantage gained from sinking an enemy warship will be self-evident in any campaign in the maritime domain.&nbsp; Warships and naval auxiliaries may be targeted regardless of the composition of the crew or passengers on board.</p></blockquote>
<p>A narrow exception to this rule exists for a warship &ldquo;that in good faith unambiguously and effectively conveys a timely offer of surrender,&rdquo; for instance, by hauling down her flag, hoisting a white flag, taking to the lifeboats (NWP 1-14M, &sect; 8.6.1; <em>Newport Manual</em>, &sect; 8.6.7.1). There is no indication that the <em>Dena </em>expressed a desire to surrender, if only because it may have been unaware it was about to be attacked; indeed, Iranian officials <a href="https://www.cnbctv18.com/world/us-submarine-sank-iran-warship-iris-dena-sri-lanka-no-warning-envoy-ws-l-19863103.htm" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">claim</a> the frigate was attacked without warning. Yet, there are reports that <em>Charlotte</em> twice <a href="https://www.indiatoday.in/world/story/before-iris-dena-strike-iran-sailor-told-father-us-issues-two-warnings-report-middle-east-crisis-2879005-2026-03-08" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">warned</a> <em>Dena</em> to surrender and abandon ship, but the captain refused to give that order. Regardless of which story is accurate, there is no obligation in the law of naval warfare for a warship to demand surrender before attacking; warships may be attacked without warning.</p>
<p>The fact that a submarine carried out the attack on the <em>Dena </em>instead of a surface warship is also of no legal significance with respect to the attack. On the contrary, despite employing different means (e.g., torpedoes) or methods (primarily underwater engagement) of warfare, the same law of naval warfare rules apply to both surface and subsurface naval assets. (DoD <em>Law of War Manual</em>, &sect; 13.7.1; NWP 1-14M, &sect; 8.7; <em>Newport Manual</em>, &sect; 8.1.3).</p>
<p>We note that Iran&rsquo;s Deputy Foreign Minister <a href="https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/defence/iran-slams-us-attack-on-unarmed-vessel-returning-from-india/articleshow/129137547.cms?utm_source=chatgpt.com&amp;from=mdr" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">protested</a> that the <em>Dena </em>&ldquo;was [in the area] by invitation of our Indian friends, attending an international exercise. It was ceremonial. It was unloaded. It was unarmed.&rdquo;&nbsp;But that protest has no basis in the law of naval warfare because, as noted, <em>warships</em> are lawful military objectives. Under the law of the sea, a warship is &ldquo;a ship belonging to the armed forces of a State bearing the external marks distinguishing such ships of its nationality, under the command of an officer duly commissioned by the government of the State and whose name appears in the appropriate service list or its equivalent, and manned by a crew which is under regular armed forces discipline&rdquo; (<a href="https://www.un.org/depts/los/convention_agreements/texts/unclos/unclos_e.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">UNCLOS</a>, art. 29; see also NWP 1-14M, &sect; 2.2.1; <em>Newport Manual</em>, &sect; 3.2.1). They need not be armed, have weapons, or be engaged in military operations to qualify as such, and no State or expert manual addressing the law of naval warfare suggests otherwise.</p>
<p>In addition to warships that have effected a surrender as noted above, exceptions from liability to capture or destruction also exist for &ldquo;specially protected vessels,&rdquo; such as a cartel vessel exchanging prisoners of war, coastal fishing vessels, SAR assets, and hospital ships (NWP 1-14M, &sect; 8.6.3; <em>Newport Manual</em>, &sect; 10.4; <em>San Remo Manual</em>, &para; 47). No such exemption exists for warships participating in a multinational exercise or engaged in &ldquo;ceremonial&rdquo; duties. There is no question that the <em>Dena</em>, an Iranian Navy <a href="https://www.globalmilitary.net/ships/moudge/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Moudge-class guided-missile frigate</a>, qualified as a warship enjoying no special protection subject to attack.</p>
<p>As in land warfare, even lawful military objectives at sea are subject to a rule of proportionality during naval engagements (DoD <em>Law of War Manual</em>, &sect; 13.3). As the <em>Commander&rsquo;s Handbook </em>explains (&sect; 8.3.1),</p>
<blockquote><p>The principle of proportionality requires the anticipated loss of civilian life and damage to civilian property incidental to attacks must not be excessive in relation to the concrete and direct military advantage expected to be gained. When targeting a legitimate military objective, effects on civilians and civilian objects is considered collateral, or incidental, damage.</p></blockquote>
<p>This rule applies to civilians in the vicinity of the ship under attack and to any civilian vessels or other civilian objects nearby. However, as to the ship itself, the law of naval warfare is &ldquo;platform-based.&rdquo; If a ship is targetable as a warship, auxiliary, or other targetable vessel, the crew of the ship need not be considered in the proportionality assessment, even if they are civilians (NWP 1-14M, &sect; 5.3.3; <em>Newport Manual</em>, &sect; 8.8.1). This distinguishes them from passengers on a merchant vessel that qualifies as a military objective, for whom consideration in a proportionality calculation is unsettled (<em>Newport Manual</em>, &sect; 8.8.1). As is usually the case in an attack on a warship in international waters, the torpedoing of the <em>Dena</em> does not appear to have risked any incidental injury to civilians or collateral damage to civilian vessels or other civilian objects. Simply put, and despite the high number of casualties, there is no proportionality issue in the sinking of the <em>Dena</em>.</p>
<p>For the same reason, the absence of any expectation of civilian harm means there was no &ldquo;precautions in attack&rdquo; issue. That rule, applicable on land and at sea, requires an attacker to &ldquo;decide, in light of all the facts known or reasonably available to the them, including the need to conserve resources and complete the mission successfully, whether to adopt an alternative method (i.e., tactics) or means (i.e., weapons) of attack, if reasonably available, to reduce civilian casualties and damage&rdquo; (<a href="https://www.marines.mil/Portals/1/Publications/MCTP%2011-10B.pdf?ver=9Qihccgl32_Cwik1rnU0oQ%3D%3D" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">NWP 1-14M</a>, &sect; 8.3.1).</p>
<p>In our estimation, there is simply no basis to claim that the <em>Dena </em>did not qualify as a military objective at the time of the attack or that the manner of attack was unlawful. The only possible question, therefore, is whether the <em>Charlotte</em> was obligated to effect a rescue of the <em>Dena</em>&rsquo;s shipwrecked crew.</p>
<h2><strong>Failure to Rescue <em>IRIS</em> <em>Dena&rsquo;s </em>Shipwrecked Crew</strong></h2>
<p>In the aftermath of World War II, the issue of rescuing survivors following submarine attacks took center stage during the <a href="https://avalon.law.yale.edu/imt/juddoeni.asp?utm_source=chatgpt.com" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">trial</a> of Admiral Karl D&ouml;nitz before the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg. After Allied attacks on a U-boat attempting to rescue survivors of an ocean liner, the <em>RMS Laconia</em>, D&ouml;nitz issued the <a href="https://archive.navalsubleague.org/2003/the-laconia-affair-a-coalescence-of-tragedies" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Laconia Order</a>, which instructed: &ldquo;All attempts at rescuing members of ships that have been sunk, including attempts to pick up persons swimming, or to place them in lifeboats, or attempts to upright capsized boats, or to supply provisions or water are to cease.&rdquo; The court held that the order violated the 1936 <a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/submarine-warfare-rules-pv-1936" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">London Protocol</a> on submarine warfare, &nbsp;which required that the passengers and crew of merchant vessels be placed in safety before a warship could sink them. Yet, because British and U.S. submarines engaged in the same practice during the conflict, it did not factor the breaches of the law of submarine warfare into D&ouml;nitz&rsquo;s sentence.</p>
<p>The treatment of shipwrecked persons during the war significantly influenced the post-war law of naval warfare. <a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gcii-1949/article-18?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Article 18</a> of the 1949 Convention (II) for the Amelioration of the Condition of Wounded, Sick and Shipwrecked Members of Armed Forces at Sea (Geneva Convention II), to which both Iran and the United States are Party, and that reflects customary law (ICRC <em>Customary IHL </em>study, <a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/customary-ihl/v1/rule109" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">r. 109</a>), provides:</p>
<blockquote><p>After each engagement, Parties to the conflict shall, without delay, take all possible measures to search for and collect the shipwrecked, wounded and sick, to protect them against pillage and ill-treatment, to ensure their adequate care, and to search for the dead and prevent their being despoiled.</p></blockquote>
<p>The Convention expressly extends the protection to enemy forces who are shipwrecked (<a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gcii-1949/article-13?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">art. 12</a>).</p>
<p>The obligation to rescue those who have been shipwrecked as a result of hostilities is universally acknowledged by experts (<em>Newport Manual</em>, &sect; 10.6) and has been included in Additional Protocol I for Parties (not Iran or the United States) to that instrument (<a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/api-1977/article-10" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">art. 10</a>). The <em>Commander&rsquo;s Handbook </em>is in accord: &ldquo;As far as military exigencies permit, after each engagement all possible measures should be taken without delay to search for and collect the shipwrecked, wounded, and sick and recover the dead&rdquo; (&sect; 8.6.1; see also DoD <em>Law of War Manual</em>, &sect; 7.4.1).</p>
<p>However, reflecting a concern D&ouml;nitz had regarding the rescue of survivors, today the obligation is conditioned by operational feasibility. Note how the <em>Commander&rsquo;s Handbook </em>caveats the obligation with &ldquo;as far as military exigencies permit.&rdquo; And in the specific case of submarines, it states (&sect; 8.7; see also <em>Newport Manual</em>, &sect; 10.6),</p>
<blockquote><p>To the extent that military exigencies permit, submarines are required to search for and collect the shipwrecked, wounded, and sick following an engagement. If such humanitarian efforts would subject the submarine to undue additional hazard or prevent it from accomplishing its military mission, the location of possible survivors should be passed at the first opportunity to a surface ship, aircraft, or shore facility capable of rendering assistance.</p></blockquote>
<p>The ICRC&rsquo;s 2017 <a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gcii-1949/article-18/commentary/2017?activeTab=#_Toc479850223" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><em>Commentary</em></a> to Article 18 makes the same points. It acknowledges that &ldquo;it may occur that the commander of a single warship &hellip; considers, in a good-faith assessment, that it is impossible to undertake, with the assets under his or her command, any of the activities required under Article 18&rdquo; (&para; 1637). &nbsp;With respect to submarines, it points to the fact that &ldquo;space is extremely limited on board a submarine, thus complicating their ability to take on board shipwrecked, wounded and sick, let alone dead, persons&rdquo; (&para; 1637).</p>
<p>However, the <em>Commentary</em> emphasizes that this does not exempt the submarine from taking other reasonable steps to help the shipwrecked crew of an enemy warship. For example, it points out that, depending on the situation, submarines might be able to &ldquo;supply materials such as lifeboats, survival craft (including inflatable rafts), buoyancy aids, alert aids, detection aids, food, and water.&rdquo; In that regard, though, it observes that submarines may need to surface to do so, which might not always be possible (&para; 1644).</p>
<p>Alternatively, the submarine &ldquo;may alert [its] own authorities and, where possible, other entities, to the location of the attack and to the possibility that there may be survivors,&rdquo; but only &ldquo;so long as it does not render the submarine detectable to the enemy.&rdquo; (&para; 1643).&nbsp;But demonstrating further sensitivities to the nature of submarine warfare, the <em>Commentary </em>acknowledges,</p>
<blockquote><p>that a submarine&rsquo;s greatest strength is its stealth capabilities. Usually, therefore, a submarine will receive messages from its higher command without responding to them. Depending on the technology used, any form of transmission by the submarine, such as an electronic communication, might be subject to interception by the enemy. The same risk arises where a submarine moves closer to the surface. This would reveal the submarine&rsquo;s location, and risks exposing it to a counter-attack. To the extent technology allows submarines to transmit messages without revealing their precise location, this would of course change the analysis in terms of what &ldquo;possible measures&rdquo; it may be able to take in the circumstances (FN 35).</p></blockquote>
<p>And the <em>Commentary </em>suggests that while alerting others as to the need for SAR &ldquo;may not be possible seconds after launching its weapon, it may become feasible once the submarine has moved away from the area&rdquo; (&sect; 1643).</p>
<p><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gcii-1949/article-21?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Article 21</a> of Geneva Convention II also bears on SAR following the <em>Dena </em>attack. It notes that &ldquo;Parties to the conflict may appeal to the charity of commanders of neutral merchant vessels, yachts or other craft, to take on board and care for wounded, sick or shipwrecked persons, and to collect the dead.&rdquo; As noted in the <em>Commentary</em> to the article, &ldquo;[s]uch vessels may also come to the rescue of these persons on their own initiative, without having received an appeal from or been requested to do so by one of the Parties to the conflict&rdquo; (&para; 1857). As discussed, neutral Sri Lankan SAR forces, in response to <em>Dena</em>&rsquo;s distress call, did conduct a SAR operation to recover survivors and bodies soon after the attack.</p>
<p>Whether the <em>Charlotte </em>(and U.S. forces more broadly) complied with these obligations depends on facts that are not fully available in publicly available sources. What we can say is that the submarine was under a legal obligation to take feasible measures to rescue those who were shipwrecked. If it could not, it was to communicate the need for SAR in a way that would effectuate rescue, so long as doing so was feasible in the circumstances.</p>
<p>Given the size of <em>Dena</em>&lsquo;s crew and the submarine&rsquo;s limitations, executing a rescue would likely have been impractical. We assume, but do not know, that the vicinity of the attack was relatively benign since there are no reports of the <em>Dena </em>being accompanied by other Iranian warships at the time. Nevertheless, although we are only speculating, it is unlikely that the submarine remained in place. It is standard tactical practice for a submarine to conduct evasive maneuvers after an attack to avoid detection by surface ships, aircraft, and other submarines. It also maintains communications silence until out of the engagement area for the same reason. That said, as explained, those security procedures would need to involve military exigencies, such as avoiding undue additional hazard to the submarine in the actual circumstances, to avoid the SAR legal obligations.</p>
<p>As to calling for assistance, most open source reports do not indicate that <em>Charlotte </em>did so, although U.S. Indo-Pacific Command <a href="https://www.facebook.com/INDOPACOM/posts/-iran-claims-iris-dena-was-unarmed-false-law-of-armed-conflict-authorized-the-us/1372400998256010/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">stated</a> that &ldquo;U.S. forces planned for and Sri Lanka provided life-saving support to survivors in accordance with the Law of Armed Conflict.&rdquo; But even if the <em>Charlotte</em> did not, it was probably unnecessary given <em>Dena</em>&rsquo;s immediate distress call and the expeditious Sri Lankan activation of SAR assets, <a href="https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/iris-dena-sri-lanka-india-responded-to-distress-call-of-iran-ship-sent-vessel-to-help-navy-11173405?utm_source=chatgpt.com" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">assisted</a> by the Indian Navy. Within the hour, SAR forces were on scene. In other words, a call for assistance from the submarine would likely have had no practical effect.</p>
<p>Moreover, the submarine and other U.S. forces were almost certainly aware that a SAR effort was underway based on the distress transmission itself, maritime traffic monitoring, and intelligence and regional ISR (intelligence, surveillance, reconnaissance) capabilities. Indeed, maritime distress alerts are usually transmitted on international maritime distress frequencies and via satellite systems. The presence of rescue vessels, aircraft, and radio traffic would also have been apparent to the submarine&rsquo;s own detection systems and its monitoring of open maritime communications.</p>
<h2><strong>Concluding Thoughts</strong></h2>
<p>The law of naval warfare leaves no doubt that the torpedoing of the <em>Dena</em> by the <em>Charlotte </em>was lawful as a matter of location and targeting. Enemy warships qualify as military objectives and are accordingly subject to attack whenever found outside neutral waters. Neither the fact that the <em>Dena</em> was in Sri Lanka&rsquo;s EEZ nor that it had been performing ceremonial functions alters that fundamental rule. The same is true regarding the claim that it was unarmed. And the fact that a submarine was used as the platform from which to mount the attack triggered no constraints beyond those that would apply to surface warships, such as proportionality and precautions in attack. Those were certainly satisfied.</p>
<p>The more difficult question is whether U.S. forces complied with their obligation, so far as military exigencies permit, to search for and collect those who were shipwrecked after the engagement. It is an obligation that undeniably applies in submarine warfare. However, it is not absolute and has to be applied in light of operational realities. Although we do not have access to the full picture of the attack, our conclusion is that even if the <em>Charlotte </em>did not call for assistance, there was no breach of this obligation, given the immediate distress call from the <em>Dena</em>, the rapid dispatch of SAR maritime and air assets by Sri Lanka and India, and the near certainty that the U.S. submarine and other U.S. forces were aware of the immediate and ongoing SAR response.</p>
<div><em>The thoughts and opinions expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the U.S. Government, the Department of War, Department of Homeland Security, the U.S. Navy or U.S. Coast Guard, or the U.S. Naval War College.&nbsp;</em></div>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133397/sinking-iran-frigate-dena-law-naval-warfare/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Sinking Iran&rsquo;s Frigate &lt;i&gt;IRIS Dena&lt;/i&gt; and the Law of Naval Warfare</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-08T21:59:50+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Michael Schmitt</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-08T21:59:50+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="armed conflict"/>

	<category term="armed conflicts"/>

	<category term="expert backgrounder"/>

	<category term="featured articles"/>

	<category term="international humanitarian law (ihl)"/>

	<category term="international law"/>

	<category term="iran"/>

	<category term="israel"/>

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	<category term="law of armed conflict (loac)"/>

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	<category term="military"/>

	<category term="naval warfare"/>

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	<category term="the newport manual on the law of naval warfare"/>

	<category term="trump administration second term"/>

	<category term="use of force"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-07:/281805</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132905/digest-of-recent-articles-on-just-security-feb-28-mar-6-2026/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=digest-of-recent-articles-on-just-security-feb-28-mar-6-2026" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Digest of Recent Articles on Just Security (Feb. 28-Mar. 6, 2026)</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>U.S.-Israel-Iran War

International Reactions to Military Strikes on Iran: A Tipping Point for the U...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<h2>U.S.-Israel-Iran War</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132773/us-iran-war-international-reactions/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">International Reactions to Military Strikes on Iran: A Tipping Point for the UN Charter?</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Rebecca Hamilton" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/hamiltonrebecca/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Rebecca Hamilton</a></li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132970/questions-trump-officials-war-iran/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Top Questions the Trump Administration Needs to Answer on War with Iran</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Tess Bridgeman" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/bridgemantess/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Tess Bridgeman</a>, <a title="Profile and articles by Kate Brannen" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/brannenkate/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Kate Brannen</a> and <a title="Profile and articles by Ryan Goodman" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/goodmanryan/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Ryan Goodman</a></li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133093/preemption-imminence-rubio-iran/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Double Preemption, Imminence, and the U.S. Attack Against Iran</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Eliav Lieblich" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/lieblicheliav/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Eliav Lieblich</a></li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133171/ayatollah-khamenei-leadership-strike-law/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Was Targeting Ayatollah Khamenei and Other Iranian Leaders Lawful? What Precedents Does It Set?</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Marko Milanovic" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/milanovicmarko/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Marko Milanovic</a> and <a title="Profile and articles by Michael Schmitt" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/schmittmichael/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Michael Schmitt</a></li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133231/united-kingdom-iran-war-international-law/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The United Kingdom&rsquo;s Use of Force Against Iran: Walking a Legal Tightrope?</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Aurel Sari" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/sariaurel/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Aurel Sari</a></li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133292/international-law-crossroads/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The International Community at a Crossroads Over Iran: The reawakening of &ldquo;illegal but legitimate&rdquo; or the &ldquo;law of self-preservation&rdquo;?</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Yuval Shany" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/shanyyuval/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Yuval Shany</a> and <a title="Profile and articles by Amichai Cohen" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/cohenamichai/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Amichai Cohen</a></li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/64645/war-powers-trump-iran-strikes/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Top Experts&rsquo; Backgrounder: Military Action Against Iran and US Domestic Law (republished)</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Brian Egan" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/eganbrian/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Brian Egan</a> and <a title="Profile and articles by Tess Bridgeman" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/bridgemantess/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Tess Bridgeman</a></li>
</ul>
<h2>Russia-Ukraine War</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132845/russia-ukraine-fighting-talking/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Russia&rsquo;s Big War at Four: Ukraine Keeps Fighting and Keeps Talking</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Ambassador Daniel Fried" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/frieddaniel/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Ambassador Daniel Fried</a></li>
</ul>
<h2>United States / Venezuela</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131538/trump-war-powers-venezuela-olc-memo/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Trump Administration&rsquo;s Theory of Constitutional War Powers: &ldquo;The President Could Decide&rdquo;</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Rebecca Ingber" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/ingberrebecca/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Rebecca Ingber</a></li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131521/venezuela-stability-peace-process/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">For Lasting Stability, Venezuela Needs a Peace Process</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Keith Mines" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/mineskeith/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Keith Mines</a></li>
</ul>
<h2>Emerging Technologies</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132851/anthropic-supply-chain-risk-designation/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">What Hegseth&rsquo;s &ldquo;Supply Chain Risk&rdquo; Designation of Anthropic Does and Doesn&rsquo;t Mean</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Tess Bridgeman" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/bridgemantess/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Tess Bridgeman</a></li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132427/human-rights-ai-sovereignty/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Human Rights at Risk in the Sprint Toward AI Sovereignty</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Kian Vesteinsson" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/vesteinssonkian/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Kian Vesteinsson</a> and <a title="Profile and articles by Grant Baker" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/bakergrant/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Grant Baker</a></li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132504/ai-hype-2026-reaim-summit/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Artificial Urgency: Reflecting on AI Hype at the 2026 REAIM Summit</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Zena Assaad" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/assaadzena/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Zena Assaad</a></li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133247/anthropic-hegseth-unlawful-punishment/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Anthropic v. Hegseth: Pretextual Designation and Unlawful Punishment</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Harold Hongju Koh" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/kohharold/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Harold Hongju Koh</a>, <a title="Profile and articles by Bruce Swartz" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/swartzbruce/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Bruce Swartz</a>, <a title="Profile and articles by Avi Gupta" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/guptaavi/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Avi Gupta</a> and <a title="Profile and articles by Brady Worthington" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/worthingtonbrady/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Brady Worthington</a></li>
</ul>
<h2>ICE and CBP Operations</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132934/deeper-problem-ice-arrest-warrants/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Deeper Problem with ICE&rsquo;s Arrest Warrants</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Chris Hardee" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/hardeechris/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Chris Hardee</a></li>
</ul>
<h2>Symposium: Updated ICRC Commentary</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131513/commenting-anew-article-23-geneva-convention-iv/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">&ldquo;Significantly Diminished&rdquo;: Commenting Anew on Article 23 of Geneva Convention IV in a Transformed Legal Context</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Tom Dannenbaum" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/dannenbaumtom/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Tom Dannenbaum</a></li>
</ul>
<h2>Counterterrorism</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132743/how-a-broadly-defined-counterterrorism-statute-could-be-abused/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">How a Broadly Defined Counterterrorism Statute Could Be Abused</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Thomas E. Brzozowski" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/brzozowskithomas/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Thomas E. Brzozowski</a></li>
</ul>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132905/digest-of-recent-articles-on-just-security-feb-28-mar-6-2026/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Digest of Recent Articles on Just Security (Feb. 28-Mar. 6, 2026)</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-07T12:03:56+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Just Security</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-07T12:03:56+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="other"/>

	<category term="weekly recap"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-06:/281704</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132504/ai-hype-2026-reaim-summit/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=ai-hype-2026-reaim-summit" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Artificial Urgency: Reflecting on AI Hype at the 2026 REAIM Summit</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>The third Summit on Responsible AI in the Military Domain (REAIM) took place from February 4 to 5 in...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>The third Summit on Responsible AI in the Military Domain (<a href="https://www.exteriores.gob.es/en/REAIM2026/Paginas/default.aspx" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">REAIM</a>) took place from February 4 to 5 in A Coru&ntilde;a, Spain, bringing together States, non-governmental actors, academics, and tech industry representatives. This year&rsquo;s Summit aimed to build upon <a href="https://futurium.ec.europa.eu/et/european-ai-alliance/events/first-summit-responsible-ai-military-domain-reaim-2023" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">previous</a> <a href="https://tls.mofa.go.kr/eng/brd/m_5674/view.do?seq=321057" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">gatherings</a>, which focused on establishing a common understanding of the challenges and opportunities associated with military AI governance, by <a href="https://www.exteriores.gob.es/en/REAIM2026/Paginas/Cumbre26.aspx" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">moving</a> towards &ldquo;concrete, practical, and realistic steps to translate previously agreed principles into effective and tangible measures.&rdquo;</p>
<p>This action-oriented objective of the third Summit was complimented by an opening plenary panel which focused on technical understandings and considerations around AI&mdash;a perspective which is concerningly <a href="https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/03071847.2026.2607294#d1e315" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">diluted</a> in the legal and policy discourse of military AI. This set the tone for ongoing discussions on the tension between theoretical framings of AI and technical realities&mdash;a tension which surfaces many misconceptions and miscalibrated measures for procuring and implementing this technology.</p>
<h2><b>Unraveling the AI Hype</b></h2>
<p>The pressure to keep up with the fast pace of AI development emerges often in forums on military AI, and REAIM was no different. The opening plenary panel emphasized the speed and scale of AI development in the context of military procurement. The panel highlighted that AI is a rapidly evolving technology in juxtaposition with traditionally slower military procurement cycles. But in evaluating that framing, there is utility in examining what AI is and what it is not (as the panel did, as well).</p>
<p>To start, it is important to quell common misconceptions of AI&mdash;an umbrella term representing a spectrum of capabilities, ranging from large language models (such as ChatGPT) to text-to-image models (such as DALL-E).</p>
<p>While these capabilities are varied, they all have the capacity to adapt, or to use the popularized term, to &ldquo;learn.&rdquo; Learning is often misconstrued as equivalent to intelligence, a framing which has shaped common understanding, expectations, and perception of AI development.</p>
<p>But contrary to popular belief, no technology (AI included) develops of its own accord. Technology development is the product of meeting public needs and demands while balancing funding limitations, feasible technical decisions, and time constraints, among other factors. Technology development is made into practical reality via <a href="https://www.nasa.gov/reference/2-0-fundamentals-of-systems-engineering/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">systems engineering</a>. It is an interdisciplinary and iterative approach to designing, developing, implementing and managing systems across the entirety of their lifecycle. This process involves a plethora of human actors making decisions at various critical points across the lifecycle of a capability. Unfortunately, &ldquo;systems engineering&rdquo; does not sound as alluring as human-like intelligence. This reality is buried under embellished marketing agendas which inaccurately frame AI as an independently evolving and maturing technology that scales rapidly.</p>
<p>The reality, however, is that AI is a sophisticated application of <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/cambridge-forum-on-ai-law-and-governance/article/technology-and-tactics-the-intersection-of-safety-ai-and-the-resort-to-force/57077A064E234AC12C248A8AA42E9753" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">technical methods</a> which date back to the 1940s (machine learning models and transformer models are built on artificial neural networks, a term which was first used in <a href="https://jontalle.web.engr.illinois.edu/uploads/410-NS.F22/McCulloch-Pitts-1943-neural-networks-ocr.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">1943</a> to describe cognitive activity through logic). What is now new about AI is how these methods are being applied and the capabilities emerging from these applications. These innovative capabilities are packaged and labelled as &ldquo;miracle&rdquo; technologies with human-like intelligence that provide solutions to a variety of problems (including those we did not know we had).</p>
<p>The embellished narratives underpinning the AI bubble have promoted over-investment in a technology <a href="https://mlq.ai/media/quarterly_decks/v0.1_State_of_AI_in_Business_2025_Report.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">yet to deliver on its inflated promises</a>. Despite its shortcomings, loud public signalling of AI adoption and leadership continues to emerge from States and civil society. The U.S. Department of Defense&rsquo;s <a href="https://media.defense.gov/2026/Jan/12/2003855671/-1/-1/0/ARTIFICIAL-INTELLIGENCE-STRATEGY-FOR-THE-DEPARTMENT-OF-WAR.PDF" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AI strategy</a> released in January is a recent example of this. The strategy sets out to make the U.S. military more &ldquo;lethal and efficient,&rdquo; and claims AI is the singular method for achieving this goal, justifying investment and rapid implementation. Such &ldquo;<a href="https://theconversation.com/the-united-states-new-military-strategy-is-a-case-of-ai-peacocking-273803" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AI peacocking,&rdquo;</a> coupled with the marketing behind AI, has fabricated a fear of falling behind, particularly in the context of military operations.</p>
<p>The public posturing of States widely adopting military AI capabilities has led to concerns of potentially losing strategic military advantages by not having the latest &ldquo;AI solution&rdquo;&mdash;a term which surfaced frequently during the Summit. However, the problems these AI solutions purport to address, and what these solutions actually entail, are yet to be fully understood. <a href="https://warontherocks.com/2025/08/building-trust-in-military-ai-starts-with-opening-the-black-box/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Experts and researchers</a> who are not directly benefiting from the AI boom are publicly questioning these claims based on technical realities and the lack of supporting evidence of these solutions. The claim of military AI solutions does not align with the facts of how technology actually works, how militaries operate and the imbalance between these realities.</p>
<h2><b>AI Solutions or AI Problems?</b></h2>
<p>AI capabilities across both civil and military applications do not always demonstrate <a href="https://searchlibrary.adelaide.edu.au/discovery/fulldisplay/alma9915867310801831/61USOUTHAUS_INST:ROR" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">technical integrity</a>&mdash;a system&rsquo;s fitness for service and safety and compliance with regulations, including technical regulations. This is a benchmark for the effectiveness of a system against a set of standards. The absence of that benchmark for many AI applications and the obfuscation of agreed-upon standards in the military context is particularly concerning because it eliminates <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/43313898" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">consistency and reliability</a>, two essential components of <a href="https://search.informit.org/doi/abs/10.3316/informit.T2025093000007991870624795" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">safety</a>.</p>
<p>Despite these technical shortcomings, AI is being implemented in high-stakes military operations. The Israel Defence Forces (IDF), for example, has <a href="https://lieber.westpoint.edu/israels-use-ai-dss-facial-recognition-technology-erosion-civilian-protection-gaza/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">used</a> AI decision support systems (AI-DSS) to identify, track, and engage targets at accelerated rates. These systems are framed as <a href="https://www.defenceconnect.com.au/joint-capabilities/16182-machine-war-how-ai-and-other-technologies-are-shaping-the-fighting-in-gaza" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">efficient</a> and <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2024/12/29/ai-israel-war-gaza-idf/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">accurate</a>; however, the evidence paints a different picture. The civilian casualty rate in Gaza has <a href="https://theconversation.com/gaza-civilian-death-toll-outpaces-other-modern-wars-263685" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">outpaced</a> all other modern wars. A June 2025 <a href="https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/documents/hrbodies/hrcouncil/sessions-regular/session59/advance-version/a-hrc-59-23-aev.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">report</a> by the U.N. Special Rapporteur for the Palestinian territories highlighted&nbsp; Israel&rsquo;s use of AI-enabled tools with limited human oversight which are, among other factors, a <a href="https://www.arabnews.jp/en/middle-east/article_159699/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">driving</a> force for these <a href="https://www.hrw.org/news/2024/09/10/gaza-israeli-militarys-digital-tools-risk-civilian-harm" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">statistics</a>. While AI is not the sole enabler of the atrocities in Gaza (the IDF&rsquo;s long-standing <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/dec/30/israeli-military-big-tech" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">approaches</a> to intelligence gathering and targeting decisions are also playing a<a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/location/middle-east-and-north-africa/middle-east/israel-and-the-occupied-palestinian-territory/report-israel-and-the-occupied-palestinian-territory/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> critical role</a>), AI did provide the IDF with a method to &ldquo;achieve the effective results of carpet bombing without losing the legitimacy of a data-driven assault with targets and objectives,&rdquo; <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/dec/30/israeli-military-big-tech" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">according</a> to Israeli investigative journalist Yuval Abraham.</p>
<p>During the Summit, the topic of &ldquo;AI solutions&rdquo; emerged in multiple forums, without defining what the solution entailed, nor the specific problem that the solution was addressing. In some cases, expediting military procurement was encouraged as a means of keeping pace with AI development and ensuring States do not fall behind in acquiring AI solutions. Military procurement processes are intertwined with systems engineering practices, an enabler of technical integrity. While there is room for adjustments to these processes, overly-condensing the procurement process&mdash;a recommendation made during the opening plenary panel&mdash;to serve a sense of urgency is both shortsighted and strategically futile because it ignores the purpose of military procurement processes. Among other purposes, these legacy processes were established to ensure technical integrity is verified and upheld, and this process takes time. Condensing the procurement process for critical technologies would stifle opportunities for necessary inquiries and interventions into these capabilities.</p>
<p>The <a href="https://www.exteriores.gob.es/en/REAIM2026/Paginas/default.aspx" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">REAIM outcome document</a> sets out pragmatic recommendations that encourage robust policies, doctrines and procurement processes, including testing, evaluation, verification and validation (<a href="https://hcss.nl/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/Zena-Assaad-and-Adam-Hepworth.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">TEVV</a>). While many of the procurement debates during the Summit lacked specificity, likely due to the interdisciplinary composition of the participants and the high level discussion topics, the outcome document itself provides much-needed clarity in its recommendations for operationalizing REAIM principles.</p>
<h2><b>Small Steps Toward Change</b></h2>
<p>Only 39 States endorsed this year&rsquo;s REAIM outcome document, in comparison to the more than 60 signatories in 2024. But the 2026 outcome document does show a positive progression away from theoretical and conceptual debates to more concrete and action-oriented recommendations.</p>
<p>China, Russia, Israel, and the United States were all notably absent from the endorsement list. China and the United States had both endorsed the outcome document from the <a href="https://www.government.nl/documents/publications/2023/02/16/reaim-2023-endorsing-countries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">first</a> Summit. However, unlike the United States, China did not endorse the blueprint for action from the <a href="https://anzsilperspective.com/reaim-summit-2024-slowly-but-surely-towards-better-governance-of-military-artificial-intelligence-from-the-hague-to-seoul/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">second</a> Summit in 2024. That Summit&rsquo;s <a href="https://www.mofa.go.kr/www/brd/m_4080/down.do?brd_id=235&amp;seq=375378&amp;data_tp=A&amp;file_seq=9" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">blueprint for action</a> broadly outlined the key impacts of military AI and the need for r<a href="https://www.iso.org/artificial-intelligence/responsible-ai-ethics" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">esponsible AI</a>. By comparison, the outcome document from this year&rsquo;s Summit is more prescriptive, detailing specific measures for achieving responsible AI in a military context. While there are no official statements from States in relation to the decision to endorse or not endorse the outcome document, the notable absences in endorsements from key States cannot be decoupled from the shift towards more granular, action-oriented measures.</p>
<p>Additionally, the backdrop of anti-regulation and fabricated urgency run counter to the action-oriented nature of the 2026 outcome document. There is an ongoing misalignment between international initiatives like REAIM, Silicon Valley&rsquo;s narratives around AI capabilities, and the realities of how AI is being used in current conflicts.</p>
<p>International initiatives have grasped on to the concept of responsible AI. Meanwhile, Silicon Valley continues to push narratives of AI solutions and a &ldquo;<a href="https://www.noemamag.com/silicon-valley-goes-to-war/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">move fast and break things</a>&rdquo; ethos, which contradict responsible AI principles, such as those outlined in the Responsible by Design <a href="https://hcss.nl/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/GC-REAIM-Strategic-Guidance-Report-Final-WEB.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">strategic guidance report</a> developed by the Global Commission for REAIM. And current conflicts, particularly the war in Gaza, present a stark reality of what happens when systems which lack technical integrity are implemented in high-stakes operations.</p>
<p>Silicon Valley&rsquo;s ethos is ill-fitting in the context of military procurement and operations, which are historically unforgiving to things breaking. The military domain is categorised as safety-critical, where failures or malfunctions result in catastrophic outcomes, including death or serious injury to people, the environment or property. In this context, when something &ldquo;breaks,&rdquo; the outcome is often detrimental and potentially existential. The debate on fast-tracking military procurement to secure AI solutions in rapid time is fueled by a fabricated fear of falling behind.</p>
<p>The greatest success of the current AI boom is that of the marketing agenda behind this technology. It has been so successful that it has allowed an ill-founded sense of urgency to infiltrate critical decision-making in militaries across the world.</p>
<p>But one success of the most recent REAIM summit is the pragmatic lens on military AI reflected in the outcome document, which echoes many of the recommendations outlined in the <a href="https://hcss.nl/report/gc-reaim-responsible-by-design-strategic-guidance-report/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Responsible by Design Strategic Guidance Report</a> developed by the Global Commission on Responsible AI in the Military Domain. This consistency alludes to the beginnings of collective momentum in the international community to move away from the embellished public narratives around AI. Harnessing and driving this momentum forward will be an ongoing challenge, particularly against the backdrop of anti-regulation movements and calls for accelerated procurement pathways, both of which were advocated for in the U.S Department of Defense&rsquo;s AI strategy and were prominent topics of conversation at the REAIM Summit.</p>
<p>Thus far, the REAIM Summits and their respective output documents have demonstrated incremental shifts towards greater consensus on pathways towards responsible military AI at more granular levels. While the hosts of the next REAIM Summit have not yet been announced, the time between now and the next Summit will be a crucial period for driving the established momentum forward through other international initiatives. A new U.N. First Committee resolution, <a href="https://docs.un.org/en/A/RES/79/239" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Artificial intelligence in the military domain and its implications for international peace and security</a>, will put responsible military AI on the upcoming General Assembly&rsquo;s agenda, set to take place in Geneva this June. This provides an opportunity to continue the progress from the REAIM Summit, working towards actionable and pragmatic measures for actualizing responsible military AI.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132504/ai-hype-2026-reaim-summit/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Artificial Urgency: Reflecting on AI Hype at the 2026 REAIM Summit</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-06T13:50:31+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Zena Assaad</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-06T13:50:31+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="ai &amp; emerging technology"/>

	<category term="armed conflicts"/>

	<category term="artificial intelligence (ai)"/>

	<category term="big tech"/>

	<category term="china"/>

	<category term="diplomacy"/>

	<category term="emerging technology"/>

	<category term="governance"/>

	<category term="international and foreign"/>

	<category term="lethal autonomous weapons systems (laws)"/>

	<category term="military"/>

	<category term="regulation"/>

	<category term="silicon valley"/>

	<category term="technology"/>

	<category term="united nations (un)"/>

	<category term="united states (us)"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-06:/281705</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133266/early-edition-march-6-2026/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=early-edition-march-6-2026" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Early Edition: March 6, 2026</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Signup to receive the Early Edition in your inbox&nbsp;here.

A curated weekday guide to major news and d...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Signup to receive the Early Edition in your inbox&nbsp;<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/newsletter-signup/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>.</p>
<div>
<p>A curated weekday guide to major news and developments over the last 24 hours. Here&rsquo;s today&rsquo;s news:</p>
<p><b><i>IRAN WAR&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>The Israeli military launched a new wave of strikes in densely populated areas of southern Beirut early this morning. </b>The strikes targeted 10 high-rise buildings allegedly used by Hezbollah, as well as several command centers, the military said. Iran&rsquo;s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps also launched a wave of drones and missiles at targets in Tel Aviv today. Overnight, Tehran was hit by heavy strikes. A medical clinic, a gas station, and two residential buildings were destroyed, according to Iranian state television. The Kuwaiti army said this morning that its air defenses were responding to missiles and drones that breached Kuwait&rsquo;s airspace. It did not say where the strikes came from. The <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/live/2026/03/06/world/iran-war-trump-israel-lebanon" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a> reports; <a href="https://edition.cnn.com/world/live-news/iran-war-us-israel-trump-03-06-26" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">CNN</a> reports.</p>
<p><b>Israeli airstrikes have killed 123 people and wounded 683 others in recent attacks in Lebanon</b>, the Lebanese health ministry said yesterday. UNHCR said yesterday that more than 84,000 people have moved to collective shelters, citing Lebanese authorities. Dayana Iwaza, Euan Ward, Hwaida Saad, and Ephrat Livni report for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/05/world/middleeast/israel-bombs-beirut.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>World Health Organization Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus yesterday said that an estimated 100,000 people have left Iran in recent days. </b>Ghebreyesus also said that WHO has verified 13 attacks on health infrastructure in Iran and that it was checking reports that four healthcare workers were killed. Emma Farge and Christy Santhosh report for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/who-says-has-it-has-verified-13-health-attacks-iran-2026-03-05/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>.</p>
<p><b>Russia is providing Iran with targeting intelligence to attack U.S. forces in the Middle East, </b>according to three sources. &ldquo;It does seem like it&rsquo;s a pretty comprehensive effort,&rdquo; one of the sources said. The Russian Embassy in Washington did not respond to a request for comment. Moscow has called for an end to the war, which it labeled an &ldquo;unprovoked act of armed aggression.&rdquo; Two sources said that China does not appear to be aiding Iran&rsquo;s defense. Noah Robertson, Ellen Nakashima, and Warren P. Strobel report for the <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/2026/03/06/russia-iran-intelligence-us-targets/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Washington Post</a>.</p>
<p><b>China is in talks with Iran to allow crude oil and Qatari liquefied natural gas vessels safe passage through the Strait of Hormuz, </b>three sources said. Crude tanker transits through the strait fell to four vessels on March 1, versus an average of 24 per day since January, Vortexa vessel-tracking data showed. Around 300 oil tankers remain inside the Strait. Jonathan Saul and Marwa Rashad report for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/business/energy/china-talks-with-iran-allow-safe-oil-gas-passage-through-hormuz-sources-say-2026-03-05/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>.</p>
<p><b>The Kremlin said today that the war in Iran has fuelled demand for Russian energy products. </b>The U.S. Treasury Department yesterday issued a 30-day waiver allowing India to buy Russian oil currently stuck at sea, following months of U.S. pressure on New Delhi not to buy Russian oil. Anna Chernova and Christian Edwards report for <a href="https://www.cnn.com/world/live-news/iran-war-us-israel-trump-03-06-26?post-id=cmmepb0b900003b6s71ejy9ki" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">CNN</a>.</p>
<p><b>U.S. military investigators believe it is likely that U.S. forces were responsible for a strike on an Iranian girls&rsquo; school on Saturday, which killed at least 175 people,</b> but have not yet reached a final conclusion or finished their investigation, two U.S. officials told <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/us-investigation-points-likely-us-responsibility-iran-school-strike-sources-say-2026-03-06/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a> yesterday. Reuters was unable to determine more details about the investigation. Phil Stewart and Idrees Ali report.</p>
<p><b>The Israeli army is entering a second phase of the war that will see its fighter jets attacking ballistic missile sites buried deep underground,</b> two sources said. One source said that Israel aimed to neutralise Iran&rsquo;s ability to launch aerial attacks at Israel by the end of the war. Alexander Cornwell and Rami Ayyub report for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/business/aerospace-defense/israel-attack-irans-underground-missile-sites-second-phase-war-sources-say-2026-03-05/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>.</p>
<p><b>The United Arab Emirates is weighing freezing billions of dollars of Iranian assets held in the Gulf state, </b>according to several sources. Emirati officials have privately warned Iran of the possible action, the sources added. Officials said that prime targets would be accounts affiliated with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. Emirati officials are also considering direct maritime action, such as seizing Iranian ships, two sources said. Summer Said, Georgi Kantchev, and Joe Wallace report for the <a href="https://www.wsj.com/world/middle-east/u-a-e-explores-freezing-iranian-assets-to-punish-tehran-for-attacks-904503de?mod=WSJ_home_mediumtopper_pos_1" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Wall Street Journal</a>.</p>
<p><b>Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said yesterday that Israel took the decision to kill Khamenei in November and was planning to carry out the operation around six months later.</b> Katz said the plan was shared with Washington and brought forward in January after the protests in Iran broke out. <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/israel-decided-kill-khamenei-november-defence-minister-says-2026-03-05/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a> reports.</p>
<p><b><i>IRAN WAR &ndash; POLITICAL RESPONSE&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>The U.S.-Israeli attacks on Iran, which began on Saturday, were clearly in breach of international law,</b> Italian Defense Minister Guido Crosetto said yesterday. Crosetto said Italy was being forced to respond to a conflict that the United States and Israel had initiated without warning their allies and partners. &ldquo;Today, the chaos we see around us in the Middle East is a direct consequence of the erosion of international law,&rdquo; EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Kaja Kallas said separately yesterday. <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/us-israeli-strikes-iran-breach-international-law-says-italian-minister-2026-03-05/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a> reports; <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east-chaos-stems-erosion-international-law-eus-kallas-says-2026-03-05/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a> reports.</p>
<p><b>When asked how much influence he expects to have over Iran&rsquo;s future leadership, Trump told </b><a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/05/trump-unleashed-president-bullish-on-iran-eyeing-regime-change-in-cuba-and-impatient-with-ukraine-00814292" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>POLITICO</b></a><b>, &ldquo;I&rsquo;m going to have a big impact, or they&rsquo;re not going to have any settlement, because we&rsquo;re not going to have to go do this again.&rdquo; </b>Trump told <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/05/iran-leader-trump-khamenei" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Axios</a> that he needs to be personally involved in selecting Iran&rsquo;s next leader, &ldquo;like with Delcy in Venezuela.&rdquo; Trump reiterated this position in a call with <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/trump-tells-reuters-us-will-have-role-choosing-irans-next-leader-2026-03-05/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a> and said the next leader is unlikely to be the son of Iran&rsquo;s former Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Trump also said it would be &ldquo;wonderful&rdquo; if Iranian Kurdish forces based in Iraq were to cross the border to launch attacks in Iran. Dasha Burns reports; Barak Ravid and Zachary Basu report; Steve Holland reports.</p>
<p><b>Trump told </b><a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/05/trump-netanyahu-pardon-israel-iran-war" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>Axios</b></a><b> yesterday that Israeli President Isaac Herzog must pardon Netanyahu &ldquo;today.&rdquo;</b> &ldquo;Every day I talk to Bibi about the war. I want him to focus on the war and not on the fucking court case. I want the only pressure on Bibi to be the fighting against Iran,&rdquo; Trump said, adding that Herzog allegedly promised him five times over the past year that he would grant the pardon. A senior Israeli official pushed back on Trump&rsquo;s account, saying Herzog never promised a pardon. Barak Ravid reports.</p>
<p><b>The House of Representatives yesterday voted 219-212 to block consideration of a resolution that would end offensive military operations in Iran that had not been approved by Congress. </b>The vote fell almost entirely along party lines. Four Democrats voted to oppose the motion, while two Republicans voted in support. &ldquo;The Constitution is clear: Our Constitution provides Congress initiatory powers of war.&rdquo; Rep Thomas Massie (R-KY) said. Robert Jimison reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/05/us/politics/trump-war-powers-iran-house-vote.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>White House Chief of Staff Susie Wiles has urged advisers to urgently propose ways to lower gasoline prices after the U.S.-Israeli joint operation in Iran pushed oil and fuel costs higher.</b> A source said that Energy Secretary Chris Wright and Interior Secretary Doug Burgum &ldquo;are getting screamed at to find some good news.&rdquo; The source added, &ldquo;folks are scrambling for announcements and messaging to counter the narrative&rdquo; of rising prices. Ben Lefebvre reports for <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/05/iran-energy-prices-trump-wiles-00813710" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">POLITICO</a>.</p>
<p><b>RUSSIA-UKRAINE WAR&nbsp;</b></p>
<p><b>Ukraine and Russia exchanged 200 prisoners of war each yesterday, according to officials on both sides.</b> They are expected to exchange a further 300 people each today. <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/ukraine-brings-back-200-pows-latest-swap-with-russia-zelenskiy-says-2026-03-05/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a> reports.</p>
<p><b><i>OTHER GLOBAL DEVELOPMENTS&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>The week-long conflict between Pakistan and Afghanistan has displaced an estimated 115,000 people in Afghanistan and 3,000 people in Pakistan, </b>according to UNHCR. Troops from both nations exchanged fire at dozens of points along their border today. The U.N. &#8203;mission in Afghanistan has said 56 civilians have been killed in the country and 128 wounded since fighting began. The Taliban government has said 110 civilians have been killed. Pakistan has rejected both sets of figures, saying it targets only militants and support infrastructure. Mohammad Yunus Yawar reports for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/pakistani-afghan-border-forces-clash-un-says-war-displaces-100000-2026-03-06/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>TECH DEVELOPMENTS&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>The Commerce Department has written draft regulations that would require foreign buyers to obtain licenses from the U.S. government to buy AI chips. </b>The proposed rule would require companies to seek permission for virtually all exports of AI accelerators from companies like Nvidia and AMD. A White House official said that the draft &ldquo;does not reflect what President Trump has said on export controls nor does it reflect the direction of the Trump administration on encouraging export of the American AI stack.&rdquo; Mackenzie Hawkins reports for <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2026-03-05/us-drafts-rules-for-sweeping-power-over-nvidia-s-global-sales" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Bloomberg</a>; Maria Curi reports for <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/05/trump-ai-chip-clash-white-house" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Axios</a>.</p>
<p><b>U.N. Undersecretary-General Rosemary DiCarlo told the U.N. Security Council yesterday that demand for critical minerals such as lithium, cobalt, and nickel, could triple by 2030 and quadruple by 2040. </b>In 2023, trade in raw and semi-processed materials reached about $2.5 trillion, which represents more than 10% of global trade. Edith M. Lederer reports for <a href="https://apnews.com/article/un-energy-critical-minerals-technology-c86cc38b886f6d74f508fcc703f8fa01" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AP News</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>U.S. CARIBBEAN AND PACIFIC OPERATIONS</i></b></p>
<p><b>The United States and Venezuela announced yesterday that they &ldquo;have agreed to re-establish diplomatic and consular relations.&rdquo; </b>Rebecca Falconer reports for <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/06/us-venezuela-diplomatic-consular-relations" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Axios</a>.</p>
<p><b>&ldquo;We have learned after decades of effort that there is not a criminal justice solution to the cartel problem,&rdquo; </b>White House Homeland Security Adviser Stephen Miller told Latin American defense leaders gathered at U.S. Southern Command headquarters yesterday. &ldquo;The reason why this is a conference with military leadership and not a conference of lawyers is because these organizations can only be defeated with military power.&rdquo; Phil Stewart, Ryan Patrick Jones, and Doina Chiacu report for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/cartels-can-only-be-defeated-with-military-power-white-houses-miller-says-2026-03-05/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>U.S. IMMIGRATION DEVELOPMENTS&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>Recordings from more than a hundred 911 calls obtained by </b><a href="https://apnews.com/article/suicide-ice-detention-centers-b2d1cb0e4b579e0d89caabd00aa04e34?__vfz=medium%3Dstandalone_top_pages" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>AP News</b></a><b> reveal frequent emergencies at Camp East Montana, a massive immigration detention center in Texas, including suicide attempts, assaults, seizures, and untreated medical issues among detainees. </b>The detainees describe unsanitary quarters where diseases spread easily. Rep. Veronica Escobar (D-TX) said the center is closed to visitors until at least March 19 because of a measles outbreak. Morgan Lee, Ryan J. Foley, and Michael Biesecker report.</p>
<p><b><i>U.S. DOMESTIC DEVELOPMENTS</i></b></p>
<p><b>Lindsey Halligan, former interim U.S. Attorney for the Eastern District of Virginia, is facing an investigation by the Florida Bar for her role in pursuing criminal charges against former FBI Director James B. Comey and New York Attorney General Letitia James,</b> according to documents reviewed by the <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2026/03/05/halligan-bar-complaint-florida/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Washington Post</a>. On Wednesday, the Justice Department proposed a change to federal regulations that it said would allow federal officials to intervene in state bar disciplinary proceedings targeting DOJ attorneys. Jeremy Roebuck and Katie Mettler report.</p>
<p><b>The DOJ yesterday released three 2019 FBI </b><a href="https://www.justice.gov/age-verify?destination=/epstein/files/DataSet%2012/EFTA02858495.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>interviews</b></a><b> with a woman who alleged Trump sexually assaulted her when she was a young teenager after she was introduced to him by Jeffrey Epstein. </b>In a statement posted online on Thursday, the DOJ acknowledged that besides those FBI memos, it had also identified about a dozen other documents that were &ldquo;incorrectly coded as duplicative&rdquo; in the Epstein files. Devlin Barrett reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/05/us/politics/trump-epstein-interviews-woman-justice-department.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>; Erica Orden reports for <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/05/donald-trump-epstein-files-allegations-00816123?user_id=67435136263007e19d0c1d03&amp;utm_medium=email&amp;utm_placement=newsletter&amp;utm_source=join1440" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">POLITICO</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>TRUMP ADMINISTRATION ACTIONS</i></b></p>
<p><b>Trump yesterday fired Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem and announced plans to replace her with Sen. Markwayne Mullin (R-OK).</b> Trump made the announcement on social media, along with a new role for Noem inside the administration: special envoy for the Shield of the Americas, which he said would be a new security initiative for the Western Hemisphere. Sen. Richard Blumenthal (D-CT) said yesterday that he would push for a perjury investigation into Noem just hours after she was fired. Under oath during a Senate hearing on Tuesday, Noem said that Corey Lewandowski, one of her top advisers, did not approve contracts for DHS. Blumenthal said the Democrats have evidence that Noem was lying. Michael Bender, Michael Gold, Hamed Aleaziz, and Maggie Haberman report for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/05/us/politics/kristi-noem-markwayne-mullin-trump.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>; Carl Hulse and Michael Gold report for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/05/us/politics/noem-perjury-investigation-blumenthal.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>The Defense Department has formally labeled Anthropic as a supply-chain risk, </b>the Pentagon said in a statement yesterday. &ldquo;From the very beginning, this has been about one fundamental principle: the military being able to use technology for all lawful purposes,&rdquo; the Pentagon said in the statement. &ldquo;The military will not allow a vendor to insert itself into the chain of command by restricting the lawful use of a critical capability and put our warfighters at risk.&rdquo; This decision comes amid the U.S. military&rsquo;s use of Anthropic&rsquo;s Claude to rapidly analyze intelligence, identify and prioritize targets, and support large-scale airstrikes in Iran, two sources said. Brendan Bordelon reports for <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/05/pentagon-tells-anthropic-it-has-designated-the-company-a-supply-chain-risk-00814758" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">POLITICO</a>; Tara Copp, Elizabeth Dwoskin, and Ian Duncan report for the <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2026/03/04/anthropic-ai-iran-campaign/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Washington Post</a>.</p>
<p><b>The National Capital Planning Commission yesterday delayed a vote on Trump&rsquo;s White House ballroom project until next month,</b> citing &ldquo;significant public input,&rdquo; including tens of thousands of comments. Jonathan Edwards and Dan Diamond report for the <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2026/03/05/trump-ballroom-federal-review-panel/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Washington Post</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>TRUMP ADMINISTRATION LITIGATION&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>A coalition of 24 Democratic-led state attorneys general and governors yesterday filed a </b><a href="https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.cit.19559/gov.uscourts.cit.19559.2.0_1.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>lawsuit</b></a><b> asking the U.S. Court of International Trade to block the implementation of Trump&rsquo;s new global 10 percent tariff.</b> Doug Palmer reports for <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/05/states-sue-trump-tariffs-00814371" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">POLITICO</a>.</p>
<p><b>The Public Integrity Project yesterday filed a </b><a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/69375471a1fcf3781452cbc0/t/69a98d8c3eb55c38d1546bb5/1772719501042/TikTok+Petition.3.5.26-compressed.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>lawsuit</b></a><b> against Trump and Attorney General Pam Bondi,</b> accusing them of ignoring legislation designed to stop the spread of Chinese propaganda when they approved the sale of TikTok&rsquo;s U.S. assets to investors. Carrie Johnson reports for <a href="https://www.npr.org/2026/03/05/g-s1-112605/tiktok-deal-lawsuit-trump-bondi" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">NPR</a>.</p>
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<p><strong>ICYMI: Yesterday on<em>&nbsp;Just Security</em></strong></p>
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<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133266/early-edition-march-6-2026/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Early Edition: March 6, 2026</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-06T13:10:56+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Elisabeth Jennings</name></author>
	<source>
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		<updated>2026-03-06T13:10:56+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="daily news roundup"/>

	<category term="other"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-06:/281706</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133247/anthropic-hegseth-unlawful-punishment/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=anthropic-hegseth-unlawful-punishment" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">The War on Anthropic: Pretextual Designation and Unlawful Punishment</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>On Feb. 27, U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth announced&mdash;via tweet&mdash;that he had directed his Depa...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>On Feb. 27, U.S. Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth announced&mdash;via <a href="https://x.com/SecWar/status/2027507717469049070?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">tweet</a>&mdash;that he had directed his Department to &ldquo;designate Anthropic a Supply-Chain Risk to National Security.&rdquo; Accordingly, Hegseth claimed, &ldquo;no contractor, supplier, or partner that does business with the United States military may conduct any commercial activity with Anthropic.&rdquo; As one former Trump advisor put it, the designation amounted to &ldquo;<a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/02/27/ai-industry-fears-partial-nationalization-as-anthropic-fight-escalates-00805453" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">attempted corporate murder</a>.&rdquo; Soon thereafter, U.S. President Donald Trump chimed in via <a href="https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/posts/116144552969293195" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Truth Social</a>, directing &ldquo;EVERY Federal Agency in the United States Government to IMMEDIATELY CEASE all use of Anthropic&rsquo;s technology.&rdquo; &ldquo;The Leftwing nut jobs at Anthropic,&rdquo; the President threatened, &ldquo;better get their act together, and be helpful&rdquo; in phasing out their technology from government use or he would &ldquo;use the Full Power of the Presidency to make them comply, with major civil and criminal consequences to follow.&rdquo; Trump invoked no authority for his actions, although the <a href="https://x.com/SecScottBessent/status/2028499953283117283" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Treasury Department</a>, for one, soon followed his lead. The Department of Defense officially <a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2026/03/05/anthropic-pentagon-ai-claude-iran.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">informed</a> Anthropic of the designation on Mar. 5, and even before that official communication some defense contractors were already <a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2026/03/04/pentagon-blacklist-anthropic-defense-tech-claude.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">reportedly</a> removing Anthropic&rsquo;s frontier AI model Claude from their systems in response to the Administration&rsquo;s perceived &ldquo;blacklisting&rdquo; of Anthropic. While there are <a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2026-03-05/anthropic-s-amodei-reopens-ai-discussions-with-pentagon-ft-says" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">reports</a> that talks may be ongoing between the Department of Defense and Anthropic to attempt to resolve this dispute, the underlying issues raised by the Administration&rsquo;s attack on Anthropic will persist.</p>
<p>The use of rarely-invoked national security authorities to target Anthropic is not a one-off action by this Administration. It should instead be viewed as the latest chapter in a concerted campaign of pretextual retaliations&mdash;parading in the guise of emergency national security regulation&mdash;that have characterized the second Trump Administration. Anthropic is but the latest in a long and growing list of targets of Donald Trump&rsquo;s punitive presidency. President Trump has previously attempted to wield the power of the presidency to punish, among others, his <a href="https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/analysis-opinion/comey-indictment-shows-danger-subservient-prosecutors" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">political opponents</a>, <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/06/27/us/politics/trump-susan-godfrey-law-firm-order.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">law firms</a> that hired or represented them, <a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/06/enhancing-national-security-by-addressing-risks-at-harvard-university/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">universities</a> whose administrative decisions he disagreed with, <a href="https://www.ap.org/the-definitive-source/announcements/ap-statement-on-oval-office-access/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">journalistic outlets</a> that refused to use his preferred terminology, and <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/02/netflixs-wake-up-in-trumps-washington-00807853" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">companies that refused to fire</a> Trump&rsquo;s political enemies.</p>
<p>The background of the Trump Administration-Anthropic dispute has been treated in greater depth <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/01/technology/anthropic-defense-dept-openai-talks.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">elsewhere</a>. But the underlying disagreement is straightforward. The Department of Defense <a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2026/03/03/anthropic-pentagon-department-of-defense-ai-fcc-chair.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">demanded</a> that Anthropic, as a Department contractor, not prevent its technology from being used both for domestic mass surveillance of Americans and for fully autonomous lethal weapons. After Anthropic refused to abandon those core principles against such uses, Hegseth not only announced that the Department&rsquo;s contract with Anthropic would be cancelled, but labeled Anthropic a &ldquo;supply chain risk&rdquo;&mdash;exiled, by fiat, from doing business with the federal government as well as (according to Hegseth) any other government contractor. What Anthropic believed to be core principled limitations on how its technology should be used, Hegseth characterized as Anthropic&rsquo;s &ldquo;cowardly act of corporate virtue-signaling that places Silicon Valley ideology above American lives.&rdquo;</p>
<h2><strong>No Statutory Basis for the Designation</strong></h2>
<p>For the reasons that others <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132851/anthropic-supply-chain-risk-designation/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">have documented</a>, Secretary Hegseth&rsquo;s designation of Anthropic as a supply chain risk clearly exceeded his authority under the supply chain risk statute (<a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/10/3252" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">10 U.S.C. &sect;&nbsp;3252</a>) and Federal Acquisition Supply Chain Security Act (FASCSA, codified at <a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/41/1321" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">41 U.S.C. &sect;&sect; 1321-1328</a> and <a href="https://uscode.house.gov/view.xhtml?req=granuleid:USC-prelim-title41-section4713&amp;num=0&amp;edition=prelim" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">4713</a>). In the first place, Anthropic does not meet the statutory definition of a &ldquo;supply chain risk,&rdquo; which is typically a designation for foreign companies that the U.S. government assesses to pose a national security risk. Under &sect; 3252(3)(4), a supply chain risk is defined as &ldquo;the risk that an adversary may sabotage, maliciously introduce unwanted function, or otherwise subvert the design, integrity, manufacturing, production, distribution, installation, operation, or maintenance of a [system] so as to surveil, deny, disrupt, or otherwise degrade the function, use, or operation of such system.&rdquo; It is very hard to see how Anthropic&rsquo;s refusal to contract its technology for mass surveillance or lethal autonomous weapons meets this statutory criterion. <a href="https://www.lawfaremedia.org/article/pentagon's-anthropic-designation-won't-survive-first-contact-with-legal-system" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Only one company</a> has ever been publicly designated as a supply chain risk (a Swiss company with alleged Russian ties that was barred, specifically, from intelligence community contracts); no domestic company has ever been targeted.</p>
<p>Moreover, the scope of the Anthropic designation is similarly both unprecedented and unlawful. No previous supply chain risk designation has ever sought to prevent <em>all </em>federal contractors from dealing with a targeted company on <em>all </em>matters: this is a government-compelled secondary boycott designed to stigmatize Anthropic as a corporate pariah. But such a secondary level action is unlawful: on its face, &sect;&nbsp;3252 applies only to federal contracts and subcontracts, and only when an agency head has determined that &ldquo;less intrusive measures are not reasonably available to reduce []&nbsp;supply chain risk.&rdquo; The designation here is intentionally overbroad.</p>
<p>Moreover, none of the procedural requirements of &sect; 3252 have been met here. The Pentagon&rsquo;s pretextual effort to disguise its punishment of Anthropic as national security enforcement is only highlighted by the fig leaf of administrative process with which it was issued. The statutory authorities to designate supply chain risks require a neutral assessment, interagency review, notice to the company, and notification to Congress. But here the required process never took place, and instead was replaced with a pontifical social media broadside targeting Anthropic&rsquo;s corporate values and perceived ideology. Driven by Trump&rsquo;s Truth Social condemnation of&nbsp; Anthropic as a &ldquo;RADICAL LEFT WOKE COMPANY,&rdquo; Hegseth justified the supply chain risk designation by claiming that &ldquo;the Commander-in-Chief and the American people alone will determine the destiny of our armed forces, not unelected tech executives;&rdquo; he labeled Anthropic&rsquo;s refusals to tolerate mass surveillance or lethal autonomous killing as the &ldquo;sanctimonious rhetoric of &lsquo;effective altruism,&rsquo;&rdquo; or &ldquo;cowardly act[s] of corporate virtue-signaling[.]&rdquo; But if, as Hegseth claims, Anthropic&rsquo;s AI program Claude presents such a security risk, why was it used the very next day (as the Wall Street Journal <a href="https://www.wsj.com/livecoverage/iran-strikes-2026/card/u-s-strikes-in-middle-east-use-anthropic-hours-after-trump-ban-ozNO0iClZpfpL7K7ElJ2?gaa_at=eafs&amp;gaa_n=AWEtsqepLAT2RVOCwHoz_OcEKA7EdeOje2lCf32ab5BeohEKiGRDVnZ01aluB26yqGk%3D&amp;gaa_ts=69a89b0c&amp;gaa_sig=rohxh9rlEuUHXhBDE8J3X6xYvo7B76OIDugIZHEHRC12nb5FaSGjAyDBnE2thUuewpiO4d-GZUkagvni-v3lOQ%3D%3D" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">reported</a>) in the Administration&rsquo;s recent attack on Iran?</p>
<h2><strong>Anthropic&rsquo;s Designation as Unconstitutional Punishment</strong></h2>
<p>Further, even if the statute could be read to authorize the Pentagon&rsquo;s ad hoc punishment of Anthropic, it would be unconstitutional as applied. Like other punitive actions imposed by the Trump Administration, the statutory designation would both violate the First Amendment and work an unconstitutional exercise of a claimed power that our Constitution denies the President: the power to arbitrarily punish political enemies, which violates both constitutional rights and structure.</p>
<p>This rights violation is manifest, and has been spelled out in all the recent law firm <a href="https://news.bloomberglaw.com/business-and-practice/trumps-battle-with-big-law-firms-heads-into-2026-what-to-know" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">decisions</a>. The First Amendment bars the government from punishing Anthropic on the basis of speech and political values&mdash;as the Administration has blatantly done here, including by labeling Anthropic&rsquo;s stated principles as so-called &ldquo;Silicon Valley ideology.&rdquo; Individuals and their companies have a right to believe and say what they believe, not just to parrot government orthodoxy. As the Supreme Court famously <a href="https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/319/624/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">put it</a>, &ldquo;[i]f there is any fixed star in our constitutional constellation, it is that no official, high or petty, can prescribe what shall be orthodox in politics, nationalism, religion, or other matters of opinion&nbsp;.&nbsp;.&nbsp;.&nbsp;.&rdquo; As a private company in a free-market system engaged in contract negotiations with the federal government, Anthropic can seek to specify by contract how it will allow the Pentagon to deploy its AI products. The government may, of course, choose to reject those conditions and not contract on that basis. But the government cannot thereafter pretextually invoke national-security authorities to punish Anthropic for the views that inform its unwillingness to have its technology utilized in certain ways. Moreover, the government <a href="https://www.cair.com/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/DeSantis-Order-Granting-PI.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">cannot</a> seek to suppress Anthropic&rsquo;s speech by coercing others not to contract with it because of its speech. &nbsp;In sum, Anthropic&mdash;like the many targeted law firms and universities that have all won their&nbsp; First Amendment lawsuits against the Trump Administration in federal court&mdash;has a cut-and-dry case that Hegseth&rsquo;s stigmatizing and punitive supply chain risk designation amounts to unconstitutional retaliation for protected speech in violation of the First Amendment.</p>
<p>But beyond Anthropic&rsquo;s First Amendment claim, the President&rsquo;s attempt to target Anthropic also fails for another reason, embedded in the language and structure of the Constitution itself: the Constitution denies the president the unilateral power to punish his political enemies without fair trial. By targeting Anthropic&mdash;and others&mdash;Trump has asserted a power that, for centuries, has been denied to executives ranging from British kings to early colonial governors who sought to impose arbitrary punishment without the due process afforded by judicial trial. By targeting Anthropic for retaliation, the President claims the power to declare someone guilty and impose punishment, described at English common law and in the U.S. Constitution as the power to &ldquo;attaint.&rdquo; But even those kings and colonial governors recognized that they could not &ldquo;attaint&rdquo; someone without the passage of a &ldquo;bill of attainder&rdquo; by Parliament or the colonial legislature.</p>
<p>Prior <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/110109/president-cannot-issue-attainder-bills/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">posts</a> have explained the backdrop of English monarchical practice and the use of bills of attainder during the American Revolution (including to confiscate Loyalist property). The Framers of the U.S. Constitution chose to outlaw bills of attainder entirely. By explicit constitutional language in two separate clauses, they denied the power to both the <a href="https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/article-1/section-9/clause-3/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">federal government</a> and the <a href="https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/essay/artI-S10-C1-4/ALDE_00001100/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">states</a>.&nbsp; But here, the President has sought to wield that forbidden power of attainder against Anthropic, as he has against other perceived enemies. Indeed, he has audaciously claimed power that is not only denied to him by the Constitution, but exceeds that exercised by English kings and their colonial governors, all of whom recognized that attainder required not just executive action, but legislative concurrence. If the President and Congress, acting together, cannot violate the Bill of Attainder Clause, then the President cannot constitutionally exercise the same power alone, as either inherent executive authority or as an authority allegedly delegated by Congress. Thus, no statute, regardless of whether it applies to the facts at hand&mdash;and not even ones centered on national security, such as the supply chain risk statutes invoked by Hegseth&mdash;can grant the Executive a power that Congress itself may not exercise.</p>
<p><a href="https://law.justia.com/cases/federal/appellate-courts/F3/351/1198/525998/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Courts</a> interpreting the Bill of Attainder Clause throughout American history have explained that a governmental action constitutes an unlawful attainder if it (1) applies with specificity and (2) imposes punishment without process. Secretary Hegseth&rsquo;s designation of Anthropic as a supply chain risk, and his attempt to bar other private sector actors from engaging with Anthropic&mdash;without evidence or reason&mdash;easily meets both prongs. The designation not only singles out Anthropic, but punishes it: by extinguishing its right to compete for federal government contracts and by attempting to prevent it from doing business with any and all private customers who have contracts with the federal government.</p>
<h2><strong>Conclusion</strong></h2>
<p>In sum, the Pentagon&rsquo;s decision to label Anthropic a supply chain risk illegally distorts &sect;&nbsp;3252 to mete out constitutionally forbidden punishment. If allowed to proceed, it would render the statute unconstitutional as applied. The executive&rsquo;s obligation to protect U.S. national security does not include the right to impose arbitrary punishment upon those who reject his orthodoxy without judicial process. Statutory limits, First Amendment freedoms, and the Constitution&rsquo;s absolute bar against attainder independently and jointly invalidate the Trump Administration&rsquo;s latest salvo in its unprecedented, lawless campaign to use federal authority to punish perceived political enemies.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133247/anthropic-hegseth-unlawful-punishment/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The War on Anthropic: Pretextual Designation and Unlawful Punishment</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-06T13:00:06+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Harold Hongju Koh</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-06T13:00:06+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="1st amendment"/>

	<category term="administrative law"/>

	<category term="ai &amp; emerging technology"/>

	<category term="anthropic"/>

	<category term="artificial intelligence (ai)"/>

	<category term="bill of attainder"/>

	<category term="constitution"/>

	<category term="corporations"/>

	<category term="courts &amp; litigation"/>

	<category term="department of defense (dod)"/>

	<category term="emerging technology"/>

	<category term="featured articles"/>

	<category term="military"/>

	<category term="national security"/>

	<category term="pete hegseth"/>

	<category term="silicon valley"/>

	<category term="technology"/>

	<category term="trump administration second term"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-06:/281707</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133292/international-law-crossroads/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=international-law-crossroads" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">The International Community at a Crossroads Over Iran: The reawakening of “illegal but legitimate” or the “law of self-preservation”?</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>A momentous gap has emerged between the broad consensus among international lawyers regarding the il...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p><span>A momentous gap has emerged between the broad consensus among international lawyers regarding the illegality of Operation Epic Fury (or Roaring Lion) launched by the United States and Israel against Iran on Feb. 28, 2026, and the mild or even supportive reactions afforded to the operation by many States.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>While part of the gap can be explained by notions of political affinity to the United States and hostility toward Iran, and by reference to Iran&rsquo;s own unlawful reaction to the attack (under </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133231/united-kingdom-iran-war-international-law/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>both</span></a> <i><span>jus ad bellum </span></i><span>and </span><i><span>jus in bello</span></i><span>), we believe this gap may also be indicative of a more fundamental crisis afflicting the international rule of law (or the rules-based international order (RBIO)): a growing perception among policymakers that international law no longer offers a workable framework of norms and institutions for addressing the most serious problems of international peace and security.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>In this contribution we discuss two normative frameworks of analysis that may emerge as alternatives to the existing rule of international law &ndash; the &ldquo;illegal but legitimate&rdquo; framework that accepts that, in some circumstances, legal violations may be nonetheless ethically justified, and the &ldquo;right to self-preservation&rdquo; that suggests that international law (or standard international legal rules) cannot prevent States from protecting themselves against existential threats. Before discussing these two normative frameworks we will briefly address the international law analysis of Operation Epic Fury/Roaring Lion, State reactions thereto and their implications for the future trajectory of international law.&nbsp;</span></p>
<h2><strong>International law analysis of Operation Epic Fury</strong></h2>
<p><span>In the days since the beginning of Operation Epic Fury (referred to in Israel as Operation Roaring Lion), a broad consensus appears to be building among international lawyers that the operation exceeds the scope of permissible self-defense under Article 51 of the UN Charter, since neither Israel nor the US were victims of an actual or imminent armed attack (see e.g., </span><a href="https://www.ejiltalk.org/the-american-israeli-strikes-on-iran-are-again-manifestly-illegal/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span>, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132894/us-israel-iran-war-legal-options/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span> and </span><a href="https://x.com/asilorg/status/2028517938152558773?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span>). Even Michael Schmitt, who </span><a href="https://lieber.westpoint.edu/israels-operation-rising-lion-right-of-self-defense/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>was open to consider</span></a><span> that the June 2025 Israeli military operation against Iran (Operation Rising Lion) could qualify as a form of lawful anticipatory self-defense, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132180/us-iran-war-strike/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>opined</span></a><span> with two colleagues before the start of the current operation that no similar justification now exists.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>At the time, we were of the </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/114641/israel-iran-un-charter-jus-ad-bellum/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>view</span></a><span> that Operation Rising Lion did not meet the imminence requirements; however, we did consider the operation to form part of an ongoing seven-front war (or, to put it in more technical terms, an operation forming part of Israel&rsquo;s right to self-defense against an ongoing armed attack), by virtue of Iran&rsquo;s substantial involvement in acts of aggression undertaken by its armed proxies in the region against Israel on and after Oct. 7, 2023. Based on Israel&rsquo;s official </span><a href="https://www.idf.il/en/mini-sites/operation-roaring-lion/articles-operation-roaring-lion/operation-roaring-lion-the-legality-of-targeting-the-supreme-leader-of-iran/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>legal position</span></a><span> with respect to the targeting of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, it seems that Israel&rsquo;s view is that the legal situation remains essentially the </span><a href="https://www.gov.il/en/pages/operation-rising-lion-key-factual-and-legal-aspects-of-the-iran-israel-hostilities-june-2025-11-aug-2025" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>same</span></a><span> as it was on June 13, 2025: &ldquo;&#8288;The strike was conducted within the context of an ongoing armed conflict between Iran and Israel.&rdquo; A more detailed articulation of this view might run as follows: while direct active hostilities between Israel and Iran in June ended on June 24, Iran made subsequent </span><a href="https://www.thehindu.com/news/international/iran-warns-war-with-israel-could-resume-at-any-time/article69948447.ece" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>statements</span></a><span> and continued to take military measures that revealed an intent to resume the fighting at will, including &ndash; as&nbsp; Prime Minister Netanyahu </span><a href="https://x.com/FoxNews/status/2028629542676345215?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>claimed</span></a><span> &ndash; robust measures to renew its nuclear and ballistic programs in new and non-targetable sites. Iran also continued to </span><a href="https://www.terrorism-info.org.il/en/iran-assists-hezbollahsvvpost-ceasefire-reconstruction/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>provide support</span></a><span> to its proxies and to engage in</span><a href="https://www.timesofisrael.com/defense-officials-say-hundreds-of-iranian-cyberattacks-foiled-in-past-months/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span> cyber-attacks</span></a><span> against Israel. Hence, Israel appears to maintain that the original Iranian attack it confronted in June was still ongoing and that new measures taken by Iran presented Israel with a &ldquo;last window of opportunity&rdquo; to strike. If any legal claim were to suffice, these claims, involving elements of an ongoing attack, necessity and anticipatory self-defence, would appear to be the strongest.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>This presumed Israeli position though does not seem to take into account the ceasefire understandings reached between Israel and Iran on </span><a href="https://www.axios.com/2025/06/23/trump-iran-israel-ceasefire" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>June 23, 2025</span></a><span> and the more formal agreement reached between Israel and Hamas on </span><a href="https://www.timesofisrael.com/full-text-of-oct-9-israel-hamas-deal-on-trumps-plan-for-comprehensive-end-to-gaza-war/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Oct. 9, 2025 </span></a><span>&nbsp;(Israel and Lebanon reached a ceasefire deal on </span><a href="https://www.timesofisrael.com/full-text-the-israel-hezbollah-ceasefire-deal/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Nov. 27, 2024</span></a><span> relating to Hezbollah operations). While these ceasefires are certainly brittle and all parties seem to ignore them from time to time, they did result in an end or sharp decline in major hostilities across all fronts, rendering it more difficult to refer to Iran and its proxies as still engaged in acts that meet the international definition of aggression or armed attack</span><i><span>. </span></i><span>The Israeli position also seems to downplay the significance of what we consider to be another notable change in circumstances &ndash; the fact that, according to all accounts, Iran&rsquo;s nuclear program was &ldquo;</span><a href="https://www.inss.org.il/publication/iran-nuclear-program/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>rolled back</span></a><span>&rdquo; in time in June, and that therefore the imminence of the nuclear threat, which in our previous analysis we considered to be an important factor in evaluating the necessity and proportionality of Operation Rising Lion, has diminished (although, obviously, both nuclear and ballistic threats did not disappear altogether and remain a serious problem). It seems to us that these factual changes render it harder than before for Israel to justify its new military operation under prevailing interpretations of </span><i><span>jus ad bellum</span></i><span> (including conditions of necessity and proportionality).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Another possible claim &ndash; which we have not seen being made yet by Israel &ndash;&nbsp; is that Iran&rsquo;s rush to replenish its ballistic missiles and renew its nuclear program violated the terms of the June 23, 2025 ceasefire. While Israel&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/06/27/world/europe/israel-iran-enforcement-policy.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>interest</span></a><span> in maintaining its military achievements from Operation Rising Lion is </span><a href="https://www.timesofisrael.com/katz-zamir-hail-war-against-iran-as-defining-milestone-in-israels-history/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>clear</span></a><span>, we do not have before us information suggesting that Iran has undertaken any legally binding obligations to that effect (putting aside the additional legal question whether a violation of such undertakings constitutes, in effect, a </span><i><span>casus belli </span></i><span>under international law).</span></p>
<p><span>Whatever the legal position is regarding the justification for the Israeli attack, it seems that the justification for the U.S. attack &ndash; independently from a collective self-defense claim built on the Israeli self-defense claim &ndash; is even more tenuous. Maintaining a right to self-defense for the United States under the current circumstances requires the adoption of a very loose reading of what constitutes an ongoing armed attack or what constitutes imminence. Mike Waltz, the US Permanent Representative to the UN, seems to have argued the former position. In his statement in the UN Security Council on Feb. 28, he </span><a href="https://usun.usmission.gov/additional-remarks-at-an-emergency-un-security-council-briefing-on-iran/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>referred</span></a><span> to the 47-year history of the Islamic Republic&rsquo;s open hostility to the United States and its heavy involvement in international terrorism as a series of armed attacks. President Donald Trump seems to have based his claims on the latter alternative however, when he </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0lIE3gacmb4" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>asserted</span></a><span> that &ldquo;they [Iran] were going to attack first,&rdquo; though in his first </span><a href="https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/read-trumps-full-statement-on-iran-attack" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>public remarks</span></a><span> on Feb. 28 he more closely tracked Ambassador Waltz&rsquo;s framing. Secretary Marco Rubio, in an initial </span><a href="https://www.state.gov/releases/office-of-the-spokesperson/2026/03/secretary-of-state-marco-rubio-remarks-to-press-6" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>statement</span></a><span> (which he has since walked </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=24rCVeX96wE" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>back</span></a><span>), seemed to have suggested yet a third possible line of justification for U.S. action, claiming that the United States may have been influenced by an imminent threat of retaliation against US forces if Israel were to attack Iran on its own (for an analysis of the legal problems with this third claim and its factual implausibility, see </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133093/preemption-imminence-rubio-iran/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Lieblich</span></a><span>). Notably, the White House </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/wpr-report-operation-epic-fury-march-2-2025.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>&ldquo;War Powers Report&rdquo;</span></a><span> to Congress on Mar. 2 makes no reference to an imminent attack.</span></p>
<h2><strong>A relatively forgiving international reaction</strong></h2>
<p><span>Despite the emerging scholarly consensus on the unlawfulness of Operation Epic Fury/Roaring Lion, many Western nations reacted to the U.S.-Israeli operation with varying degrees of support. </span><a href="https://x.com/ianbremmer/status/2027747795671863554?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Canada</span></a><span> and </span><a href="https://x.com/AlboMP/status/2027678880220516549?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Australia</span></a><span> expressed outright support for the operation within hours, as did other countries, like </span><a href="https://x.com/MFA_Ukraine/status/2027686067667661108?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Ukraine</span></a><span>, </span><a href="https://x.com/ediramaal/status/2027714015334432796?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Albania</span></a><span>, and the </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ajB4BOBnsbo" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Secretary General of NATO</span></a><span>. Several states &ndash; like </span><a href="https://x.com/bundeskanzler/status/2027789287081525404?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Germany</span></a><span>, </span><a href="https://japantoday.com/category/politics/japan-refrains-from-outright-support-of-u.s.-israeli-attacks-on-iran" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Japan</span></a><span>, </span><a href="https://x.com/ministerBZ/status/2027822295369076881?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>the Netherlands</span></a><span> and </span><a href="https://www.stuff.co.nz/politics/360946209/nz-delivers-its-official-statement-middle-east-war-despite-wildly-different-views-some-mp" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New Zealand</span></a><span> &ndash; refrained from passing judgment on the legality of Operation Epic Fury, but expressed support for the political aims of the United States and Israel and strong opposition to Iran&rsquo;s recent behavior.</span></p>
<p><span>Indeed, consider the reactions of Western States that have a reputation for taking international law obligations seriously:</span></p>
<blockquote><p><span>&#9679; Germany&rsquo;s Chancellor Friedrich Merz </span><a href="https://www.bundesregierung.de/breg-en/news/chancellor-statement-near-east-2409224" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>said</span></a><span>:&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>&ldquo;Categorizing the events under international law will have relatively little effect. This is especially true when these classifications remain largely inconsequential. Over the years and decades, appeals from Europe, including Germany, condemning Iran&rsquo;s violations of international law, and even extensive packages of sanctions have had little effect. This is also due to the fact we were not prepared to enforce fundamental interests with military force if necessary.</span></p>
<p><span>Therefore, this is not the time to lecture our partners and allies. Despite our reservations, we share many of their goals without being able to actually achieve them ourselves.&rdquo;<br>
</span><span><br>
</span><span>&#9679; Netherlands Foreign Minister, Tom Berendsen </span><a href="https://www.nu.nl/politiek/6387867/kabinet-worstelt-met-aanval-op-iran-varen-door-mist-van-nieuwe-wereldorde.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>said</span></a><span>:&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>&ldquo;I also want to be honest that international law isn&rsquo;t the only framework you can apply to this situation. You also have to be realistic, given the murderous nature of the Iranian regime.&rdquo;</span></p>
<p><span>&#9679; Belgium Foreign Minister, Maxime Pr&eacute;vot </span><a href="https://www.belganewsagency.eu/foreign-minster-attacks-violate-international-law-but-justified-for-global-security" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>said</span></a><span>: </span><span><br>
</span><span><br>
</span><span>&ldquo;As a defender of international law, Belgium must acknowledge that the way in which this operation was conducted does not comply with the norms,&rdquo; but &ldquo;must be weighed against the principle of reality;&rdquo; that &ldquo;we cannot say that Iran is a model student&rdquo; of international law, and the U.S.-Israel operations are &ldquo;justified for global security;&rdquo;</span></p>
<p><span>&#9679; Belgium&rsquo;s Minister of Defense Theo Francken </span><a href="https://www.belganewsagency.eu/defence-minister-attack-on-iran-absolutely-justified" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>said </span></a><span>the U.S.-Iran operations are &ldquo;absolutely justified&rdquo; and </span><a href="https://www.belganewsagency.eu/defence-minister-attack-on-iran-absolutely-justified" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>reportedly</span></a><span>: &ldquo;The question of whether the attack is in line with international law is for lawyers to argue, he said. Though he supports international law, he says it does not work in practice. The Iranian regime is able to do what it wants.&rdquo;</span></p></blockquote>
<p><span>The first EU country that spoke strongly and explicitly against the operation was </span><a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/eu-react-iran-us-israel-crisis/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Spain.</span></a> <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/us-israeli-strikes-iran-breach-international-law-says-italian-minister-2026-03-05/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Italy</span></a><span> has since joined it in rejecting the legality of the operation, while France criticized the legality of the operation, but blamed Iran for the overall escalation. The </span><a href="https://x.com/eucopresident/status/2029164317149401337" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>EU</span></a><span> has said it stands in solidarity with Spain, but that appears to be in response to President Trump&rsquo;s threat to sanction Spain for its legal posture.</span></p>
<p><span>As can be imagined, outside the West, reactions have been more critical. Whereas </span><a href="https://www.fmprc.gov.cn/mfa_eng/xw/fyrbt/202603/t20260302_11867202.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>China</span></a><span> and </span><a href="https://www.russiamatters.org/blog/russia-condemns-deadly-attacks-iran-while-weighing-strategic-risks-opportunities" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Russia</span></a><span> condemned the operation outright, the African Union condemned both the U.S.-Israeli </span><a href="https://x.com/_AfricanUnion/status/2027715913970008185?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>operation</span></a><span> and the </span><a href="https://x.com/_AfricanUnion/status/2027811972763287850?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Iranian reaction</span></a><span>. Positions on the operation expressed at both the UN </span><a href="https://www.crisisgroup.org/anb/middle-east-north-africa/iran-united-states-israelpalestine-global/un-security-council-members-limit-criticism-us-over-iran" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Security Council</span></a><span> and </span><a href="https://genevasolutions.news/human-rights/mixed-condemnations-over-us-israel-and-iran-strikes-at-un-rights-council-expose-geopolitical-standoff" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Human Rights Council</span></a><span> by other countries were mixed. In all events, one cannot assume that positions taken by states in diplomatic contexts necessarily reflect a principled analysis of </span><i><span>jus ad bellum. </span></i><span>For example, some States that condemned Operation Epic Fury did not condemn, in real time, the Russian &ldquo;Special Military Operation&rdquo; in Ukraine in 2022 (see e.g., </span><a href="https://www.sajr.co.za/president-ramaphosa-calls-for-dialogue-in-the-middle-east-and-condemns-international-law-violations/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span> and </span><a href="https://www.politico.com/news/magazine/2024/06/06/south-africa-ukraine-war-reckoning-00161508" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span>).</span></p>
<h2><strong>Possible explanations for the gap: Collapse of the RBIO and return to &ldquo;illegal but legitimate&rdquo;&nbsp;</strong></h2>
<p><span>How can one explain the significant gap that opened between the epistemic community of international law scholars on the one hand and the community of diplomats and political leaders on the other? One pessimistic explanation, which builds upon the depressing </span><a href="https://www.bundesregierung.de/breg-en/federal-government/speech-chancellor-msc-2407256" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>speech</span></a><span> of Chancellor Friedrich Merz in Munich (Feb. 13,&nbsp; 2026) is that the rules-based international order (RBIO) is now defunct &ndash; i.e., that international law no longer plays an important role in the conduct of international relations. If this is indeed the case, we may be back to a Cold War-dominated vision of international law as </span><a href="https://chicagounbound.uchicago.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1796&amp;context=cjil" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>epiphenomenal</span></a><span> in nature, and of the Charter&rsquo;s use of force provisions as effectively </span><a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/2198919" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>dead</span></a><span>. This narrative of decline of the international rule of law appears to be correlated with </span><a href="https://www.euronews.com/2025/03/17/rule-of-law-deteriorates-across-the-eu-finds-report" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>processes</span></a><span> of decline in the domestic rule of law in some countries and the rise therein of political populism, which </span><a href="https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/political-science/articles/10.3389/fpos.2025.1629480/full" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>rejects</span></a><span> the authority of &ldquo;global elites.&rdquo; Such a narrative is also linked to what Secretary Rubio in his own Munich </span><a href="https://www.state.gov/releases/office-of-the-spokesperson/2026/02/secretary-of-state-marco-rubio-at-the-munich-security-conference" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>speech</span></a><span> (Feb. 14, 2026) alluded to as the inability of the UN to resolve key international peace and security problems, and to the abuse of the language of international law by powers hostile to the West.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>If international law norms and institutions cannot deliver peace, security and justice, then it is not surprising that they are increasingly regarded as </span><a href="https://lawliberty.org/the-useless-united-nations/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>useless</span></a><span> &ndash; and, at times, </span><a href="https://iai.tv/articles/international-law-is-a-collective-delusion-auid-2671" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>counter-productive</span></a><span>. Indeed, one could suggest that had the UN Security Council acted diligently against the Iranian regime&rsquo;s long-standing policy of pursuing non-conventional weapons, exporting terrorism and creating a &ldquo;ring of fire&rdquo; around Israel, the attacks against Iran would have never taken place. Sentiments about the ineffectiveness of the UN-led order in resolving international conflicts may also explain why States are looking for solutions beyond international law (the statements above by Germany, Belgium, and the Netherlands are instructive). It also explains the creation of alternative international institutions more centered on power than on law, like the US-led </span><a href="https://img.haarets.co.il/bs/0000019b-d725-db88-a7df-d72d4ce50000/99/d0/a1435d464e4cbfe31487b0d0ca59/charter-of-the-board-of-peace-1.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Board of Peace.</span></a><span>&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>While we agree that the RBIO is in deep trouble for some of the reasons mentioned above, we also believe that the forgiving approach taken by large parts of the international community toward Operation Epic Fury cannot be explained only by reference to cynical global power calculations and a reluctance on the part of world leaders to upset the U.S. President (although that may be part of the story as well). Rather, it appears to us that the Iranian regime ceased to be considered, in the eyes of many observers, a legitimate international actor after it </span><a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/media-advisories/2026/01/human-rights-council-adopts-resolution-extending-mandates-fact-finding" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>brutally massacred</span></a><span> many thousands of anti-regime protesters in January 2026 &ndash; international crimes which have been </span><a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/media-advisories/2026/01/human-rights-council-adopts-resolution-extending-mandates-fact-finding" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>condemned </span><span>broadly (but not universally). </span></a><span>What&rsquo;s more, Iran&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://www.ndtv.com/world-news/after-trump-threats-an-iran-warning-to-neighbours-10750095" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>threat</span></a><span> to retaliate against its neighbors if attacked (a threat which it promptly acted upon after Operation Epic Fury commenced) further eroded its international legitimacy. These perceived violations of international law by Iran (for an analysis of the illegality of the Iranian retaliation, see </span><a href="https://www.ejiltalk.org/the-legality-of-the-uk-interception-of-iranian-missiles-and-permitting-a-limited-us-use-of-british-bases/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Milanovic</span></a><span>) have consolidated international positions that the Iranian regime constitutes an unacceptable threat to security in the region, as well as a danger to its own citizens. This arguably led the President of the European Parliament, </span><span>Roberta Metsola to </span><a href="https://www.avvenire.it/politica/intervista-a-metsola-lescalation-in-iran-va-fermata-subito-serve-uneuropa-piu-forte_105398?fbclid=IwY2xjawQXTTJleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZAwzNTA2ODU1MzE3MjgAAR5vGis0clxO8ZSagvD_QlH0jiEDH5T7SodY9163BUXuWsn1xRQKWnwbM8VF5Q_aem_NO4zAlptOEow2jMwc5iGAQ" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>state</span></a><span> that: &ldquo;International law is sacred, but it cannot be used to defend or justify a bloody dictatorship like Iran, which kills its own people and destabilizes the entire region.&rdquo;</span><span> Such perceptions pile upon long-standing concerns about political repression in Iran, and the threat it poses to the entire Middle East through its efforts to procure nuclear weapons, to export terrorism, and to develop and deploy an army of proxies.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>The possible contribution of recent events in Iran to the forgiving attitude toward Operation Epic Fury means that we may be witnessing another iteration of the &ldquo;illegal but legitimate&rdquo; approach to the use of force. This approach helped to shape, in the past, international positions toward other military interventions which did not have a solid basis in the UN Charter, such as the </span><a href="https://reliefweb.int/report/albania/kosovo-report" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Kosovo operation</span></a><span>, the enforcement of &ldquo;red lines&rdquo; regarding chemical weapons in </span><a href="https://www.cepi-cips.ca/2017/04/07/illegal-but-legitimate-the-consequences-of-us-action-in-syria/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Syria</span></a><span>, and ECOMOG&rsquo;s intervention in Liberia and then Sierra Leone. In all such cases, the alleged justness of the cause of the force-using States and the unjust nature of the regime on the receiving end led many countries to support military interventions despite there being serious doubts surrounding their legality (in the ECOMOG cases, the Security Council retroactively blessed them).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Arguably, in the present case, the tacit support given by many Western States to Operation Epic Fury follows a similar line of reasoning: Preventing Iran from acquiring non-conventional weapons, containing the threat that it poses to the region, and creating conditions for a new government are all considered just or acceptable causes, whereas the regime in Iran has lost almost all of its international credibility and support. Under those conditions, an operation that retains some vestige of legality &ndash; in that it speaks the language of anticipatory, ongoing and/or collective self-defense, albeit in a questionable manner &ndash; enjoys political support despite its failure to satisfy the legal requirements under the law of self-defense.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Note that the implicit resort to an &ldquo;illegal but legitimate&rdquo; line of reasoning does not suggest a wholesale repudiation of international law, but rather reveals a willingness to read </span><i><span>jus ad bellum </span></i><span>norms flexibly and alongside other important international law norms which constitute part of the peace and security architecture of the Charter: human rights, non-intervention, prohibition of the threat of use of force, non-proliferation of nuclear weapons, ban of support for terrorism etc. At a time when the Security Council is unable to meet its responsibilities to maintain peace and security, it is not surprising that some States consider that &ldquo;taking the law into their own hands&rdquo; is the only way to uphold the values underlying the Charter.</span></p>
<p><span>To be sure, international law scholarship has been </span><a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1518290" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>critical</span></a><span> for very good reasons of the &ldquo;illegal but legitimate&rdquo; approach to the use of force, noting that reliance on subjective morality to justify deviations from legal obligations puts in question the very notion of an international rule of law (as President Trump himself explicitly </span><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2026/jan/08/trump-power-international-law" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>questioned</span></a><span> when recently asked about his interest in international law). This is because what is morally justified or even required in the eyes of one State leader, may be deemed immoral in the eyes of another. By contrast, international law is supposed to offer a sufficiently precise and common language that reflects practical agreements about morality, shared interests, and institutional considerations.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Still, identifying gaps between how positive law is applied and moral considerations is valuable, as it may enable the evaluation of existing international law norms and institutions and facilitate calls for their reform in appropriate cases (see e.g., </span><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2026/03/05/iran-un-charter-war-rules/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Ku</span></a><span> and </span><a href="https://spectator.com/article/international-law-is-not-a-suicide-pact/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Blackett</span></a><span>). In the present case, Operation Epic Fury exposes the long-standing failure of the Security Council to contain the regional threat posed by Iran and to protect the Iranian people, as well as the limited reach of the </span><a href="https://www.un.org/en/genocide-prevention/responsibility-protect/about" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>responsibility to protect principle</span></a><span>. We fear that chronic failure by international norms and institutions to effectively address serious and legitimate security concerns of States that have the capacity to &ldquo;take the law into their own hands,&rdquo; is likely to result in the continuing demise of the post World War II norms and institutions.&nbsp;</span></p>
<h2><strong>Self-preservation as an exception to the law&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</strong></h2>
<p><span>The gap between discussions over the international legality of Operation Epic Fury and actual State reactions suggests another fundamental point regarding the ultimate reach of the international legal system &ndash; one that goes beyond the &ldquo;illegal but legitimate&rdquo; discourse. Underlying Israel&rsquo;s military action in both Operation Rising Lion and Roaring Lion (or Epic Fury) is a deep apprehension about the Iranian regime&rsquo;s strong commitment to (or obsession for) the project of destroying the State of Israel. Such a commitment manifests itself not only in official </span><a href="https://www.iranintl.com/en/202511137368" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>declarations</span></a><span> by the leadership of the Islamic Republic, popular slogans (&lsquo;Death to America,&rdquo; &ldquo;Death to Israel&rdquo;) and public </span><a href="https://www.firstpost.com/explainers/iran-ceasefire-destruction-of-israel-clock-tehran-13899999.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>spectacles</span></a><span> devoted to this eliminationist theme; it also reveals itself in concrete policies consistent with those goals:&nbsp; a nuclear weapons project, a ballistic weapons program, an &ldquo;axis of resistance&rdquo; around Israel comprised of proxy armies, and a global campaign of terrorism against Jewish and Israeli targets. It is fair to </span><a href="https://eismena.com/en/article/the-decades-long-antagonistic-psychology-of-iran-and-israel-2025-05-03" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>say</span></a><span> that the destruction of Israel &ndash; a country which has no border with Iran, and no historical conflict with it &ndash; has become a foundational ideological pillar of the Islamic Republic</span><i><span>. </span></i><span>We know of no other precedent in modern international relations where a State has called out for decades, openly and consistently, for the destruction of another State, and has shown in its activities and resource allocation that it will go to extreme lengths to achieve that goal.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>To be sure, such a situation is not without an international law remedy: the Security Council could and should have enforced international law standards on Iran including the prohibition on the threat of use of force and the prohibition of incitement to genocide. The Council could and should have also acted to remove the threat Iran posed to international peace and security; and it could have even recommended to the General Assembly to remove Iran from the UN for violating the foundational principles of the Charter. Yet none of that happened due to the prevailing paralysis and strong anti-Israel sentiment in the UN, and Israel was left to address the growing existential threat posed to it by Iran without being able to effectively trigger the UN collective security mechanisms, and with very limited ability to deal itself with the threat while meeting the strict requirements of </span><i><span>jus ad bellum. </span></i><span>Indeed, according to almost all international law scholars, Israel has no legal right to defend itself against the Iranian threat before an armed attack against it became imminent or has already begun. Thus, Israel has been required, as a legal matter, to wait for Iran to mortally strike it or for such a mortal attack to become imminent, before it was able to legally respond militarily. Note that, given the extreme religious ideology espoused by the leadership of Iran, even a policy of mutual assured destruction would not have necessarily provided Israel with sufficient reassurances against the possible realization of the threats made against it by the Iranian regime.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Arguably, the paralysis of the Security Council and its inability to deal with threats such as those generated by Iran should have resulted in the emergence of a more </span><i><span>flexible and expansive </span></i><span>interpretation of what constitutes an armed attack, and a more liberal right to self-defense under Article 51, adapting legal doctrine to geopolitical realities and to extreme threats. But the trajectory of international lawyers and international law institutions seems to have been running mostly in the opposite direction. For example, when Israel embarked on its June 2025 Rising Lion operation against Iran, most </span><a href="https://www.ejiltalk.org/is-israels-use-of-force-against-iran-justified-by-self-defence/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>responses</span></a><span> from international lawyers were very negative (notwithstanding the strong links between Iran and the ongoing acts of aggression by its proxies, and two large-scale rocket attacks launched by Iran against Israel during the 2023-2025 regional conflict). In addition, the judgments and advisory opinions of the International Court of Justice on the use of force that were issued over the years have consistently interpreted the right of States to resort to self- defense in an increasingly restrictive manner. (see e.g., </span><a href="https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/70/070-19860627-JUD-01-00-EN.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Nicaragua</span></i></a><i><span>, </span></i><span>at para. 195, </span><a href="https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/131/131-20040709-ADV-01-00-EN.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Wall</span></i></a><i><span>, </span></i><span>at para. 139, </span><a href="https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/90/090-20031106-JUD-01-00-EN.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Oil Platforms</span></i></a><i><span>, </span></i><span>para. 76-77).</span></p>
<p><span>As a result of this continued insistence on a strict and limited interpretation of States&rsquo; rights to resort to self-defense measures, some States may now face the following critical conundrum: How to operate within an international law framework to address situations where the failure of international institutions to effectively exercise their authority results in leaving in place an existential threat to them? In the face of this dilemma, some States have resorted, at least implicitly, to the old &ldquo;right of self-preservation,&rdquo; which many scholars </span><a href="https://opil.ouplaw.com/display/10.1093/law:epil/9780199231690/law-9780199231690-e403" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>considered</span></a><span> as defunct under the UN charter regime (see e.g., </span><a href="https://www.timesofisrael.com/liveblog_entry/israels-un-envoy-we-acted-to-stop-an-existential-threat-before-it-became-irreversible/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span> and </span><a href="https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/nsc/nssall.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span>).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>To recall, the 19th-century right of self-preservation represented the apex of Westphalian sovereignty, serving as an &ldquo;absolute&rdquo; or &ldquo;inherent&rdquo; right that preceded&mdash;and often superseded&mdash;the formal obligations of international law. Rooted in the natural law traditions of scholars like </span><a href="https://oll.libertyfund.org/pages/vattel-life-and-works" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Vattel</span></a><span>, the doctrine posited that a State&rsquo;s primary legal and moral duty was its own survival. Unlike the modern, treaty-based right of self-defense, self-preservation was an elastic concept used to justify a wide array of actions, from preventive military strikes, through forceful interventions in the internal affairs of neighbouring States, to suppressing political instability that might &ldquo;contaminate&rdquo; a sovereign&rsquo;s security. The &ldquo;</span><a href="https://digital.sandiego.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1254&amp;context=ilj" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>conventional wisdom&rdquo;</span></a><span> of international lawyers is that the right to self-preservation was limited by the </span><i><span>Caroline</span></i><span> principles, and later supplanted by the UN system which did not explicitly recognize this right. Rather the Charter invested responsibility for international peace and security, including the preservation of States, in the Security Council. Yet, one could argue that this natural right kept lurking below the surface, manifesting itself on rare occasions and extreme circumstances &ndash; such as those mentioned in the famous (or infamous) paragraph 97 of the </span><a href="https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/95/095-19960708-ADV-01-00-EN.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Nuclear Weapons</span></i></a> <span>advisory opinion, but also in US post-9/11 </span><a href="https://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/nsc/nssall.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>practice</span></a><span> and in the Israeli-Iranian </span><a href="https://www.gov.il/en/pages/spoke-statement-b280226" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>context</span></a><span> (as well as arguably in the text of </span><a href="https://legal.un.org/repertory/art51.shtml" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 51</span></a><span> itself, which refers to the preservation of State&rsquo;s &ldquo;inherent&rdquo; right of self-defense)</span></p>
<p><span>In actuality, geopolitical realities, including military deterrence and the nuclear umbrella, meant the States rarely faced an existential dilemma after 1945. Until 1989, the bipolar world order meant that most States were protected from existential threats because of their association with one of the two great powers. The collapse of the Soviet bloc in 1989, and the parallel rise in the power of international institutions in the post-Cold War era, seemed to suggest that international organizations would now be able to confront existential challenges to States, such as the 1990 Iraqi invasion of Kuwait.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>A destabilizing change in geopolitical conditions in the early 21st century meant, however, that States had to revise their calculations. In the 21st century, too many States (both from the Global North and South) ignore or manipulate international law norms and institutions with impunity, and the liberal international order appears less and less capable of meeting the expectations developed after the end of the Cold War. In particular, the RBIO seems no longer able to protect through international institutions the self-preservation interest of many States. The full invasion of Ukraine by Russia in 2022, which put the former under an existential threat, is a case in point for the relative weakness of the Security Council (although the international law of self-defense clearly covered the situation and facilitated international assistance to Ukraine).&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>This change in the international society is roughly analogous to domestic changes fueling some of the current political crises in liberal democracies. In many Western democracies, the perceived decline in the ability of government to confront serious domestic challenges allowed for populist forces to rise in a manner that threatens the dominant political and legal institutions and conventions in these countries. A similar change appears to be happening now in international law: When the liberal world order is perceived to have failed in ensuring critically important interests of States, States increasingly adopt positions which challenge or ignore the RBIO. Part of this challenge might involve the resuscitation of claims for a &ldquo;right to self-preservation&rdquo; as a form of self-help or collective self-help, at least in extreme cases involving real existential threats like those underlying Operation Epic Fury/Roaring Lion.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Still, such developments are </span><b>highly problematic</b><span> in our eyes, given the obvious potential for abuse by any given State invoking the right to self-preservation. Hence, the better course for the international law community to pursue is to make every effort to effectively handle threats to international peace and security before they become existential threats, which push threatened States to resort to extreme measures outside the existing international law framework.&nbsp;</span></p>
<h2><strong>Concluding remarks</strong></h2>
<p><span>The joint move toward a return to &ldquo;illegal but legitimate&rdquo; justification and the possible reemergence of the &ldquo;right of self-preservation&rdquo; around Operation Epic Fury presents a grave challenge to the RBIO. This challenge, however, does not mean that the international legal order has been irreparably broken. First, the tensions we have identified are particularly acute when a State faces an existential threat and, as in here, from an enemy long committed to radically unlawful behavior. Second, Israel and the United States did not </span><i><span>ignore </span></i><span>international law, but rather tried to justify their actions through the traditional language of international law in order to generate political and military support for their cause. Similarly, when the United States created the Board of Peace for Gaza, it was able to obtain a Security Council </span><a href="https://docs.un.org/en/s/res/2803(2025)" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>resolution</span></a><span>, providing it with some formal international law basis. We suggest that these efforts to locate controversial State action within the framework of the international order should not be considered as mere political or rhetorical manipulations. Rather, these statements and efforts suggest that even States challenging the current order might be looking to revise it in ways which would reflect their critical security interests, and not to ditch it altogether.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Ultimately, we believe Secretary Rubio&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://www.state.gov/releases/office-of-the-spokesperson/2026/02/secretary-of-state-marco-rubio-at-the-munich-security-conference" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>criticism</span></a><span> of the UN&rsquo;s ineffectiveness in resolving problems and the use of international law as a shield for abusers does underscore a real policy problem. Like their domestic counterparts, international law norms and institutions are designed to create conditions for dealing with real life problems in a manner that is just and effective. Once international lawyers and institutions stop engaging seriously and professionally in problem-solving and turn to political grandstanding or lecturing States on how to behave without offering them credible practical solutions to their actual and acute problems, they bring the whole field into disrepute and, ultimately, irrelevance. It would be desirable If the current (existential) crisis of the RBIO leads to some introspection in the international legal community and to calls for a feasible and pragmatic reevaluation of international law norms and institutions.&nbsp; </span></p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133292/international-law-crossroads/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The International Community at a Crossroads Over Iran: The reawakening of &ldquo;illegal but legitimate&rdquo; or the &ldquo;law of self-preservation&rdquo;?</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-06T05:27:57+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Yuval Shany</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-06T05:27:57+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="armed conflict"/>

	<category term="armed conflicts"/>

	<category term="diplomacy"/>

	<category term="featured articles"/>

	<category term="international law"/>

	<category term="iran"/>

	<category term="israel"/>

	<category term="jus ad bellum"/>

	<category term="operation epic fury"/>

	<category term="operation roaring lion"/>

	<category term="un charter"/>

	<category term="un security council (unsc)"/>

	<category term="united nations (un)"/>

	<category term="use of force"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-05:/281646</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132427/human-rights-ai-sovereignty/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=human-rights-ai-sovereignty" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Human Rights at Risk in the Sprint Toward AI Sovereignty</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>As AI tools are increasingly embedded in people&rsquo;s daily lives and the global economy, policymakers w...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>As AI tools are increasingly embedded in people&rsquo;s daily lives and the global economy, policymakers worldwide have declared their pursuit of &ldquo;AI sovereignty&rdquo;&mdash;the idea that governments should invest in and secure control over domestic AI systems, training data, and cloud computing infrastructure. Freedom House&rsquo;s recent <a href="https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-net/2025/uncertain-future-global-internet" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><em>Freedom on the Net</em></a> report (which we co-authored) found that such government investments in AI may enable censorship and surveillance, particularly in authoritarian states. Policymakers and technology firms in democratic countries should work with civil society organizations to ensure that safeguards are embedded in such systems to protect people&rsquo;s rights. Technology firms that contribute to the AI stack in authoritarian countries should conduct due diligence to ensure their products are not facilitating human rights violations.</p>
<h2><strong>Sovereignty </strong><strong>Across the Stack</strong></h2>
<p>The AI sovereignty framework is used flexibly to describe control over different components of the AI stack&mdash;the varied digital and physical infrastructure that powers AI systems. AI sovereignty initiatives comprise efforts to develop chatbots and other local application-layer AI services, to cultivate a country&rsquo;s domestic foundational and large language models (LLMs), or to ensure that energy and computing infrastructure are accessible to domestic companies.</p>
<p>Leaders pursuing these initiatives often state concerns about U.S. or Chinese dominance in the AI industry alongside their calls for sovereign AI investments. Despite the &ldquo;sovereign&rdquo; moniker, many of these efforts nevertheless rely on equipment or services from U.S.- or China-based companies. These AI companies are often contracted to supply cloud computing power, semiconductors, and other forms of support that fuel sovereign AI initiatives. <a href="https://www.techpolicy.press/sovereignty-myth-making-in-the-ai-race/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Researchers</a> were quick to coin phrases like &ldquo;<a href="https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/01634437251395003" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">sovereignty-as-a-service</a>&rdquo; and &ldquo;<a href="https://cadmus.eui.eu/server/api/core/bitstreams/1dd97536-ed1f-4662-ab8f-c4b13672406a/content" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">sovereignty washing</a>&rdquo; to describe global technology firms&rsquo; rush to rebrand product offerings as facilitating sovereign AI.</p>
<p>At present, truly sovereign control over the entire AI stack remains out of reach. The complex supply chains for critical minerals, chipmaking technology, and other components necessary to power an AI system are fundamentally transnational. For instance, Taiwan-based companies, led by chip manufacturer Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company, are <a href="https://www.trade.gov/country-commercial-guides/taiwan-semiconductors-including-chip-design-ai?utm_source=chatgpt.com" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">responsible</a> for the production of 90 percent of advanced chip manufacturing. At the same time, the Netherlands-based ASML <a href="https://www.fool.com/investing/2025/12/12/asml-is-the-silent-monopoly-behind-the-entire-tech/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">controls</a> 90 percent of the market share for the lithography machines on which chipmakers rely, as of the end of 2025. Governments with their sights set on establishing AI sovereignty will inevitably need technology produced outside of their borders.</p>
<p>The focus on AI sovereignty dovetails with a broader movement towards technological sovereignty, which governments have pursued with varying levels of intensity. More democratic governments have expressed a desire to reduce their overreliance on technology products from foreign companies, predominantly based in the United States and China. For instance, the European Union&rsquo;s commitment to &ldquo;digital sovereignty&rdquo; has <a href="https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/in-depth-research-reports/report/digital-sovereignty-europes-declaration-of-independence/#trump-actions" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">grown more dogged</a> in recent years amid increased tensions with the second Trump administration and U.S.-based technology firms.</p>
<p>Meanwhile, authoritarian governments have adopted a more restrictive framework to wall off the domestic internet from the global network. In 2010, the Chinese government <a href="https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/document/20842-03" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">announced</a> its pursuit of cyber sovereignty; other authoritarian leaders, most notably Vladimir Putin, have since <a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/russia/putins-new-cyber-empire" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">followed suit</a>. The drive for AI sovereignty is accelerating the pursuit of all types of digital sovereignty: in authoritarian contexts where governments are pursuing a more restrictive framework, the push for AI sovereignty threatens to amplify efforts to isolate entire countries from the global internet.</p>
<h2><strong>Human </strong><strong>Rights in the &ldquo;War of Chips and Algorithms&rdquo;</strong></h2>
<p>In authoritarian countries, sovereign AI initiatives could compound existing threats to fundamental rights, such as freedom of expression, or reinforce the repression of marginalized minority groups. Models developed under government oversight may incorporate censorship of certain content embedded in their legal frameworks, such as criticism of the authorities. While these concerns may also be present in democracies, they are especially acute in authoritarian environments where civil society has extremely limited capability to hold the government accountable.</p>
<p>In Thailand, for instance, the National Science and Technology Development Agency rolled out Pathumma LLM, a model trained to &ldquo;understand Thai context and culture,&rdquo; in early 2025. The agency also announced a cash infusion from an Nvidia subsidiary in June with the aim of further developing a native <a href="https://www.bangkokpost.com/business/general/3045957/tie-up-to-develop-thai-large-language-model" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Thai LLM</a>. Criticism of the monarchy is highly censored in Thailand and authorities have enshrined widespread <a href="https://freedomhouse.org/country/thailand/freedom-net/2024" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">restrictions on expression</a> about sensitive political and social issues into law, in <a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/press-releases/2025/01/thailand-must-immediately-repeal-lese-majeste-laws-say-un-experts" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">violation</a> of Thailand&rsquo;s obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. These restrictions will likely be incorporated in AI systems developed by companies that adhere to Thai government pressure. Vietnam, which routinely censors content critical of the government and <a href="https://freedomhouse.org/country/vietnam/freedom-net/2024" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">imprisons</a> people who post it, has also seen a glut of sovereign AI investment over the course of 2025, including a $400 million investment in <a href="https://www.reuters.com/technology/vietnams-fpt-invest-200-mln-ai-factory-using-nvidia-chips-2024-04-23/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AI infrastructure</a> by premiere Vietnamese technology firm FPT in April and the launch of a <a href="https://www.itnews.asia/news/vietnam-sets-up-national-data-fund-to-strengthen-ai-infrastructure-618308" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">national data fund</a> in June. A Vietnamese Politburo member characterized government investments in AI as a means of affirming the country&rsquo;s &ldquo;<a href="https://vietnamnet.vn/en/vietnam-launches-au-lac-ai-alliance-to-assert-tech-sovereignty-2413607.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">historical sovereignty</a> &hellip; in the digital realm.&rdquo;</p>
<p>While developing AI systems that reflect local culture is sensible, there is a clear risk that in some cases the promotion of local culture will be used as justification to enact censorship. Previous Freedom House <a href="https://www.wired.com/story/chatbot-censorship-china-freedom-house/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">research</a> found that AI governance frameworks in China and Vietnam&mdash;both one-party states ranked as &ldquo;not free&rdquo; in Freedom House&rsquo;s <em>Freedom on the Net </em>and <em>Freedom in the World</em> reports&mdash;require generative AI chatbots, whether developed by foreign or domestic firms, to toe the Communist Party line on sensitive topics. A November 2025 <a href="https://www.gazzetta.xyz/ai-worker-rights/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">experiment</a> from Gazzetta, a media resilience research lab, found that China-based DeepSeek&rsquo;s chatbot is more knowledgeable about Chinese labor organizing issues compared to Gemini and ChatGPT, but more aggressively suppresses information about them.</p>
<p>AI investments may also facilitate government surveillance, especially in authoritarian countries that lack strong privacy safeguards. The Persian Gulf monarchies have emerged as hubs for AI investment, particularly the United Arab Emirates (UAE), which announced a <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/05/15/us/politics/ai-us-abu-dhabi.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">massive AI infrastructure project</a> in May 2025 in partnership with the United States. UAE officials have billed the effort as essential for <a href="https://www.agbi.com/ai/2026/01/uaes-stargate-data-centre-to-cost-30bn-says-ai-minister/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">data sovereignty</a> in the AI boom. The company at the forefront of the UAE&rsquo;s AI industry, G42, has been scrutinized by members of the <a href="https://chinaselectcommittee.house.gov/sites/evo-subsites/selectcommitteeontheccp.house.gov/files/evo-media-document/1.3.24-g42-letter.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">U.S. Congress</a> and the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2023/11/27/us/politics/ai-us-uae-china-security-g42.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Biden administration</a> for its <a href="https://www.wired.com/story/uae-intelligence-chief-ai-money/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">apparent ties</a> to Emirati and Chinese companies that specialize in surveillance and spyware technology. More broadly, the Emirati government has a <a href="https://freedomhouse.org/country/united-arab-emirates/freedom-net/2024" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">long history</a> of deploying such tools for mass monitoring and targeted surveillance of human rights defenders.</p>
<p>In these authoritarian environments, rapid AI investment may serve to increase the efficacy and application of repressive surveillance methods. For instance, Chinese law enforcement agencies have used AI-empowered facial recognition systems and other movement-tracing technologies to <a href="https://www.ned.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/NED_FORUM-China-Emerging-Technologies-Report.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">track protests and gatherings</a>. In November 2025, <em>The New York Times</em> <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/11/04/world/asia/china-police-ai-surveillance.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">reported</a> on a conference in Beijing where companies advertised a range of AI tools that could facilitate surveillance, including speech recognition software geared towards the country&rsquo;s ethnic minorities.</p>
<p>Sovereign AI development in authoritarian contexts is likely to advance ongoing efforts to disconnect from the global internet. In June 2025, the Russian and Belarusian governments launched a joint plan to develop AI built on &ldquo;<a href="https://www.themoscowtimes.com/2025/07/11/russia-and-belarus-to-develop-ai-rooted-in-traditional-values-a89790" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">fundamental and traditional values</a>,&rdquo; invoking the same justifications that these regimes cite when restricting access to the global internet. These initiatives have been matched by efforts to direct internet users toward domestic, government-friendly platforms and websites. Russian authorities have enacted legislation to establish a sovereign internet, restricted access to a <a href="https://freedomhouse.org/country/russia/freedom-net/2025" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">wide array</a> of social media platforms and messaging applications, and <a href="https://carnegieendowment.org/russia-eurasia/politika/2025/02/russia-youtube-block-attempt" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">introduced</a> new blocking technology to isolate the country&rsquo;s network from the global internet. Ahead of Belarus&rsquo;s <a href="https://epde.org/?news=press-statement-meet-the-props-how-lukashenkas-fake-observers-tried-to-sell-his-sham-election" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">sham January 2025 election</a>, the government ordered the <a href="https://freedomhouse.org/country/belarus/freedom-net/2025" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">blocking</a> of all websites hosted outside of the country.</p>
<p>Iran&rsquo;s vice president for science similarly <a href="https://www.recordedfuture.com/research/irans-ai-ambitions-balancing-economic-isolation-national-security-imperatives" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">announced</a> a national AI platform in March 2025, framing it as part of a &ldquo;war of chips and algorithms.&rdquo; A senior scientist working on the project noted that the platform was designed to function even if Iran were to be completely disconnected from the global internet, potentially a gesture to the effect of international sanctions on the country or to Tehran&rsquo;s long-term effort to cut Iranians off from the global network, as it did in <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2026/01/08/middleeast/how-irans-protests-spread-intl" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">response</a> to mass protests beginning in January 2026.</p>
<h2><strong>Balancing AI </strong><strong>Sovereignty and AI Governance </strong></h2>
<p><strong>&nbsp;</strong>In many cases, government investment in AI development reflects an understandable desire to ensure that this new wave of technology serves local interests and generates economic benefits outside of the richest and most developed countries. Some initiatives advanced under the banner of AI sovereignty offer legitimate benefits; for example, states have a genuine interest in regulating the transit and processing of sensitive government data when integrating AI systems into decision-making. However, these uses require thoughtful decision-making from policymakers about when to integrate AI systems into the daily work of government, and commensurate investment in rules for how they are developed and deployed.</p>
<p>The world&rsquo;s democracies have already launched efforts to cultivate sovereignty over some parts of the AI stack. France&rsquo;s President Emmanuel Macron urged European policymakers to embed <a href="https://sciencebusiness.net/news/ai/france-leads-push-widespread-adoption-european-ai" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">sovereignty</a> in the selection process for AI hubs equipped with supercomputers, dubbed &ldquo;gigafactories,&rdquo; commenting that U.S. and Chinese officials had taken similar approaches. In South Korea, authorities announced they would commit <a href="https://www.msit.go.kr/eng/bbs/view.do?sCode=eng&amp;mId=4&amp;bbsSeqNo=42&amp;nttSeqNo=1152" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">extensive government support</a>, in the form of access to computing power and personnel, to five South Korean consortia that aim to cultivate a Korean foundation model that can compete with the world&rsquo;s leading AI services.</p>
<p>Civil society organizations in some of the world&rsquo;s largest democracies have sought to push policymakers to invest in new standards for AI governance to accompany these investments. In July 2024, the Brazilian government announced a $4 billion investment plan for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/technology/artificial-intelligence/brazil-proposes-4-billion-ai-investment-plan-2024-07-30/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">sovereign AI</a> to give Brazilians and their institutions more control over the development of AI in the country. Some $1 billion of the funding was allocated to state-owned technology firms. Brazilian civil society organizations have urged policymakers to embed <a href="https://telesintese.com.br/pl-da-ia-soberania-dos-dados-e-tema-central-em-audiencia-na-camara/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">fundamental rights safeguards</a> as they develop the country&rsquo;s rules for AI governance. Similarly, Indian academics and organizations have <a href="https://zenodo.org/records/15766143" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">called on authorities</a> to put <a href="https://www.techpolicy.press/what-it-will-take-for-indias-new-ai-governance-guidelines-to-work/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">rights-respecting governance</a> <a href="https://www.techpolicy.press/what-it-will-take-for-indias-new-ai-governance-guidelines-to-work" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">measures</a> in place as the government moves forward with AI projects, such as research into <a href="https://www.technologyreview.com/2025/07/04/1119705/inside-indias-scramble-for-ai-independence/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">open-source LLMs</a> that can operate amid the country&rsquo;s linguistic complexity, which was announced in January 2025.</p>
<h2><strong>Mitigating </strong><strong>Harms in the Sprint Toward Sovereignty </strong></h2>
<p>Those at the forefront of AI innovation, whether in government or the private sector, should ensure that sovereign AI initiatives do not exacerbate digital <a href="https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/documents/issues/business/b-tech/taxonomy-GenAI-Human-Rights-Harms.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">repression</a>. The right way forward on AI sovereignty requires <a href="https://freedomonlinecoalition.com/joint-statement-on-ai-and-human-rights-2025/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">governance frameworks</a> that enable democratic oversight, enshrine safeguards for fundamental rights, and fuel innovation tailored to local needs.</p>
<p>As governments deploy AI services and develop their own systems, they should conduct <a href="https://www.humanrights.dk/tools/human-rights-impact-assessment-guidance-toolbox/introduction-human-rights-impact-assessment" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">human rights impact assessments</a> to ensure that their products do not curtail freedom of expression and other fundamental rights, and commit to openness and transparency to ensure democratic accountability is possible. These initiatives should include identifying key human rights risks from across the full lifecycle of design and deployment, empowering impacted communities to comment on potential human rights impacts, developing and implementing mitigation plans, and evaluating the success or shortcomings of those plans. In addition, governments should limit data collection for AI systems to strictly what is needed to provide a necessary service, and work to maintain <a href="https://assets.ctfassets.net/75ila1cntaeh/4VErupJ2rMqKhEOlgXVZHz/424793511ddca69b0a00d16addd0c66e/2Z9q9tlnGbuQ5nedmEWoJy--112616012026" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">interoperability</a> and data portability when such systems are deployed.</p>
<p>Companies contracted by governments to develop or deploy AI tools in the name of sovereign efforts should be prepared to conduct human rights due diligence efforts as well. Localization and customization should never be prioritized over human rights principles, particularly when working with governments that have a track record of digital repression, such as those ranked <a href="https://freedomhouse.org/country/scores?type=fotn" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Not Free</a> by <em>Freedom on the Net</em>.</p>
<p>Across the board, those advancing sovereign AI as a framework should consult with local civil society organizations about how to ensure such initiatives present genuine benefits without harming human rights and implement policies that make explicit commitments to upholding human rights principles. These basic due diligence measures are essential to ensure that the sprint toward AI sovereignty does not leave people&rsquo;s rights in the dust.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132427/human-rights-ai-sovereignty/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Human Rights at Risk in the Sprint Toward AI Sovereignty</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-05T14:03:28+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Kian Vesteinsson</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-05T14:03:28+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="ai &amp; emerging technology"/>

	<category term="ai chips"/>

	<category term="artificial intelligence (ai)"/>

	<category term="authoritarianism"/>

	<category term="censorship"/>

	<category term="china"/>

	<category term="civil liberties"/>

	<category term="cyber"/>

	<category term="democracy"/>

	<category term="democracy &amp; rule of law"/>

	<category term="digital authoritarianism"/>

	<category term="digital justice"/>

	<category term="digital surveillance"/>

	<category term="emerging technology"/>

	<category term="featured articles"/>

	<category term="freedom house"/>

	<category term="freedom of expression"/>

	<category term="freedom of speech"/>

	<category term="generative ai"/>

	<category term="human rights"/>

	<category term="international and foreign"/>

	<category term="large language models (llms)"/>

	<category term="sovereignty"/>

	<category term="surveillance"/>

	<category term="technology"/>

	<category term="united states (us)"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-05:/281647</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133201/early-edition-march-5-2026/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=early-edition-march-5-2026" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Early Edition: March 5, 2026</title>
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A curated weekday guide to major news and d...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Signup to receive the Early Edition in your inbox&nbsp;<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/newsletter-signup/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>.</p>
<div>
<p>A curated weekday guide to major news and developments over the last 24 hours. Here&rsquo;s today&rsquo;s news:</p>
<p><b><i>IRAN WAR&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>Iran&rsquo;s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps announced today that the Strait of Hormuz is only closed to ships from the United States, Israel, Europe, and other Western allies. </b><span>Iran also denied Turkey&rsquo;s claim that it had fired a missile towards Turkish airspace yesterday. Jessie Teung reports for </span><a href="https://edition.cnn.com/world/live-news/iran-war-us-israel-trump-03-05-26" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>CNN</span></a><span>; Yan Zhuang and Leily Nikounazar report for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/live/2026/03/05/world/iran-war-israel-trump" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Iranian drones today struck Nakhchivan, an autonomous territory of Azerbaijan, </b><span>according to the Azerbaijani foreign ministry. </span><span>Iranian missiles also struck the camp of an Iranian Kurdish force based in Iraq this morning, according to an official from the Komala Party. </span><span>Georgi Kantchev reports for the </span><a href="https://www.wsj.com/livecoverage/iran-us-israel-conflict-2026/card/iranian-strikes-spread-to-azerbaijani-territory-says-government-DvpIuCbf5Eqn0hPKTM1U?mod=WSJ_home_supertoppertop_lctimeline" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Wall Street Journal</span></a><span>; Erika Solomon reports for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/live/2026/03/05/world/iran-war-israel-trump/25451623-d2af-5013-91fa-23b34c47255f?smid=url-share" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>U.S.-Israeli strikes have killed 920 people in Iran and injured thousands,</b><span> the Iranian Health Ministry announced yesterday. </span><a href="https://www.npr.org/2026/03/04/nx-s1-5734543/new-strikes-tehran" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>NPR</span></a><span> reports.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>&ldquo;An American submarine sank an Iranian warship that thought it was safe in international waters,&rdquo; </b><span>Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said yesterday. The Sri Lankan navy said it recovered 87 bodies from the attack in the Indian Ocean and rescued 32 people. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi today accused the United States of an &ldquo;atrocity at sea,&rdquo; adding, &ldquo;Mark my words: The U.S. will come to bitterly regret the precedent it has set.&rdquo; Francis and Bharatha Mallawarachi report for </span><a href="https://apnews.com/article/sri-lanka-iran-middle-east-ship-sinking-69191dde43154c5176a8aeacc9128748" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>AP News</span></a><b>; </b><span>Yan Zhuang and Leily Nikounazar report for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/live/2026/03/05/world/iran-war-israel-trump" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>The Israeli army yesterday said it bombed a compound in Tehran housing Iran&rsquo;s cyber warfare headquarters. </b><span>It is unclear to what extent the military sites were damaged or whether there were any casualties. Iran remains under an almost total internet blackout since the U.S.-Israeli joint operation began on Saturday, limiting the flow of information coming out of Iran. Maggie Miller reports for </span><a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/04/israel-iran-cyber-headquarters-00813364" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>POLITICO</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Over 17,500 U.S. citizens have returned to the United States from the Middle East since Saturday, </b><span>Assistant Secretary of the State Department Dylan Johson </span><a href="https://www.state.gov/releases/office-of-the-spokesperson/2026/03/statement-from-assistant-secretary-dylan-johnson-on-ensuring-the-safety-of-american-citizens-in-the-middle-east/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>said</span></a><span> late last night. Several countries, including the U.K., India, France, Germany, Italy, Japan and Australia, are working to increase flights and safe border crossings from the region. Karina Tsui reports for </span><a href="https://www.cnn.com/world/live-news/iran-war-us-israel-trump-03-05-26?post-id=cmmd11adr00003b6subiy5shh" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>CNN</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Iranian Kurdish forces based in Iraq are preparing armed units that could enter Iran, </b><span>according to Iraqi officials and senior members of Iranian Kurdish groups. The CIA gave small arms to the Iranian Kurdish forces before the war began as part of a covert program to destabilize Iran, according to sources. Two U.S. and Israeli officials told </span><a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/05/iran-war-us-israel-kurds-cia-mossad" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Axios</span></a><span> that Iranian Kurdish groups are backed by Mossad, as well as the CIA, adding that the goal is to take over a specific territory in the Kurdish region inside Iran in order to challenge the regime. Sources told the </span><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/2026/03/05/trump-iran-kurds-iraq/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Washington Post</span></a><span> that Trump offered Kurdish leaders &ldquo;extensive U.S. aircover&rdquo; to take over portions of western Iran during calls this week. White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt said yesterday reports that Trump had agreed to any plan for the Kurds to launch an insurgency in Iran were &ldquo;completely false.&rdquo; Erika Solomon, Julian E. Barnes, Christiaan Triebert, Parin Behrooz, and Farnaz Fassihi report for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/04/us/politics/kurds-trump-iran-war.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>; Barak Ravid and Marc Caputo report; Karen DeYoung, Mustafa Selim, Ellen Nakashima, and Warren P. Strobel report.</span></p>
<p><b>U.S. Central Command is asking the Pentagon to send more military intelligence officers to its headquarters in Tampa, Florida, to support operations against Iran for at least 100 days but likely through September,</b><span> according to a notification obtained by </span><a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/04/evacuation-middle-east-iran-war-00812898" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>POLITICO</span></a><span>. Nahal Toosi, Jack Destch, and Paul McLeary report.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu earlier this week asked the White House for clarifications after learning that U.S. officials might be communicating with the Iranian regime,</b><span> two sources said. The sources added that Israeli intelligence had obtained information that raised suspicions that Iran and the United States had been in contact to discuss a ceasefire. &ldquo;The White House told Bibi that the Trump administration wasn&rsquo;t talking to the Iranians behind his back,&rdquo; one source said. An Iranian official said yesterday that Iran had not sent any messages to the United States, adding, &ldquo;Iran&rsquo;s armed forces have prepared themselves for a long war.&rdquo; Barak Ravid reports for </span><a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/04/iran-netanyahu-trump-white-house-talks" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Axios</span></a><span>; </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/iran-denies-axios-report-that-messages-were-sent-us-2026-03-04/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Reuters</span></a><span> reports.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>IRAN WAR &ndash; POLITICAL RESPONSE&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>The White House said yesterday that Spain had agreed to cooperate with the U.S. military in its operation against Iran after Trump threatened to cut off all trade</b><span>. Following Leavitt&rsquo;s comments, Spanish Foreign Minister Jose Manuel Albares denied that Spain had made such an agreement. </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/white-house-spain-has-agreed-cooperate-with-us-military-2026-03-04/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Reuters</span></a><span> reports.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Defense ministers from Britain, France, Germany, Italy, and Poland yesterday joined a call about the conflict in Iran. </b><span>In a statement, U.K. Defense Secretary John Healey said they discussed how the nations&rsquo; armed forces would be protecting their citizens and &ldquo;supporting their allies.&rdquo; </span><span>Britain&rsquo;s Ministry of Defense said later on Wednesday that its fighter jets had been carrying out &ldquo;defensive air operations across the Middle East,&rdquo; but emphasized again that they were &ldquo;in defense of British interests and allies.&rdquo; Lizzie Dearden reports for the</span> <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/04/world/middleeast/european-nations-armed-forces-mideast-iran.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>&ldquo;[The U.S.-Israeli] attacks, which were followed by Iran&rsquo;s retaliatory strikes &#8203;across the region, run counter to the UN Charter,&rdquo;</b><span> the U.N. Independent &#8288;International Fact-Finding Mission on Iran said in a statement yesterday. The U.N. probe also condemned the strike on a girls&rsquo; school in Iran on Saturday. Olivia Le Poidevin reports for </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/iran-war-breaks-un-charter-strike-school-shocking-un-probe-says-2026-03-04/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Reuters.</span></a><span>&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Hegseth and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Dan Caine yesterday declined to address responsibility for a strike on the Iranian girls&rsquo; school, which killed at least 175 people. </b><span>&ldquo;All I can say is that we&rsquo;re investigating, and that we, of course, never target civilian targets,&rdquo; Hegseth said. The top Pentagon officials also said that fighting in Iran was far from over, with Hegseth adding, &ldquo;we&rsquo;ve only just begun to hunt, dismantle, demoralize, destroy, and defeat their capabilities. Greg Jaffe reports for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/04/us/politics/us-war-iran.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>; Paul McLeary reports for </span><a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/04/hegset-iran-war-just-begun-00811889" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>POLITICO</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>The Senate yesterday voted 47-53 against a resolution that would require the Trump administration to get congressional approval before taking any further military action against Iran</b><span>. The vote was mostly along party lines; Sen. Rand Paul (R-KY) was the only Republican who supported the resolution. Connor O&rsquo;Brien reports for </span><a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/04/senate-rejects-war-powers-trump-00813233" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>POLITICO</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>RUSSIA-UKRAINE WAR&nbsp;</b></p>
<p><b>The United States and several countries in the Middle East have approached Ukraine for help in defending against Iranian Shahed drones, </b><span>Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said yesterday. Russia has fired tens of thousands of Shaheds at Ukraine since the war started over four years ago. Zelenskyy said he will only provide assistance in countering Iranian drones if it does not weaken Ukraine&rsquo;s own defenses. </span><span>&ldquo;We help to defend from war those who help us, Ukraine, bring a just end to the war&rdquo; with Russia, Zelenskyy said.</span><span> Illia Novikov and Hanna Arhirova report for </span><a href="https://apnews.com/article/russia-ukraine-war-drones-iran-5cafbae5d360a44c4502b69647269037" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>AP News</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>OTHER GLOBAL DEVELOPMENTS&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>Xi Jinping today announced a 7% increase in China&rsquo;s military spending and a new five-year plan focused on advancing AI, quantum computing, and 6G to strengthen China&rsquo;s economic and military power. </b><b>&nbsp;</b><span>&ldquo;In the midst of fierce international competition, we must win the strategic initiative,&rdquo; the plan said. </span><span>Chris Buckley and Lily Kuo report for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/04/world/asia/china-us-technology-trade-military.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>U.S. CARIBBEAN AND PACIFIC OPERATIONS</i></b></p>
<p><b>Interior Secretary Doug Burgum and Venezuelan Interim President Delcy Rodriguez yesterday announced that the United States and Venezuela will be working together to develop mining in Venezuela. </b><span>Burgum also met with mining and oil executives from both countries during his Venezuela trip. Two sources told </span><a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/05/trump-us-venezuela-gold-deal" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Axios</span></a><span> that Venezuela&rsquo;s state-owned mining company on Monday signed a multimillion dollar deal to sell as many as 1,000 kilograms of gold destined for U.S. markets. Ione Well reports for </span><a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cj322v8pjp5o" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>BBC News</span></a><span>; Marc Caputo reports.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Ecuador yesterday declared Cuban Ambassador Basilio Antonio </b><b>Guti&eacute;rrez, and his diplomatic staff, &ldquo;persona non grata,&rdquo;</b><span> giving them 48 hours to leave the country. Ecuador&rsquo;s Ministry of Foreign Affairs did not provide a reason in its announcement. Cuban Foreign Minister Bruno Rodr&iacute;guez said on social media that it seemed like &ldquo;no coincidence&rdquo; that Ecuador expelled Cuba&rsquo;s diplomatic staff at the same time the United States was asserting pressure on Cuba and other governments in the region. </span><span>Gabriela Molina reports for </span><a href="https://apnews.com/article/ecuador-cuba-trump-noboa-bc7b4bab79e54a39bb8f18d683105b22" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>AP News</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>U.S. IMMIGRATION DEVELOPMENTS&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>ICE is taking steps to close Camp East Montana, a massive immigration detention centre near the U.S.-Mexico border that opened less than eight months ago,</b><span> according to an internal document reviewed by the </span><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/immigration/2026/03/04/trump-administration-closes-fort-bliss-detention-center/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Washington Post</span></a><span>. The document indicated that ICE is drafting a letter to terminate its $1.2 billion contract, without providing a timeline or reason for the decision. A spokesperson for the Homeland Security Department said that DHS is reviewing the facility to ensure it meets standards, and that no decisions have been made in relation to the contract.&nbsp; Douglas MacMillan reports.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>U.S. DOMESTIC DEVELOPMENTS</i></b></p>
<p><b>The House Oversight Committee voted yesterday to subpoena Attorney General Pam Bondi to testify about her handling of the Epstein files.</b><span> Five Republicans joined all Democrats in support of the motion. Hailey Fuchs reports for </span><a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/04/pam-bondi-subpoena-epstien-00812960" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>POLITICO</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>The Justice Department was unable to move forward with making a case that former President Biden and his top aides broke the law in using the autopen to sign presidential documents, </b><span>three sources said. Michael S. Schmidt, Devlin Barrett, and Alan Feuer report for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/04/us/politics/trump-biden-autopen.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>WhatsApp messages reviewed by the </b><a href="https://www.miamiherald.com/news/politics-government/article314928484.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>Miami Herald</b></a><b> show that a group chat set up for students at Florida International University by Miami-Dade County&rsquo;s Republican Party secretary quickly became flooded with racist, antisemitic, and misogynistic content. </b><span>FIU said that the chat logs are now being examined as part of an ongoing criminal investigation. Claire Heddles reports.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Harvard University will allow active-duty troops to defer their admission for up to four years in response to the Pentagon&rsquo;s ban on academic involvement with the school. </b><span>Harvard will also work with students accepted to Harvard Kennedy School&rsquo;s programs to get expedited consideration at four other graduate schools that have not been banned, according to a source and a </span><a href="https://static.politico.com/f3/18/30030b7a424797205135304cfdfc/harvard-letter.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>letter</span></a><span> obtained by&nbsp; </span><a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/04/harvard-works-to-sidestep-hegseths-ban-on-military-students-00813654" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>POLITICO</span></a><span>. Leo Shane III reports.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>TRUMP ADMINISTRATION ACTIONS</i></b><span>&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem yesterday denied allegations from DHS Inspector General Joseph Cuffari that she and her deputies obstructed investigations by blocking access to key government databases and information systems. </b><span>Noem told the House Judiciary Committee that the inspector general had not properly defined the scope of his requests, adding Cuffari &ldquo;wants unfettered access to every single thing in the department, and that&rsquo;s not the process.&rdquo; Karoun Demirjian, Hamed Aleaziz, and Michael Gold report for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/04/us/politics/noem-dhs-inspector-general.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>&ldquo;We&rsquo;re here this afternoon for a historic signing that will help keep down utility bills very, very substantially and electricity prices for millions of Americans,&rdquo;</b><span> Trump said from a White House event yesterday announcing a &ldquo;ratepayer protection pledge&rdquo; with major tech companies. Energy experts told </span><a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/04/trump-and-ai-leaders-tout-his-build-your-own-power-plant-pledge-00812891" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>POLITICO</span></a><span> that the pledge is unlikely to protect ordinary consumers from all of the electricity prices driven by rapid expansion of AI data centers. Zack Colman, Gabby Miller, and Katherine Long report.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>TRUMP ADMINISTRATION LITIGATION&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>A federal trade-court judge yesterday ordered the Trump administration to start refunding more than $130 billion it collected in global tariffs invalidated by the Supreme Court last month.</b><span> More than 2,000 lawsuits have been filed by companies seeking to recoup their money. Lydia Wheeler, James Fanelli, and Louise Radnofsky report for the </span><a href="https://www.wsj.com/politics/policy/judge-orders-government-to-begin-refunding-more-than-130-billion-in-tariffs-fdc1e62c?mod=hp_lead_pos10" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Wall Street Journal</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
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	<updated>2026-03-05T13:04:23+00:00</updated>
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	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-05:/281648</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133231/united-kingdom-iran-war-international-law/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=united-kingdom-iran-war-international-law" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">The United Kingdom’s Use of Force Against Iran: Walking a Legal Tightrope?</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>On March 1, 2026, British Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer announced that the United Kingdom is takin...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p><span>On March 1, 2026, British Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer </span><a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/pm-statement-on-iran-1-march-2026" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>announced</span></a><span> that the United Kingdom is taking defensive military action against Iran. The announcement comes on the heels of his earlier </span><a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/pm-statement-on-iran-28-february-2026" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>denial</span></a><span> that the United Kingdom played any role in the strikes launched by the United States and Israel on Iran on Feb. 28. 2026. These very different statements are underpinned by what appears to be a nuanced legal argument. The purpose of this analysis is to unpack the British position with reference to the rules governing the use of force and the events that have unfolded since Starmer&rsquo;s initial statement.</span></p>
<h2><b>The U.S.-Israeli attack on Iran</b></h2>
<p><span>On the morning of Feb. 28, 2026, the United States and Israel launched a coordinated </span><a href="https://understandingwar.org/research/middle-east/iran-update-special-report-us-and-israeli-strikes-february-28-2026/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>military assault</span></a><span> on Iran, codenamed Operation Epic Fury by the U.S. Department of Defense and Operation Roaring Lion by Israel. Using a combination of cruise missiles, drones and manned aircraft, the two States struck targets across Tehran, Isfahan, Qom, Karaj and Kermanshah. The Israeli Air Force </span><a href="https://www.timesofisrael.com/liveblog_entry/idf-says-200-jets-involved-in-air-forces-largest-ever-attack-sortie/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>reported</span></a><span> that it had engaged over 500 military targets in western and central Iran, using over 200 fighter jets in the largest combat sortie in its history. Among the targets was the compound of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, whose death was later </span><a href="https://farsi.khamenei.ir/news-content?id=62772" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>confirmed</span></a><span> by Iranian state media, along with several other senior military and intelligence officials. The </span><a href="https://www.cbsnews.com/news/trump-full-statement-on-us-iran-attack-major-combat-operations/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>stated</span></a><span> objectives of the U.S. and Israeli operations include destroying Iran&rsquo;s missile and other military capabilities, preventing Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons, and toppling the Iranian government.</span></p>
<p><span>Some of the justifications offered by the United States and Israel for their use of force against Iran are rooted in the language of self-defense. The White House &ldquo;War Powers Report&rdquo; to Congress </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/wpr-report-operation-epic-fury-march-2-2025.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>stated</span></a><span>, &ldquo;These strikes were undertaken to protect United States forces in the region, protect the United States homeland &hellip; and in collective self-defense of our regional allies, including Israel.&rdquo;&nbsp; Israel&rsquo;s Defense Minister Israel Katz </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/israel-says-it-launched-pre-emptive-attack-against-iran-2026-02-28/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>described</span></a><span> the strikes as a &ldquo;preemptive attack&rdquo; intended to &ldquo;remove threats to the State of Israel,&rdquo; while Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu </span><a href="https://www.timesofisrael.com/liveblog_entry/netanyahu-says-israel-us-launched-strikes-to-remove-the-existential-threat-posed-by-iran/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>portrayed</span></a><span> the operation as one designed to &ldquo;remove the existential threat posed by the terrorist regime in Iran.&rdquo;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>However, these arguments are insufficient to justify the use of force under international law on any reasonable reading of the rules. </span><a href="https://www.un.org/en/about-us/un-charter/full-text" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 2(4)</span></a><span> of the United Nations Charter prohibits the use of force between States, subject to only two exceptions: authorization by the Security Council and the exercise of the right of self-defense under </span><a href="https://www.un.org/en/about-us/un-charter/full-text" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 51</span></a><span> &ldquo;if an armed attack occurs.&rdquo; In the absence of Security Council authorization, self-defense is the only possible legal basis. However, the preconditions for self-defense are not met, as expert commentators have noted (see </span><a href="https://www.ejiltalk.org/the-american-israeli-strikes-on-iran-are-again-manifestly-illegal/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span>, </span><a href="https://www.newsweek.com/trump-potential-iran-strikes-legal-questions-experts-11595238" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span> and </span><a href="https://foreignpolicy.com/2026/02/27/democratic-party-shaheen-coons-sullivan-trump-war-iran-state-of-the-union/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span>). There was no Iranian armed attack on the United States or Israel preceding the strikes. Even on the broadest understanding of anticipatory self-defense, there was </span><a href="https://www.chathamhouse.org/2026/03/iran-attacks-president-trump-making-use-force-new-normal-and-casting-aside-international" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>no imminent attack</span></a><span> by Iran against the United States or Israel that would have called for the use of force as a last resort. In any event, the operations against Iran appear to be designed to systematically degrade Iran&rsquo;s military potential, including its </span><a href="https://x.com/IDFFarsi/status/2028176761834319978?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>nuclear infrastructure</span></a><span>, and to bring about a change in its </span><a href="https://www.timesofisrael.com/liveblog_entry/netanyahu-says-israel-us-launched-strikes-to-remove-the-existential-threat-posed-by-iran/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>government</span></a><span>. As President Donald Trump </span><a href="https://www.cbsnews.com/news/trump-full-statement-on-us-iran-attack-major-combat-operations/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>put it</span></a><span>, the operation seeks to destroy Iran&rsquo;s missiles, raze its missile industry to the ground and annihilate its navy. These objectives raise questions not only about the proportionality of any purported exercise of the right of self-defense, but also contradict its defensive nature.</span></p>
<h2><b>The British position</b></h2>
<p><span>The United Kingdom had previously </span><a href="https://edition.cnn.com/2026/02/20/europe/britain-air-base-access-us-iran-intl-hnk-ml" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>refused</span></a><span> a U.S. request to use British military bases for its military action against Iran. Under a longstanding agreement, the United States is required to seek permission before using U.K. military bases for its operations. According to British media </span><a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cj98egkl7l1o" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>reports</span></a><span>, the decision to deny the U.S. request was taken on the basis of legal advice from the U.K. Attorney General, reflecting concerns that providing such support could render the U.K. complicit in an internationally wrongful act. In addition to flagging the risk of </span><a href="https://legal.un.org/ilc/texts/instruments/english/draft_articles/9_6_2001.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>complicity</span></a><span> under the law of State responsibility, it is likely that the Attorney General also advised the U.K. Government that allowing British territory to be used by the United States for perpetrating an act of aggression against Iran would itself amount to an act of aggression by the United Kingdom, in line with the United Nations General Assembly&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/190983?ln=en&amp;v=pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Definition of Aggression</span></a><span>.</span></p>
<p><span>However, on March 1, Starmer announced that the UK granted permission to the United States to use British bases for the &ldquo;specific and limited defensive purpose&rdquo; of destroying Iranian missiles at source. What changed?</span></p>
<p><span>As the </span><a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/news/summary-of-the-uk-government-legal-position-the-legality-of-defensive-action-in-respect-of-iranian-regional-attacks" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>summary</span></a><span> of the legal advice provided to the Government explains, the United Kingdom believes that Iran is conducting &ldquo;indiscriminate attacks against countries in the region,&rdquo; some of which have threatened U.K. service personnel. According to the summary, under these circumstances, international law permits the United Kingdom to use force in the exercise of the right of individual self-defense and &ldquo;to use or support force&rdquo; pursuant to the right of collective self-defense to assist regional allies who have requested British help.</span></p>
<p><span>The language of the summary and other </span><a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/westronglycondemn-iranian-strikes-across-the-region-uk-statement-at-the-un-security-council" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>official statements</span></a><span> is nuanced. They speak of &ldquo;indiscriminate strikes&rdquo; by Iran against civilians targets and refer to &ldquo;unlawful attacks&rdquo; perpetrated by Iran against &ldquo;countries not previously involved in the conflict&rdquo;. In his statement on March 1, the Prime Minister took pains to underline that the United Kingdom was not involved in the initial strikes on Iran and that it would &ldquo;not join offensive action now.&rdquo;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>At the core of the U.K. Government&rsquo;s legal position thus lies a distinction between offensive and defensive military action against Iran. Although key members of Government have done their best to </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/uk/britain-says-it-is-us-set-out-legal-basis-iran-strikes-2026-03-01/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>avoid</span></a><span> expressing a view on the legality of the U.S.-Israeli operation, in the light of the initial refusal to allow U.S. forces to operate from British bases, it is very safe to assume that London still considers the military action by the United States and Israel to be unlawful. This helps explain why the United Kingdom is not prepared to join &ldquo;offensive action&rdquo; against Tehran. However, at the same time the United Kingdom is relying on the right of individual and collective self-defense to counter what it describes as &ldquo;unlawful attacks&rdquo; by Iran. Though not stated in express terms, this might imply that Iran is entitled to use force in the exercise of the right of self-defense, but that it has exceeded the boundaries of that right.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<h2><b>Lawful self-defense on the part of Iran?&nbsp;</b></h2>
<p><span>Given its scale, there is no doubt that the U.S.-Israeli action crossed the threshold of an &ldquo;armed attack&rdquo; and therefore triggered Iran&rsquo;s right of self-defense in accordance with Article 51 of the United Nations Charter and customary international law. Indeed, Iran has said as much by formally </span><a href="https://newyork.mfa.ir/files/Survey/2026022820370766117623584.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>invoking</span></a><span> its inherent right of self-defense and declaring that it considers &ldquo;all bases, facilities, and assets of hostile forces in the region&rdquo; as legitimate military targets.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Iran&rsquo;s military response began within hours of the U.S.-Israeli attack on Feb. 28 and has continued in sustained waves. Its operations have focused heavily on U.S. military installations across the Gulf. News reports (</span><a href="https://www.stripes.com/theaters/middle_east/2026-02-28/strikes-on-bahrain-iran-israel-20902624.html#:~:text=confirmed%20by%20Tasnim%20News%20Agency%2C%20a%20semiofficial%20Iranian%20outlet%20associated%20with%20the%20Islamic%20Revolutionary%20Guard%20Corps" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span>, </span><a href="https://edition.cnn.com/world/live-news/israel-iran-attack-02-28-26-hnk-intl?post-id=cmm64boa9000m356rh4can18y" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span> and </span><a href="https://israel-alma.org/irans-multi-front-missile-and-uav-offensive-across-the-middle-east-feb-28-mar-1-2026/#:~:text=Muwaffaq%20al%2DSalti%20Air%20Base%20in%20Azraq" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span>) confirm that Iran has targeted several bases in the region, including Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar and the U.S. Navy&rsquo;s Fifth Fleet headquarters in Bahrain,. while some of its missiles have reached Haifa, Tel Aviv and surrounding areas in Israel.</span></p>
<p><span>The exercise of the right of self-defense is subject to well-established </span><a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/necessity-and-proportionality-and-the-right-of-self-defence-in-international-law-9780198863403" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>conditions</span></a><span>. The defensive action must be </span><i><span>necessary</span></i><span>, meaning that the use of force must be the only feasible means of responding to the attack and non-forcible alternatives must be unavailable or insufficient. The force used must also be </span><i><span>proportionate</span></i><span> to the threat faced.</span></p>
<p><span>Iranian attacks directed against U.S. and Israeli military installations actively involved in, or reasonably believed to contribute to, ongoing operations against Iran would seem to meet these criteria without too much difficulty. Operation Epic Fury has been </span><a href="https://www.centcom.mil/MEDIA/PRESS-RELEASES/Press-Release-View/Article/4418396/us-forces-launch-operation-epic-fury/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>described</span></a><span> by U.S. Central Command as &ldquo;the largest regional concentration of American military firepower in a generation,&rdquo; using &ldquo;air, land, and sea&rdquo; assets stationed across the theatre. It is rather unlikely that the United States would not make use of its extensive military facilities in the region to stage and deploy these assets. For example, Al Udeid air base in Qatar serves as the forward headquarters of U.S. Central Command and the Combined Air Operations Center (CAOC), the nerve center that coordinates all U.S. air operations across the Middle East. Some of the units deployed on Epic Fury, such as Task Force Scorpion Strike operating </span><a href="https://www.flightglobal.com/military-uavs/us-deploys-iranian-derived-strike-drones-in-operation-epic-fury/166480.article" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>LUCAS</span></a><span> drones, are based at </span><a href="https://www.centcom.mil/MEDIA/PRESS-RELEASES/Press-Release-View/Article/4347030/us-launches-one-way-attack-drone-force-in-the-middle-east/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>undisclosed</span></a><span> locations in the Middle East. On March 2, three U.S. F-15E Strike Eagles flying in support of Operation Epic Fury were </span><a href="https://www.centcom.mil/MEDIA/PRESS-RELEASES/Press-Release-View/Article/4418568/three-us-f-15s-involved-in-friendly-fire-incident-in-kuwait-pilots-safe/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>shot down</span></a><span> by friendly fire over Kuwait, which implies that Kuwait has, at the very least, permitted access to its airspace.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>The fact that these U.S. bases and military assets are located in third countries across the Gulf region does not render the Iranian attacks upon them an unlawful use of force directed against the territorial integrity and political independence of those third countries. As noted earlier, a State that allows its territory to be used by another State for perpetrating an act of aggression is thereby committing an </span><a href="https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/190983?ln=en&amp;v=pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>act of aggression</span></a><span> itself. Gulf countries that have placed their territory at the disposal of the United States for conducting an armed attack against Iran have therefore opened themselves up to measures of lawful self-defense by Iran directed against U.S. assets used in that ongoing armed attack, either on the basis that the use of force against U.S. assets located on their territory is necessary under the right of self-defense, and thus constitutes an exception to the prohibition to use of force in Article 2(4) of the Charter, or on the basis that lawful self-defense is a </span><a href="https://scholarship.law.slu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2373&amp;context=lj" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>circumstance precluding the wrongfulness</span></a><span> of the infringement of their sovereignty and territorial inviolability. Moreover, should the support that these Gulf States provide to the United States amount to an armed attack in its own right, this would grant Iran the right to engage in acts of self-defense against them directly.</span></p>
<h2><b>Unlawful attacks by Iran?</b></h2>
<p><span>However, Iranian operations have not been limited to military objectives. While </span><a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c363zkp1pgxo" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>some strikes</span></a><span> may have caused civilian casualties inadvertently, other attacks were most likely deliberately aimed at commercial infrastructure and other civilian objects across the region. The nature of these attacks and the targets they pursued raise questions about whether Iran&rsquo;s exercise of the right of self-defense remains within the bounds of necessity and proportionality.</span></p>
<p><span>A list of ostensibly civilian locations and targets struck by Iran </span><a href="https://x.com/CENTCOM/status/2028182813837828251" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>published</span></a><span> by U.S. Central Command before the United Kingdom&rsquo;s new position includes:</span> <span>Dubai International Airport, Kuwait International Airport, Zayed International Airport in Abu Dhabi, Erbil International Airport in Iraq, the Fairmont Palm Hotel and Burj Al Arab Hotel in Dubai, the Crowne Plaza Hotel in Bahrain, the Port of Dubai, and residential areas in Qatar and Bahrain. The UAE Ministry of Defense </span><a href="https://x.com/modgovae/status/2028087668937208117" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>reported</span></a><span> that Iran had fired 165 ballistic missiles, two cruise missiles and 541 drones at the country, of which 21 drones hit civilian targets, killing three foreign workers. In Kuwait, a drone targeted the international airport, causing injuries and limited damage. In Qatar, residential areas were struck by debris from interceptions. In </span><a href="https://www.argusmedia.com/en/news-and-insights/latest-market-news/2794546-oman-reports-first-drone-attack-amid-regional-tensions" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Oman</span></a><span>, two drones hit a commercial port and injured a foreign worker.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>These attacks call into question whether Iran&rsquo;s targeting is compliant with the law of armed conflict. However, its repeated and seemingly deliberate attacks on civilian infrastructure also raise the question as to whether Iran has exceeded the boundaries of lawful self-defense. This is because the use of force against civilian objects and infrastructure which do not support the ongoing armed attack by the United States does not, by definition, serve any defensive purpose and attacking such objects is neither necessary nor proportionate under the law governing the use of force. As the International Court of Justice put it in a comparable situation, such objects simply are not a &ldquo;legitimate military target open to attack in the exercise of self-defense&rdquo; (</span><a href="https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/90/090-20031106-JUD-01-00-EN.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Oil Platforms</span></i></a><span>, para. 51; see also Adil Haque&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/89960/enough-self-defense-and-proportionality-in-the-israel-hamas-conflict/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>essay</span></a><span> in 2023 on civilian harm exceeding the right of self-defense).</span></p>
<p><span>Based on the foregoing, it is reasonable to conclude that Iran&rsquo;s use of force has exceeded the boundaries of lawful self-defense. Since its attacks on civilian infrastructure cross the gravity threshold of an armed attack, this in turn gives rise to the right of self-defense by the affected Gulf countries against further Iranian attacks that similarly fail to meet the conditions for lawful self-defense. </span></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p><span>Moreover, not all of the affected Gulf States may be supporting U.S. operations against Iran. Iranian strikes directed against such countries would not qualify as lawful self-defense, but may amount to armed attacks engaging those countries&rsquo; right of individual and collective self-defense.</span></p>
<h2><b>Why the United Kingdom is in a tight spot</b></h2>
<p><span>As noted in the </span><a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/news/summary-of-the-uk-government-legal-position-the-legality-of-defensive-action-in-respect-of-iranian-regional-attacks" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>summary</span></a><span> of its legal position, the United Kingdom is acting &ldquo;to use or support force&rdquo; to assist regional allies who have requested U.K. support in exercise of the right of collective self-defense. The mention of action &ldquo;supporting&rdquo; the use of force presumably refers to the United Kingdom&rsquo;s decision to allow the United States to use British bases for conducting defensive operations against Iran. In principle, permitting the use of one&rsquo;s territory in such a manner constitutes a form of </span><a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/international-and-comparative-law-quarterly/article/abs/nonforcible-measures-and-the-law-of-selfdefence/02ADE428C2F99BE5D0EF52C977264580" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>non-forcible support</span></a><span> that falls within the scope of the right of self-defense. On this reading, the United Kingdom&rsquo;s decision to permit the United States to use British bases for defensive strikes against Iranian missile sites is an exercise of the right of collective self-defense with the affected Gulf countries, effectively instrumentalizing U.S. military operations for these purposes.</span></p>
<p><span>In addition to the right of collective self-defense, the United Kingdom is also relying on the right of individual self-defense. As Prime Minister Starmer </span><a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/pm-statement-on-iran-1-march-2026" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>pointed out</span></a><span>, &ldquo;Iran hit a military base in Bahrain, narrowly missing British personnel.&rdquo; On March 2, 2026, a drone struck RAF Akrotiri in Cyprus, a British Sovereign Base Area, hitting the runway and causing what Cypriot officials </span><a href="https://www.euronews.com/2026/03/02/britain-says-drone-hit-its-military-base-in-cyprus-the-first-impact-of-mideast-conflict-in#:~:text=caused%20limited%20damage" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>described</span></a><span> as &ldquo;limited damage.&rdquo; U.K. Foreign Secretary Yvette Cooper later </span><a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/middle-east/raf-base-cyprus-iran-drone-strike-b2929869.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>confirmed</span></a><span> the strike. Subsequently, it was </span><a href="https://www.standard.co.uk/news/uk/iran-war-latest-cyprus-raf-base-lebanon-israel-b1273027.html#:~:text=two%20unmanned%20drones%20heading%20towards%20RAF%20Akrotiri%20had%20been%20intercepted" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>reported</span></a><span> that two further drones heading toward RAF Akrotiri were intercepted. RAF Akrotiri is not merely a military installation on allied territory: it is a British Sovereign Base Area, forming part of the UK&rsquo;s sovereign territory under the </span><a href="https://peacemaker.un.org/en/node/9380" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Treaty of Establishment</span></a><span> of the Republic of Cyprus. An armed attack on RAF Akrotiri is therefore, as a matter of law, an armed attack on the United Kingdom that engages the United Kingdom&rsquo;s inherent right of individual self-defense.</span></p>
<p><span>The logic of the United Kingdom&rsquo;s legal position is clear: by distinguishing between &ldquo;offensive&rdquo; and &ldquo;defensive&rdquo; action against Iran, the United Kingdom is taking and supporting only military action that falls within the exercise of individual and collective self-defense against unlawful attacks by Iran, but not the wider U.S.-Israeli offensive campaign.</span><span>&#8203;</span></p>
<p><span>Though the basic logic is legally compelling, the practical difficulty with this position is that the United Kingdom must ensure that any support it provides to the United States remains confined to the lawful exercise of self-defense against Iran&rsquo;s unlawful attacks on regional allies and the United Kingdom itself, without spilling over into supporting the ongoing U.S.-Israeli armed attack on Iran. This distinction is legally essential, but operationally fraught.</span></p>
<p><span>First, the U.S. military does not neatly separate &ldquo;offensive&rdquo; and &ldquo;defensive&rdquo; operations into distinct institutional or logistical pipelines. The same bases, command structures, logistics and intelligence systems that support defensive operations simultaneously support the broader offensive campaign to degrade Iran&rsquo;s military capabilities and bring about regime change. Second, the distinction between offensive and defensive action is difficult to maintain at the level of specific targets. A strike against an Iranian missile launcher that is actively being prepared to fire at a Gulf State is plainly defensive. But a strike against a missile production facility, a storage depot or an associated command and control node may serve both defensive and offensive purposes simultaneously. Seemingly aware of this difficulty, the </span><a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/news/summary-of-the-uk-government-legal-position-the-legality-of-defensive-action-in-respect-of-iranian-regional-attacks" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>summary</span></a><span> of the legal advice suggests that the UK will facilitate action &ldquo;against missile facilities in Iran which were involved in launching strikes at regional allies.&rdquo; Third, there is a temporal dimension. As the situation evolves, the factual basis for defensive action may shift. If Iran were to cease its strikes on Gulf States and the UK, the necessity for defensive measures would diminish and any continued use of British bases for U.S. operations against Iran would lose its self-defense justification. The UK must therefore continually reassess whether the conditions for lawful self-defense persist, rather than treating its initial authorization as an open-ended licence. Fourth, in exercising the right of individual self-defense in response to the incidents at RAF Akrotiri, the UK must comply with the requirements of necessity and proportionality. Assuming for the sake of argument that the drone strikes did cross the threshold of an armed attack, it is open to debate whether extensive military operations against Iranian facilities would be necessary and proportionate in response.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>In short, the United Kingdom is, at best, walking a legal tightrope. At worst, it is attempting to draw an impossible distinction, as Adil Haque has </span><a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__www.justsecurity.org_132894_us-2Disrael-2Diran-2Dwar-2Dlegal-2Doptions_&amp;d=DwMGaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=JZwLRYy5ohjDpu4XJL_Qf2hS3DNnVr4l09kSgpJmOOs&amp;m=AuvLNIkjKaeb0e3ZLv9Rv669yAE6figXTA6uvaZYHpRDhDKIWVVr__YBItFbCEDT&amp;s=yre9r2N-NPbJ02ywBZ7zPQWzWx63OzjmQvNsOhv9MCE&amp;e=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>argued</span></a><span> earlier. </span><span>Its position is doctrinally coherent in the abstract. In practice, however, maintaining a distinction between &ldquo;offensive&rdquo; and &ldquo;defensive&rdquo; operations would require a degree of control and situational awareness over U.S. military activity conducted from British bases that the UK may simply not possess. The risk is that, having opened the door to &ldquo;limited defensive&rdquo; support, the UK finds that door difficult to close.</span></p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133231/united-kingdom-iran-war-international-law/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The United Kingdom&rsquo;s Use of Force Against Iran: Walking a Legal Tightrope?</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-05T11:41:00+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Aurel Sari</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-05T11:41:00+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="armed conflict"/>

	<category term="armed conflicts"/>

	<category term="international humanitarian law (ihl)"/>

	<category term="international law"/>

	<category term="iran"/>

	<category term="israel"/>

	<category term="jus ad bellum"/>

	<category term="law of armed conflict (loac)"/>

	<category term="law of armed conflict/ihl"/>

	<category term="operation epic fury"/>

	<category term="trump administration second term"/>

	<category term="un charter"/>

	<category term="united kingdom (uk)"/>

	<category term="use of force"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-04:/281601</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132934/deeper-problem-ice-arrest-warrants/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=deeper-problem-ice-arrest-warrants" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">The Deeper Problem with ICE’s Arrest Warrants</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Congressional Democrats are holding up DHS funding in part because the Trump administration opposes ...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p><span>Congressional Democrats are holding up DHS funding in part because the Trump administration opposes prohibiting ICE from entering a home without a judicial warrant. But the warrant problem runs deeper than home entries. DHS regulations delegate the power to issue arrest warrants to every immigration officer in ICE and CBP without independent review, without supervisory approval, and without the safeguards Congress has required for far less intrusive authorities like electronic surveillance. My </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131621/ice-administrative-warrants-fourth-amendment-response-dhs-general-counsel/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>previous article</span></a><span> explained why DHS&rsquo;s position on home entries is unconstitutional. This article argues that the entire administrative arrest warrant regime raises serious Fourth Amendment concerns &mdash; and that Congress should reform it along the lines it has followed in other contexts where the government&rsquo;s actions directed at non-citizens implicate the constitutional rights of us all.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>The problem is that DHS </span><a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/cfr/text/8/287.5" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>regulations</span></a><span> expansively delegate the Secretary of Homeland Security&rsquo;s power to issue arrest warrants, in </span><a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/8/1226" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>8 U.S.C. &sect; 1226</span></a><span>, to every immigration officer in ICE and CBP. Such an expansive delegation, without independent internal review and oversight, and without an external check, calls into doubt the reliability of the regulatory scheme. The system likely fails to protect U.S. citizens, lawful permanent residents, and immigrants with legal status from mistaken arrest. DHS can simply release them if they are wrongfully detained. Despite the trauma that causes, there&rsquo;s no effective remedy. And if DHS detains an immigrant without probable cause, and places the immigrant in removal proceedings, the immigrant is without recourse. Suppression&mdash;the exclusion of evidence obtained through an unlawful arrest&mdash;is unavailable in removal proceedings, and there&rsquo;s no right to release. Such a system raises a significant risk of unconstitutional arrest.</span></p>
<h2><b>The Fourth Amendment Framework for Immigration Arrests&nbsp;</b></h2>
<p><span>To appreciate the problem with the DHS warrant regulations, it is important to understand the constitutional framework that governs immigration arrests. A key rationale for the constitutional requirements, including probable cause, is to protect U.S. citizens from arbitrary detention by immigration agents. The rights of U.S. citizens must be assured, in addition to the rights of immigrants.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>The Supreme Court made this clear in </span><a href="https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/422/873/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>United States v. Brignoni-Ponce</span></i></a> (1975)<i><span>. </span></i><span>It held that, just as in the criminal context, &ldquo;reasonable suspicion&rdquo; is required to briefly stop an immigrant for questioning &ldquo;about their citizenship and immigration status . . . but any further detention . . . must be based on . . . probable cause.&rdquo; The Court rejected the government&rsquo;s argument that immigration agents should be able to stop and question immigrants on highways within 100 miles of the border, without reasonable suspicion, in large part because granting such permission would undermine the constitutional rights of U.S. citizens. As the Court reasoned, &ldquo;[t]o approve roving patrol stops of all vehicles in the border area, without any suspicion that a particular vehicle is carrying illegal immigrants, would subject the residents of these and other areas to potentially unlimited interference with their use of the highways, solely at the discretion of Border Patrol officers.&rdquo; The Court determined that,&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>&ldquo;[a]lthough we may assume for purposes of this case that the broad congressional power over immigration . . . authorizes Congress to admit aliens on condition that they will submit to reasonable questioning about their right to be and remain in the country, this power cannot diminish the Fourth Amendment rights of citizens who may be mistaken for aliens.&rdquo;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Numerous decisions since </span><i><span>Brignoni-Ponce </span></i><span>hold that any immigration detention must be supported by probable cause, just like a criminal arrest. That is why ICE&rsquo;s administrative arrest warrant forms (&ldquo;</span><a href="https://www.ice.gov/sites/default/files/documents/Document/2017/I-200_SAMPLE.PDF" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Form I-200s</span></a><span>&rdquo;) require agents to make a probable cause finding. But it is insufficient that an ICE form requires a low-level agent to find probable cause. That finding must be consistently reliable.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>A process without adequate safeguards subjects U.S. citizens, lawful permanent residents, and immigrants with legal status to the risk of wrongful arrest. That is the risk the probable cause requirement protects against. The risk is not hypothetical. DHS&rsquo;s warrant authority under </span><a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/8/1226" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>8 U.S.C. &sect; 1226</span></a><span> is broad. The statute provides that, &ldquo;[o]n warrant issued by the Attorney General, an alien may be arrested and detained pending a decision on whether the alien is to be removed from the United States.&rdquo; (The Attorney General&rsquo;s authority was transferred to the Secretary of DHS in the Homeland Security Act of 2002.) It gives DHS unreviewable authority to arrest and detain a noncitizen, indefinitely pending removal proceedings, if DHS concludes that any grounds for deportation exist. Those range from lack of documentation to the commission of crimes.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>DHS faces no legal consequences that could ensure reliability. In the criminal context, agents must obtain probable cause to avoid invalidating an arrest or the suppression of evidence at trial. Suppression is unavailable in immigration proceedings. And an immigrant in removal proceedings cannot seek release based on the illegality of their arrest. It is telling that immigration arrests are challenged almost exclusively in criminal cases where the government confronts a motion to suppress. Outside that context, remedies are nonexistent. At best, a U.S. citizen wrongfully detained could bring a lawsuit for damages. Those are almost always unsuccessful. But even if there were a real post-deprivation remedy, Fourth Amendment rights cannot depend on that. The government must follow the Constitution, regardless of the remedy.</span></p>
<p><span>Accordingly, although it may be constitutional to arrest immigrants in public places based on probable cause that they are subject to removal, the absence of an independent check on that authority means the internal process must be rigorous. It must protect the rights of U.S. citizens and immigrants who are not legally subject to arrest. In other contexts where the government claims greater Fourth Amendment authority over foreign persons, and where post-deprivation remedies are severely constrained, the courts insist that the government follow rigorous internal procedures. The courts also insist on appropriate oversight. Such requirements are necessary to protect the Fourth Amendment rights of U.S. citizens. In those contexts, Congress codifies the necessary protections. It does not leave it to internal agency policy.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Foreign intelligence surveillance is instructive. The government&rsquo;s authority for warrantless surveillance of certain foreign persons is dependent on providing adequate programmatic protections for the rights of U.S. citizens. For example, under Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, which authorizes warrantless surveillance of foreign persons&rsquo; email accounts hosted by U.S. providers, the government must operate under rigorous court-approved procedures. Those procedures protect U.S. persons from mistaken targeting and require minimizing U.S. person information. The </span><a href="https://www.intelligence.gov/assets/documents/702-documents/declassified/21/2021_FISC_Certification_Opinion.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>courts have held</span></a><span> that, even though the surveillance is directed at foreign persons outside the United States, such protections are necessary for the program to satisfy the Fourth Amendment&rsquo;s reasonableness requirement. With respect to foreign intelligence surveillance directed exclusively outside the United States, executive branch procedures implementing </span><a href="https://www.dni.gov/files/NCSC/documents/Regulations/EO_12333.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Executive Order 12,333</span></a><span> contain detailed provisions to protect U.S. persons, including requirements for high-level approval for certain activities that may affect their privacy interests. Those are required to ensure that the agency&rsquo;s overall surveillance programs are conducted consistent with the Fourth Amendment rights of U.S. persons, even though it is impermissible to target a U.S. person under those authorities.</span></p>
<p><span>Now turn back to the DHS warrant regime. It implicates the core protection of the Fourth Amendment, the right not to be arbitrarily arrested and detained by a government agent. The arrests may lead to prolonged detention, even if they are mistaken. They present a risk of physical harm or death, particularly at the hands of undertrained ICE agents. By contrast, the elaborate protections in U.S. surveillance laws involve only access and use of data.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>The Supreme Court in </span><a href="https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/362/217/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Abel v. United States</span></i></a> <span>(1960)</span><i><span>, </span></i><span>observed the &ldquo;overwhelming historical legislative recognition of the propriety of administrative arrest for deportable aliens,&rdquo; but no court has squarely addressed a challenge to the warrant authority. DHS has relied on this language, but omits what follows, which serves as a strong implicit condemnation of the current DHS regime. To buttress its observation, the Court went on to explain the careful process the INS followed to issue the warrant. The INS issued the arrest warrant for a Russian spy, based on information provided orally and in person to a Deputy Assistant Commissioner of the INS by FBI counterintelligence agents. The Deputy Assistant Commissioner approved seeking the arrest warrant after obtaining further information from the FBI about the spy&rsquo;s failure to register with the Attorney General, as required under federal law. Two INS agents then presented that information to the Deputy Director of the New York region, who issued the arrest warrant. Regulations at the time required Deputy Director approval of arrest warrants. In suggesting that it would uphold the arrest warrant if it had been properly challenged (which it had not), the Supreme Court emphasized these facts to establish the reliability of the process.</span></p>
<h2><b>Reforming the DHS Warrant Regime</b></h2>
<p><span>A </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131621/ice-administrative-warrants-fourth-amendment-response-dhs-general-counsel/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>previous article</span></a><span> contrasted the careful process outlined in </span><i><span>Ab</span></i><span>el</span> <span>with what is known about the current ICE process. As explained, the DHS regulation, </span><a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/cfr/text/8/287.5" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>8 C.F.R. 287.5(e)(2)</span></a><span>, delegates the authority to issue administrative arrest warrants, under </span><a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/8/1226" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>8 U.S.C. &sect; 1226</span></a><span>, all the way down to &ldquo;Immigration Enforcement Agents,&rdquo; 8 C.F.R. 287.5(e)(2)(iii). The DHS regulation does not require internal supervisory review of warrant applications. The source of statutory authority for the regulation, 8 U.S.C. &sect; 1226, does not require probable cause (or any standard) to issue a warrant and provides that the decision to issue such a warrant is not subject to judicial review. A district court cited these deficiencies in rejecting the argument that ICE can rely on administrative warrants to enter private spaces without a real warrant (in addition to concluding that a judicial warrant is always required for that purpose).</span></p>
<p><span>It is possible that ICE&rsquo;s internal regulations ensure more rigor than what the regulation and statute require. The probable cause finding on the </span><a href="https://www.ice.gov/sites/default/files/documents/Document/2017/I-200_SAMPLE.PDF" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>ICE Form I-200</span></a><span>, for example, does not appear in the regulation or statute, though it is constitutionally mandated. The form is signed by an immigration &ldquo;officer&rdquo; but no public regulations or policy specifies which officers can issue them, any supervisory review and approval that may apply, the underlying due diligence and documentation that must support the determination, the role of legal review, and training requirements for agents who are authorized to sign the forms. ICE withholds this information, including in response to efforts to obtain it under the Freedom of Information Act. Indeed, ICE&rsquo;s memorandum authorizing agents to use administrative warrants to invade homes only became public through a leak.</span></p>
<p><span>The Fourth Amendment rights of U.S. citizens and residents cannot be permitted to turn on opaque and structurally inadequate internal agency policies. The regulations governing the ICE warrant process should be statutorily required, should ensure that the process is reliable, and should be public. The law should also provide for enhanced congressional oversight of the regulations and the implementation of the warrant authority. Congress should follow the course it has chosen when reforming other authorities that implicate the Fourth Amendment, from the </span><a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/18/part-I/chapter-119" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Wiretap Act</span></a><span> to the </span><a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/18/part-I/chapter-121" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Stored Communications Act</span></a><span> to the </span><a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/50/chapter-36" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act</span></a><span>. Those authorities generally require court approval, but congressional reforms have also addressed internal requirements to ensure accuracy, to require appropriate approval, and to ensure oversight.</span></p>
<p><span>At a minimum, in addition to clarifying that administrative arrest warrants cannot be used to enter a space protected by the Fourth Amendment, such as a home, the administrative arrest authority should be reformed along the following lines:</span></p>
<ul>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Ideally, the authority to approve administrative arrest warrants would be transferred by statute to an immigration judge. But if that is impracticable, a senior official should be required to sign the warrant. In </span><i><span>Abel</span></i><span>, the Court noted the INS regulation&rsquo;s requirement that a regional Deputy Director issue the warrant. The level should be high enough to guarantee that the responsible official, with experienced staff, will scrutinize the proposed warrants carefully before issuing them at the request of lower-level agents.</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Any agent who seeks or serves an arrest warrant should be subject to a minimum level of training. The </span><a href="https://www.cnn.com/2026/02/27/us/ice-deportation-officers-training-agents-invs" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>lack of proper training and vetting of ICE agents</span></a><span> is a cause for serious concern.</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>The factual findings required to establish probable cause should be in the form of an attestation by the agent or official who seeks the warrant.</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>DHS components such as ICE should be required to report incidents involving misidentification of subjects, mistakes in executing the warrants, and other problems that implicate the rights of individuals not lawfully subject to arrest. Those reports should be provided to DHS&rsquo;s Office of General Counsel and Office of Privacy and Civil Liberties, in addition to the heads of the relevant DHS components. Those reports should be provided to relevant congressional committees. This type of internal/congressional oversight framework applies under other statutes, such as the surveillance laws.</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>DHS should be required to issue public regulations to implement these requirements.</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Relevant congressional committees should be informed of any significant or novel legal interpretations of DHS&rsquo;s arrest authority. This would prevent DHS from adopting secret legal guidance and instructions to the field, like the secretive memorandum instructing agents to use administrative arrest warrants to enter a home.</span></li>
</ul>
<p><span>***</span></p>
<p><span>The authority to arrest residents in this country, untethered to the protections inherent in a criminal investigation, poses significant Fourth Amendment risks to U.S. citizens and others lawfully present here. The Court has repeatedly rejected arguments to subject administrative searches and seizures to less Fourth Amendment rigor. As the Court emphasized in</span> <a href="https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/413/266/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Almeida-Sanchez v. United States</span></i></a> <span>(1973)</span><i><span>, </span></i><span>in requiring probable cause for roving immigration searches of vehicles, &ldquo;[t]he needs of law enforcement stand in constant tension with the Constitution&rsquo;s protections of the individual against certain exercises of official power. It is precisely the predictability of these pressures that counsels a resolute loyalty to constitutional safeguards.&rdquo; The Court pointed to the words of Justice Jackson in </span><a href="https://supreme.justia.com/cases/federal/us/338/160/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Brinegar v. United States</span></i></a> <span>(1948), after his return from the Nuremberg Trials:&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>These [Fourth Amendment rights], I protest, are not mere second-class rights, but belong in the catalog of indispensable freedoms. Among deprivations of rights, none is so effective in cowing a population, crushing the spirit of the individual and putting terror in every heart. Uncontrolled search and seizure is one of the first and most effective weapons in the arsenal of every arbitrary government.</span></p>
<p><span>Congress has heeded this warning before. It should do so again.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132934/deeper-problem-ice-arrest-warrants/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Deeper Problem with ICE&rsquo;s Arrest Warrants</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-04T14:25:17+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Chris Hardee</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-04T14:25:17+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="4th amendment"/>

	<category term="accountability"/>

	<category term="administrative law"/>

	<category term="civil liberties"/>

	<category term="civil rights"/>

	<category term="congress"/>

	<category term="congressional oversight"/>

	<category term="constitutional law"/>

	<category term="democracy"/>

	<category term="democracy &amp; rule of law"/>

	<category term="democratic backsliding &amp; solutions"/>

	<category term="department of homeland security (dhs)"/>

	<category term="executive branch"/>

	<category term="foreign intelligence surveillance act (fisa)"/>

	<category term="general warrants"/>

	<category term="house"/>

	<category term="house of representatives"/>

	<category term="human rights"/>

	<category term="immigration"/>

	<category term="immigration and customs enforcement (ice)"/>

	<category term="immigration detention"/>

	<category term="judicial"/>

	<category term="law enforcement"/>

	<category term="oversight"/>

	<category term="regulation"/>

	<category term="rule of law"/>

	<category term="senate"/>

	<category term="trump administration second term"/>

	<category term="u.s."/>

	<category term="u.s. customs and border protection (cbp)"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-04:/281602</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133171/ayatollah-khamenei-leadership-strike-law/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=ayatollah-khamenei-leadership-strike-law" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Was Targeting Ayatollah Khamenei and Other Iranian Leaders Lawful? What Precedents Does It Set?</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>The most recent round of hostilities between Iran, on one hand, and Israel and the United States, on...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p><span>The most recent round of hostilities between Iran, on one hand, and Israel and the United States, on the other, opened with a </span><a href="https://thehill.com/policy/international/5763576-irans-leaders-who-was-killed-whos-in-charge-now/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>campaign</span></a><span> of leadership targeting. The initial strikes </span><a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c86y5540vnno" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>killed</span></a><span> Iran&rsquo;s supreme leader, Ali Khamenei, and other senior figures within Iran&rsquo;s military and security apparatus. Most died in Israeli attacks, often with at least American intelligence </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/01/us/politics/cia-israel-ayatollah-compound.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>support</span></a><span>; U.S. forces may have targeted others. Subsequent operations have </span><a href="https://www.timesofisrael.com/idf-strike-kills-hezbollah-intel-chief-lebanon-to-ban-terror-groups-military-activity/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>extended</span></a><span> to Lebanon, where Hezbollah leadership, including senior intelligence officers, have been targeted. These operations present a question that has </span><a href="https://openyls.law.yale.edu/entities/publication/775b85a2-e495-4418-bcb0-bec73788d053" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>animated</span></a><span> over three decades of scholarship and government deliberations on what has variously been called decapitation, assassination, and targeted killing: in wartime, when is striking a member of the enemy leadership lawful under the law of armed conflict?</span></p>
<p><span>In this essay, we map the legal framework that governs the targeting of a State&rsquo;s leadership during an international armed conflict (IAC). Our analysis focuses solely on IACs; it does not address the targeting of the leadership of an organized armed group during non-international armed conflict. We will similarly limit ourselves to the legality of such strikes under the law of armed conflict (LOAC), also known as international humanitarian law.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>There is an important distinction to be made at the outset. As we will explain, there are circumstances in which a State&rsquo;s leaders can lawfully be targeted under LOAC during an armed conflict. But the legality of such targeting does not affect any parallel illegality</span> <span>under the </span><a href="https://www.icrc.org/en/document/what-are-jus-ad-bellum-and-jus-bello-0" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>jus ad bellum</span></i></a><span>. A State&rsquo;s violation of the prohibition on the use of force in Article 2(4) of the UN </span><a href="https://www.un.org/en/about-us/un-charter/full-text" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Charter</span></a><span> is not somehow &ldquo;cured&rdquo; by specific acts being lawful under LOAC. Thus, if targeting Khamenei and certain other senior Iranian leaders was lawful under LOAC (and in our view it likely, or at least arguably, was for most of those targeted), this does not diminish the illegality of the use of force by the United States and Israel against Iran (which is in our view is apparent), of which these strikes were part.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>In short, a State leader can legally be targeted under LOAC if they are a </span><a href="https://casebook.icrc.org/a_to_z/glossary/combatants" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>combatant</span></a><span>, meaning a member of the State&rsquo;s armed forces (which some senior leaders will be), or if they are a civilian </span><a href="https://nyujilp.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/04/42.3-Schmitt.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>directly participating</span></a><span> in hostilities (which, as we will explain, many civilian leaders often are). Civilian leaders who do not directly participate in hostilities are protected from attack. These are the same rules that apply to targeting any other person in a conflict.</span></p>
<p><span>Aside from a degree of complexity regarding the legal architecture governing leadership strikes, which we explore below, the assessment of individual strikes is heavily fact-dependent. Because we have access only to open-source material, our conclusions are, in most cases, tentative. It is also essential to point out that members of the leadership may have been killed incidentally in attacks on other individuals or objects that do qualify as &ldquo;military objectives,&rdquo; a term we use to include lawfully targetable persons.&nbsp; If they were not targetable themselves, their deaths would be factored into </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/customary-ihl/v1/rule14" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>proportionality</span></a><span> calculations and the requirement to take feasible </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/api-1977/article-57" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>precautions in attack</span></a><span> to minimize harm to civilians.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>From our review of the available reporting, many of the senior Iranian leaders killed were plainly combatants, and thus targetable under LOAC (which, again, does not affect the illegality of the use of force against Iran under the Charter). The analysis is less straightforward for some of the other leaders, including those from Iran&rsquo;s intelligence apparatus, as it is for Khamenei. In two cases, based on the facts at our disposal, it is likely that the attacks were unlawful. The first is the alleged targeting of former Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, but there is conflicting reporting on this alleged strike, which may not have happened at all. Second, the Tuesday, March 3, reported attack on a meeting of Iran&rsquo;s Assembly of Experts, tasked with electing Khamenei&rsquo;s successor as Supreme Leader, at a minimum, raises very serious legal questions.</span></p>
<h2><b>The Focus on &ldquo;Assassination&rdquo; is Misplaced</b></h2>
<p><span>Since the operations began, there has been significant media and commentator focus on &ldquo;assassinations&rdquo; under international law. The term inevitably surfaces whenever a State targets a specific individual. In peacetime, killing the head of State of another State would plainly constitute a use of force against that State, be an infringement on its sovereignty, implicate rules on the personal </span><a href="https://opil.ouplaw.com/display/10.1093/law:epil/9780199231690/law-9780199231690-e1417?rskey=MMlibX&amp;result=16&amp;prd=MPIL" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>immunities</span></a><span> of high-ranking State officials, and violate the international human </span><a href="https://www.ohchr.org/en/special-procedures/sr-executions/international-standards" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>right to life</span></a><span>. However, once an IAC has been initiated, the legal analysis of targeting enemy leadership turns not on whether the target is politically prominent, but on whether the killing is lawful under LOAC, in addition to issues that arise under the Charter.</span></p>
<p><span>The wartime analog of assassination is &ldquo;treacherous killing,&rdquo; which typically involves </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/customary-ihl/v1/rule65" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>perfid</span></a><span>y (Hague Regulations, </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/hague-conv-iv-1907/regulations-art-23?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>art. 23(b)</span></a><span>). That is not at issue here. Instead, the question is whether those who were directly targeted qualified as military objectives under LOAC. If not, they are civilians protected from attack. Attacking them would constitute an internationally wrongful act for the State concerned and a war crime for some of those involved.</span></p>
<p><span>There is no LOAC rule prohibiting attacks against specific, named individuals, so long as the cardinal principle of </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/customary-ihl/v1/rule1" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>distinction</span></a><span> (distinguishing between military objectives and civilians) is complied with. For example, during the first Gulf War in 1991, coalition forces conducted a massive air campaign that included repeated strikes on leadership targets, including Saddam Hussein, even though the Air Force Chief of Staff had earlier been </span><a href="https://www.deseret.com/1990/9/18/18881815/a-f-chief-of-staff-fired-for-display-of-poor-judgment-br/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>fired</span></a><span> in September of 1990 for suggesting that Hussein should be the &ldquo;focus of our efforts.&rdquo; Since then, leadership strikes are not unprecedented. In 2003, the United States moved forward the date at which it was going to launch Operation Iraqi Freedom when it identified the location of Hussein. Other noteworthy leadership strikes include the drone strike on Qasem Soleimani (IRGC-Quds Force) in 2020, the CIA strike on Ayman al-Zawahiri (al-Qaeda) in 2022, the Israeli killings of Fuad Shukr (Hezbollah) and Ismail Haniya (Hamas) in 2024, and the decapitation strike on Hassan Nasrallah (Hezbollah) in 2024. Whether those examples were part of an IAC may distinguish some of the cases.</span></p>
<p><span>That said, in each case, the legality of the operation turned not on the target&rsquo;s political prominence but on their status or conduct under the law of armed conflict. Moreover, the fact that a leader bears political or moral responsibility for aggression or atrocities does not render that person targetable under the law of armed conflict. The issue is function or conduct, not blame-worthiness.</span></p>
<p><span>Simply put, the law is clear. Two categories of leaders can lawfully be attacked during an IAC: combatants (members of the armed forces) and civilians who have lost their protection from attack because they are directly participating in hostilities.</span></p>
<h2><b>Leaders as Members of the Armed Forces</b></h2>
<p><span>Distinction is the foundational principle of the &ldquo;conduct of hostilities&rdquo; during an armed conflict. This customary rule of law (and therefore binding on Israel and the United States) finds its treaty expression in </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/api-1977/article-48" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 48</span></a><span> of the 1977 Additional Protocol I to the Geneva Conventions: &ldquo;In order to ensure respect for and protection of the civilian population and civilian objects, the Parties to the conflict shall at all times distinguish between the civilian population and combatants &hellip; and accordingly shall direct their operations only against military objectives&rdquo; (see also DoD,&nbsp;</span><a href="https://media.defense.gov/2023/Jul/31/2003271432/-1/-1/0/DOD-LAW-OF-WAR-MANUAL-JUNE-2015-UPDATED-JULY%202023.PDF" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Law of War Manual</span></i></a><span>, &sect; 2.5;</span><i><span>&nbsp;ICRC</span></i> <i><span>Customary IHL</span></i><span>&nbsp;study,&nbsp;</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/customary-ihl/v1/rule1" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>rule 1</span></a><span>). Thus, during an armed conflict, members of the armed forces are clearly subject to direct attack as combatants. (DoD,&nbsp;</span><a href="https://media.defense.gov/2023/Jul/31/2003271432/-1/-1/0/DOD-LAW-OF-WAR-MANUAL-JUNE-2015-UPDATED-JULY%202023.PDF" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Law of War Manual</span></i></a><span>, &sect; 5.7;</span><i><span>&nbsp;ICRC</span></i> <i><span>Customary IHL</span></i><span>&nbsp;study,&nbsp;</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/customary-ihl/v1/rule3#:~:text=armed%20conflictsInterpretation-,Rule%203.,except%20medical%20and%20religious%20personnel." rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Rule 3</span></a><span>).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Geneva Convention III (GC III), which addresses prisoner of war status, is also treated as the touchstone for targetability based on </span><a href="https://casebook.icrc.org/a_to_z/glossary/combatants" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>combatant</span></a><span> status. </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciii-1949/article-4" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 4A(1)</span></a><span> includes in this category, &ldquo;[m]embers of the armed forces of a Party to the conflict as well as members of militias or volunteer corps forming part of such armed forces.&rdquo; Additional Protocol I, </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/api-1977/article-43" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 43</span></a><span> (AP I) clarifies that &ldquo;[m]embers of the armed forces of a Party to a conflict (other than medical personnel and chaplains &hellip; are combatants,&rdquo;&nbsp; defining the armed forces as &ldquo;all organized armed forces, groups and units which are under a command responsible to that Party for the conduct of its subordinates, even if that Party is represented by a government or an authority not recognized by an adverse Party. Such armed forces shall be subject to an internal disciplinary system which, &lsquo;inter alia,&rsquo; shall enforce compliance with the rules of international law applicable in armed conflict.&rdquo; Neither the United States nor Israel is a party to the Protocol, but this provision fairly reflects the customary law.</span></p>
<p><span>Membership in the armed forces will generally depend on a State&rsquo;s domestic law. As the ICRC puts it in the 2020 </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciii-1949/article-4/commentary/2020?activeTab=#62_B" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Commentary</span></a><span> on Article 4 GC III, &ldquo;The requirements for membership in the armed forces are not prescribed in international law. Rather, it is a matter of domestic regulation&rdquo; (&para; 977). Thus, to identify the various branches of the Iranian armed forces, we need to examine Iranian domestic law. Individuals who are </span><i><span>leaders </span></i><span>of those branches and are themselves members of the armed forces are clearly combatants and are targetable during an IAC.</span></p>
<p><span>There are two components to the Iranian armed forces under Iran&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Iran_1989" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Constitution</span></a><span>&ndash;the Army of the Islamic Republic of Iran (Artesh) and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). The Army is responsible for &ldquo;guarding the independence and territorial integrity of the country as well as the order of the Islamic Republic&rdquo; (art. 143). By contrast, the </span><a href="https://www.cfr.org/backgrounders/irans-revolutionary-guards" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>IRGC</span></a><span> &ldquo;is tasked with &ldquo;guarding the revolution and its achievements&rdquo; (art. 150). Its relationship with the other armed forces in terms of duties is &ldquo;to be determined by law.&rdquo; The Quds Force, a unit of the IRGC, is responsible for extraterritorial operations and the organization, arming, training, and funding of armed groups such as Hezbollah, Hamas, and the Houthis. Every individual who is formally a member of these two groups (on their &ldquo;roll&rdquo;), except for purely medical and religious personnel, is targetable solely based on their status. That includes all its leadership.</span></p>
<p><span>Iran&rsquo;s Constitution also requires the government to &ldquo;provide a program of military training, with all requisite facilities, for its citizens&rdquo; (art. 151). This is the basis for the </span><a href="https://iranprimer.usip.org/resource/basij-resistance-force" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Basij</span></a><span> (Organization for Mobilization of the Oppressed), a volunteer paramilitary force that delivers that training. It serves primarily as an internal security and law enforcement auxiliary, including policing morals and suppressing dissent.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Of significance in the strikes on leadership, the Basij also maintains armed brigades to augment the IRGC during armed conflict. Because there are distinct units for military and non-military purposes, only members of the armed brigades qualify as members of the armed forces (Ashoura, Al-Zahra, Imam Hossein, Imam Ali Brigades) and are therefore targetable as such. They qualify as a &ldquo;volunteer corps forming part of [the] armed forces,&rdquo; (GC III, </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciii-1949/article-4" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>art. 4(A)(1)</span></a><span>). Those members of the overall leadership of the Basij who exercise control over both the armed military and other wings likewise qualify as combatants for targeting purposes.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Bearing this in mind, the </span><a href="https://thehill.com/policy/international/5763576-irans-leaders-who-was-killed-whos-in-charge-now/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>targeting</span></a><span> of individuals such as General Mohammad Pakpour, the commander of the IRGC, and General Abdolrahim Mousavi, the chief of staff of the Army, is unambiguously lawful as a matter of LOAC; they were combatants. And U.S. and/or Israeli forces are pressing their decapitation campaign against the Iranian armed forces hard, just yesterday </span><a href="https://www.jpost.com/middle-east/article-888661" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>killing</span></a> <span>the </span><span>&#8203;</span><span>commander of Iran&rsquo;s Quds </span><span>&#8203;</span><span>Force operations </span><span>&#8203;</span><span>in Lebanon</span><span>, </span><span>Daoud </span><span>&#8288;</span><span>Ali Zadeh, in a </span><span>&#8203;drone </span><span>strike </span><span>in</span> <span>&#8288;</span><span>Tehran.</span><span> Again, that attack was lawful.</span></p>
<h2><b>Leaders as Civilians Directly Participating in Hostilities</b></h2>
<p><span>In addition to members of the armed forces, civilians who take a &ldquo;direct part in hostilities&rdquo; may lawfully be targeted. Additional Protocol I, </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/apii-1977/article-13" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 51(3),</span></a><span> codifies this customary rule of international law in IACs: &ldquo;Civilians shall enjoy the protection afforded by this Part, unless and for such time as they take a direct part in hostilities&rdquo; (see also </span><i><span>ICRC Customary IHL</span></i><span>&nbsp;study,&nbsp;</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/customary-ihl/v1/rule6#:~:text=Rule%206.%20Civilians%20are%20protected%20against%20attack%2C%20unless,applicable%20in%20both%20international%20and%20non-international%20armed%20conflicts." rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>rule 6</span></a><span>).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>The DoD&nbsp;</span><a href="https://media.defense.gov/2023/Jul/31/2003271432/-1/-1/0/DOD-LAW-OF-WAR-MANUAL-JUNE-2015-UPDATED-JULY%202023.PDF" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Law of War Manual</span></i></a><span> is in accord: &ldquo;Civilians who take a direct part in hostilities forfeit protection from being made the object of attack&rdquo; (&sect; 5.8). Of relevance to the leadership strikes, the Manual&nbsp;confirms the rule&rsquo;s applicability to political leaders: &ldquo;In addition to leaders who have a role in the operational chain of command, leaders taking a direct part in hostilities may also be made the object of attack.&rdquo; (&sect; 5.7.4).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>This raises the question of when a civilian leader can be said to be directly participating in hostilities. In its&nbsp;</span><a href="https://www.icrc.org/en/publication/0990-interpretive-guidance-notion-direct-participation-hostilities-under-international" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Interpretive Guidance on the Notion of Direct Participation</span></i></a><i><span>,&nbsp;</span></i><span>the ICRC set forth three &ldquo;constitutive elements&rdquo; of direct participation, the satisfaction of which qualify as action as direct participation, opening the door to targeting the individual &ldquo;for such time&rdquo; as they engage in the activity.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<ol>
<li><span> The act must be likely to adversely affect the military operations or military capacity of a party to an armed conflict or, alternatively, to inflict death, injury, or destruction on persons or objects protected against direct attack (threshold of harm), and</span></li>
<li><span> There must be a direct causal link between the act and the harm likely to result either from that act, or from a coordinated military operation of which that act constitutes an integral part (direct causation), and</span></li>
<li><span> The act must be specifically designed to directly cause the required threshold of harm in support of a party to the conflict and to the detriment of another (belligerent nexus).</span></li>
</ol>
<p><span>Various acts by civilian leaders meet these criteria and thus constitute direct participation in hostilities. Of particular relevance to the strikes, direct participation includes military decision-making at the operational (campaign or other major operations) or tactical level of war. To the extent Iranian civilian leaders are involved in decisions on which targets to strike, how to strike them, when to mount the attack, etc., they are direct participants. Direct participation also encompasses </span><i><span>military </span></i><span>intelligence activities at the tactical and operational levels of war, as distinct from intelligence activities supporting political analysis or bearing on strategic-level matters. If an organization generates, even in part, intelligence falling into the former categories and is not led by members of the military, its leaders are direct participants in the hostilities and are targetable as such.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>One of the individuals targeted by the IDF, Saleh Asadi, was, for instance, a high-ranking military intelligence officer and &ndash; on the assumption that he was not a member of the armed forces &ndash; he was likely a civilian directly participating in hostilities. It is somewhat more difficult to assess the IDF strike on the Ministry of Intelligence in Thran, which killed several high-ranking intelligence officers. Clearly, the facility itself was a lawful </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/customary-ihl/v1/rule8" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>military objective</span></a><span>. Yet, as in the case of the Central Intelligence Agency Headquarters, it is not obvious to us, although we cannot rule it out, that all of those killed during the attack were performing intelligence functions that would clearly render them direct participants. If not, those individuals would have to be considered in the proportionality and precautions assessment preceding the attack.</span></p>
<p><span>The question of direct participation of civilians in hostilities has important&nbsp;</span><i><span>temporal&nbsp;</span></i><span>dimensions. As the text of Article 51(3) makes clear, direct participants may only be targeted &ldquo;for such time&rdquo; as they participate. There have been conflicting </span><a href="https://nyujilp.org/new-issue-forum-on-direct-participation-in-hostilities/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>views</span></a><span> among States and scholars on how strictly this temporal requirement should be interpreted. The issue is particularly fraught regarding a decapitation strike on the leadership of a country at the&nbsp;</span><i><span>very start&nbsp;</span></i><span>of an IAC because it is difficult to say in such circumstances that a civilian is directly participating in hostilities when, before the strike, there were as yet no hostilities in which to participate.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>We imagine the Israeli view on this would rely on their </span><a href="https://www.gov.il/BlobFolder/generalpage/operation-rising-lion-key-factual-and-legal-aspects-of-the-iran-israel-hostilities-june-2025-11-aug-2025/en/English_Swords_of_Iron_DOCUMENTS_Operation_Rising_Lion_2025_(Israel-Iran)-Key_Factual_and_Legal_Aspects-18-09-2025%20.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>position</span></a><span> that there has been a longstanding, ongoing IAC between Israel and Iran, which was never interrupted. We have previously written that this argument has no bearing on the central&nbsp;</span><i><span>jus ad bellum&nbsp;</span></i><span>question of whether the use of force against Iran was lawful under the Charter (</span><a href="https://www.ejiltalk.org/the-illegal-israeli-american-use-of-force-against-iran-a-follow-up/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span> and </span><a href="https://lieber.westpoint.edu/israels-operation-rising-lion-right-of-self-defense/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span>). But it does bear on assessing the temporal dimension of the DPH question. By it, Israel can argue that the civilians attacked were repeatedly participating in hostilities and were in some relevant sense continuing to do so.&nbsp;This would rely on the assertion (supported by Mike) that repeated related acts of direct participation amount to continuous participation.</span></p>
<p><span>The alternative view is that each alleged act of participation is subject to a separate &ldquo;for such time&rdquo; assessment, thereby creating a revolving door of targetability (ICRC </span><a href="https://www.icrc.org/sites/default/files/external/doc/en/assets/files/other/icrc-002-0990.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Interpretive Guidance</span></a><span>, page 70). Under this approach, whether civilians could lawfully be attacked as direct participants depends on what they are doing at the time of the surprise attack.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>The analysis is even more challenging for the United States, as it clearly was not involved in an IAC with Iran until it launched the attacks, and therefore could not assert a continuing participation argument. Instead, the IAC to which LOAC applies only began with the first U.S. strike on Feb. 28, 2026. If a targeted civilian was at that very time engaging in activities qualifying as direct participation, then it can be argued that attacking them was lawful. But if not, they were civilians who retained their protection as such. All that said, if the United States was assisting Israel in an ongoing IAC between Israel and Iran, that would be lawful.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Even if one rejects the Israeli view that there was an ongoing IAC and agrees that the United States was not involved in an IAC directly with Iran until the current hostilities began, a colorable argument could be fashioned that the United States and Israel anticipated that particular individuals would, within minutes or even seconds, almost certainly be participating directly in hostilities, and therefore could be treated as direct participants. Examples include civilians performing tactical-level military intelligence functions, the defense minister, or even the Supreme Leader himself (see below). It is a novel approach, but not unreasonable. Naturally, however, it would apply equally to both Israel and the United States &ndash; a surprise decapitation strike by another state against either country could arguably be justified under LOAC by arguing that key civilian leaders, such as the President, Prime Minister, and defense ministers, routinely and deliberately participate in hostilities by making tactical and operational military decisions.</span></p>
<h2><b>Key Strikes</b></h2>
<p><i><span>Killing the Supreme Leader</span></i><span>: The former Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, exercises &ldquo;supreme command of the armed forces&rdquo; pursuant to Article 110(4) of the </span><a href="https://www.constituteproject.org/constitution/Iran_1989" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Constitution</span></a><span>. By that article, he is authorized to appoint, dismiss, and accept the resignation of the Chief of the Joint (General) Staff, the IRGC Commander, and the Commanders of the armed forces.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>The exact point at which someone appointed as commander in chief becomes a targetable combatant based on that role (and is entitled to prisoner-of-war status upon capture) is somewhat uncertain (see discussion </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/129407/president-maduro-prisoner-of-war/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span>). However, there is general consensus that if a leader is officially designated as the commander-in-chief and is a member of the armed forces under domestic law, that individual qualifies as a member of the armed forces for targeting purposes. This was the case, for example, with Saddam Hussein, who held the rank of Field Marshal (Muhib) in the Iraqi armed forces.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>The situation becomes more complicated when the commander-in-chief is not formally a member of the armed forces under the law of the State concerned.&nbsp; For instance, many presidents serve as Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, as with the American and French presidents. The mere designation as the commander-in-chief, standing alone, does not render an individual targetable. For instance, in the United Kingdom, the monarch is the Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces. That does not make him a targetable combatant, despite military trappings such as a uniform worn at ceremonies.</span></p>
<p><span>Yet, by one view (Mike&rsquo;s), if the commander-in-chief is formally designated as such and exercises regular military command at the operational and tactical levels of war, they qualify as members of the armed forces. Khamenei was undeniably deeply involved in military affairs at that level. For instance, he is reported to have </span><a href="https://www.iranintl.com/en/202309294194" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>ordered</span></a><span> an attack on US forces in 2020 and ordered the </span><a href="https://www.iranintl.com/en/202301042075" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>deployment</span></a><span> of the Quds Force into Syria beginning in 2011. By this view, he was targetable as a combatant.</span></p>
<p><span>The alternative view (Marko&rsquo;s) is that even in such cases, the individual is, absent being on the rolls of the military, a civilian. For instance, the premise of </span><a href="https://www.clingendael.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/20130200_homan_chapter_civil_control_military.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>civilian control of the military</span></a><span> implies that a leader may be at the top of the chain of command without losing civilian status, regardless of any legal designation as commander-in-chief. President Trump, for example, is a civilian, but one who (like his predecessors) routinely directly participates in hostilities and can be targeted for such time as he does so.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>In such a case, the issue is whether the leader&rsquo;s duties satisfy the three constitutive elements of direct participation. This was likely the case for Khamenei, with the caveat noted above regarding the temporal dimension of direct participation in a surprise decapitation strike. But, by either of the two views, Khamenei was, in our estimation, a lawful target.</span></p>
<p><i><span>Killing the Defense Minister</span></i><span>: The Iranian Minister of Defense, Aziz Nasirzadeh, was also killed in the U.S.-Israeli strikes. Before he was appointed minister in 2024, Nasirzadeh was a Brigadier General and served as the Deputy Chief of Staff of the Iranian armed forces. It is unclear whether, under Iranian law, a military officer who joins the civilian government must resign his military commission&mdash;legal systems vary on this point. We lack enough facts to answer this question.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>If Nasirzadeh was still a member of the armed forces, he was a targetable combatant. If not, he was a civilian, and the question would be whether he directly participated in hostilities. In principle, as noted above, defense ministers do participate in hostilities because they make operational and tactical military decisions, such as approving specific strikes. This is certainly the case with the current U.S. Secretary of Defense, Pete Hegseth, who is a civilian but routinely makes decisions that make him a direct participant in hostilities in this IAC. There is nothing unusual about the proposition. Nasirzadeh was almost certainly a legitimate target.</span></p>
<p><i><span>&ldquo;Targeting&rdquo; Ahmadinejad</span></i><span>: There have been conflicting reports about whether former Iranian President Ahmadinejad has been targeted in the US-Israeli strikes. Some, citing Iranian media, claim he has been killed (see&nbsp;</span><a href="https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20260302-iran-says-former-president-mahmoud-ahmadinejad-killed-in-missile-strike/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span>&nbsp;and&nbsp;</span><a href="https://www.timesofisrael.com/liveblog_entry/reports-emerge-that-ahmadinejad-killed-as-state-media-says-it-cannot-confirm-his-fate/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span>). Others state that his death cannot be confirmed.&nbsp;</span><a href="https://www.aa.com.tr/en/middle-east/former-iranian-president-ahmadinejad-is-alive-adviser/3845726" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>One report</span></a><span>, by the Turkish Anadolu news agency, quotes one of his aides as saying that Ahmadinejad is alive, and that:&nbsp;&ldquo;A building related to his security detail was struck yesterday. Three of his bodyguards&mdash; members of the IRGC (Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps) &mdash; have been killed. His own residence remained unaffected and was not targeted 100 meters away from that building.&rdquo;</span></p>
<p><span>If Ahmadinejad was in fact targeted, we think it is highly unlikely that doing so was lawful, unless he was somehow directly participating in the hostilities. As a former president, he is an ordinary civilian. There are no indications in the public domain that he has been involved in the kinds of decision-making or other activities that could render him a direct participant in hostilities. If, on the contrary, it was his bodyguards &ndash; who were IRGC members and therefore combatants &ndash; who were targeted, and he was killed in the attack, the issue would be the proportionality of the strike and whether the attack complied with the obligation to take feasible precautions to avoid harming him. But, again, at the moment, it appears possible that Ahmadinejad was not harmed in that strike.</span></p>
<p><i><span>The Assembly of Experts</span></i><span>: Under Article 111 of the Iranian Constitution, the Assembly of Experts is a deliberative body tasked with supervising and electing the Supreme Leader. It has been reported that the IDF struck an office building of the Assembly in the holy city of Qom on 3 March, allegedly to disrupt the process of the election of the new leader. It is unclear at this time whether the Assembly had met in person or virtually, and whether the IDF was targeting the building as such or specific individuals within it (see more </span><a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/03/iran-supreme-leader-council-israel-strike" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span>, </span><a href="https://www.jpost.com/middle-east/iran-news/article-888736" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span>, </span><a href="https://www.turkiyetoday.com/region/israel-strikes-irans-assembly-in-qom-to-block-selection-of-new-supreme-leader-3215552?s=3" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span>). An Israeli defense official </span><a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/03/iran-supreme-leader-council-israel-strike" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>said</span></a><span>, &ldquo;We wanted to prevent them from picking a new supreme leader.&rdquo;</span></p>
<p><span>Even if one accepts, as we do, that targeting the previous Supreme Leader was lawful in terms of LOAC, we have difficulty seeing how it can be argued that the experts electing a new leader, all civilian religious figures, were directly participating in hostilities. Nor can we see how it could be argued that the Assembly office building itself was a military objective. However, we leave open the possibility that there may be relevant information that is not in the public domain. And if the building did somehow qualify as a military objective or there were legally targetable individuals in it, compliance with LOAC would be determined by reference to the rule of proportionality and the obligation to take feasible precautions to avoid harm to civilians in and near the building, including the participants.</span></p>
<h2><b>Concluding Thoughts</b></h2>
<p><span>The legality of targeting leaders in an IAC ultimately depends not on the individual&rsquo;s political prominence but on well-established targeting rules in the law of armed conflict. The key question is whether the individual qualifies as a lawful military objective, either as a member of the armed forces or as a civilian directly participating in hostilities. These principles apply equally to high-level leaders and the most junior personnel.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Applying these rules to the strikes against Iranian leadership indicates that many of the individuals targeted&mdash;especially members of the regular armed forces and the IRGC&ndash;were clearly lawful targets consistent with the principle of distinction. The legal analysis becomes more complex regarding Khamenei, considering his designation in the Constitution as the supreme commander. It is also complicated when it comes to civilian leaders such as intelligence officials and senior political authorities, whose targetability depends on a detailed assessment of whether they are directly involved in hostilities and the temporal limits associated with that status. Be that as it may, the essential point is that it is the functional nature of targetability, which focuses on status and conduct rather than rank or political authority, that matters. Perhaps the most difficult legal question, on which we have offered some thoughts above, is how the rules governing direct participation in hostilities apply to decapitation strikes that initiate an armed conflict.</span></p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133171/ayatollah-khamenei-leadership-strike-law/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Was Targeting Ayatollah Khamenei and Other Iranian Leaders Lawful? What Precedents Does It Set?</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-04T13:48:02+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Marko Milanovic</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-04T13:48:02+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="armed conflict"/>

	<category term="armed conflicts"/>

	<category term="civilian harm"/>

	<category term="featured articles"/>

	<category term="international humanitarian law (ihl)"/>

	<category term="international law"/>

	<category term="iran"/>

	<category term="israel"/>

	<category term="law of armed conflict (loac)"/>

	<category term="law of armed conflict/ihl"/>

	<category term="military"/>

	<category term="operation epic fury"/>

	<category term="targeted killing"/>

	<category term="trump administration second term"/>

	<category term="use of force"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-04:/281569</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131521/venezuela-stability-peace-process/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=venezuela-stability-peace-process" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">For Lasting Stability, Venezuela Needs a Peace Process</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>After years of extreme suffering, Venezuelans have a chance for real change following the surprise c...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p><span>After years of extreme suffering, Venezuelans have a chance for real change following the surprise capture of President Nicolas Maduro by U.S. Special Operations forces in Caracas in December. But the turnover of the country to Vice President Delcy Rodr&iacute;guez, with the narrow objective of opening the oil sector to American companies, threatens to foreclose a golden opportunity to return the country to democratic governance and a more productive long-term relationship with the United States.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>What Venezuela needs now is a peace process that could help heal the internal fractures and wounds of the past two decades and restore the country&rsquo;s institutions. That won&rsquo;t be easy. But it could best be achieved through a </span><a href="https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/GOVPUB-Y3_P31-PURL-gpo158790/pdf/GOVPUB-Y3_P31-PURL-gpo158790.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>rigorous national dialogue</span></a><span> that leads to the establishment of a power-sharing government of national unity, selected from all factions in Venezuela to carry the country through a period of de-polarization, institution strengthening, and ultimately new elections.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Such a process would create space for the restoration of democracy while allowing for a dignified transformation of the ruling United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) founded by the late President Hugo Ch&aacute;vez. The party still has the support of </span><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/article/2024/aug/10/gonzalez-proof-win-venezuela-election-vote-tally-maduro" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>30 percent of the population</span></a><span> and apparently a </span><a href="https://www.cbsnews.com/news/venezuela-military-delcy-rodriguez-acting-leader-nicolas-maduro/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>majority of the military and security forces</span></a><span>. The process would be less about a clean exit for the Maduro regime and more about eventual coexistence between Venezuela&rsquo;s various factions and movements, including the ruling Chavistas. As such, it would be better-aligned with the successful transitions of the past decades, while avoiding the pitfalls of those that failed.&nbsp;</span></p>
<h2><b>Second U.S.-Spurred Regime Change</b></h2>
<p><span>Maduro&rsquo;s capture marked the second time in seven years that Venezuela has been subjected to a grand experiment in regime change by the United States. In 2019, the United States supported a faction of the opposition that used an obscure plank in the Venezuelan constitution to establish an alternative government. It was a bold move that came with a great deal of courage by acting President Juan Guid&oacute; and his inner circle, some of whom paid with their lives during the three years their government was established. But it is now evident that the gambit had little chance of success, given the intransigence of the military and security forces in supporting the new government and its lack of any power base inside Venezuela.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>The latest initiative began even bolder, with the capture by Delta Force of Maduro and the First Lady. Into the power vacuum this left, the United States quickly empowered Rodriguez as the country&rsquo;s acting president and established a kind of vassal relationship with oversight by U.S. officials. President Donald Trump ruled out the option of empowering the most popular Venezuelan opposition figure, Maria Corina Machado, whose party won the July 2024 election and who remains the </span><a href="https://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/venezuela-poll-change-chavistas/?nsl_bypass_cache=1c7ba5f61178ce97fe6d92c844e014e3" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>most popular democratic figure in the country</span></a><span>, arguing she did not have the capacity to effectively govern the country. The Trump administration has accepted that democracy through elections would return only very gradually to Venezuela, following a period of </span><a href="https://www.state.gov/releases/office-of-the-spokesperson/2026/01/secretary-of-state-marco-rubio-before-the-senate-committee-on-foreign-relations-on-u-s-policy-towards-venezuela" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>stabilization and recovery</span></a><span>. But it has made clear the worst authoritarian devices of the regime must be curbed, beginning with the release of more than </span><a href="https://www.cnn.com/2026/02/25/americas/enrique-marquez-venezuela-political-prisoner-sotu-intl-hnk#:~:text=Since%20then%2C%20the%20US%20has,human%20rights%20organization%20Foro%20Penal." rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>400 political prisoners</span></a><span>, which has taken place in tranches since the takeover.</span></p>
<p><span>Given the hundreds of issues the acting president will manage in Venezuela, it quickly became apparent that Washington oversight will cover no more than a few, with oil prominent among them. Day-to-day governance in Venezuela will continue to be in the hands of the previous government.</span></p>
<h2><b>A Third Way?</b></h2>
<p><span>But between the options of turning the government back over to the Chavistas and empowering a weak opposition, there is a third course. The United States could use its still-considerable leverage to draw both sides and key unaffiliated Venezuelan leaders into a peace process that would restore democratic institutions over an extended period of time by establishing a government of national unity.</span></p>
<p><span>Such an ambitious peace process would provide the country a broader and more functional governing arrangement and allow time to heal after the fractious and dysfunctional political dynamic of the past two decades. The process, of convening all the representatives of a conflict&rsquo;s many factions in a limited and defined national dialogue, would look more like the </span><a href="https://www.britannica.com/event/Dayton-Accords" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Dayton Peace Accords</span></a><span> that ended the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1995 or the Afghan Loya Jirga that affirmed the country&rsquo;s first government in 2002 than the narrower election-centric transitions that countries like Poland and Chile experienced in 1989 and 1990, respectively.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>To be sure, the Dayton Accords left ethnically divided Bosnia with a dysfunctional and complex governance structure that has hindered unity, and the Afghan Loya Jirga (which I witnessed firsthand) over time did not overcome the country&rsquo;s deep divisions and political challenges. Their long-term &ldquo;product&rdquo; in the end had limitations. But their &ldquo;process,&rdquo; at least in the short term, of ending a bloody war in the Balkans and uniting Afghans for the first time in 40 years, was in each case historic and effective at allowing for a &ldquo;reset&rdquo; from a negative political dynamic. The pitfalls of the two cases could be avoided by ensuring the political arrangement is well-designed and is as true as possible to Venezuela&rsquo;s constitution, which is highly revered, and that it includes all factions and political and social tendencies. Venezuelans would convene the process, supported by key international and especially regional powers, and including all significant players within Venezuela.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>On the opposition side, this would mean not just the popular but narrow opposition that won the last election but also prominent leaders from </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/venezuela-opposition-split-over-possible-us-action-2025-10-31/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>smaller opposition parties</span></a><span> who are significant bridgebuilders between the two sides; the </span><a href="https://www.fedecamaras.org.ve/?fbclid=IwY2xjawPA-wVleHRuA2FlbQIxMABicmlkETEyYmhIZnF2V1FzRnFMcFJuc3J0YwZhcHBfaWQQMjIyMDM5MTc4ODIwMDg5MgABHgwJHToZtv9wj-bzrGRkhlb_N6ZknrVlthMpfQFWf6AJgfxSmR8sc4yWaRne_aem_hqG3YpFhZNCkGXPWB2E5JA" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>business community</span></a><span>, also a key bridging factor; the Catholic church, which continues to have considerable gravitas in Venezuelan society; and </span><a href="https://www.forocivicovenezuela.org/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>civil society</span></a><span>, which has been working to build a more united Venezuela for decades. For the regime, it would include its various factions, and the military and security forces necessarily would have a prominent, direct role given their potential power as spoilers. (In Venezuela, the military is the conventional uniformed army, navy, and air force and take their constitutional role seriously, while the other security forces are national guard and colectivos that essentially enforce local law and order and the regime&rsquo;s control.)</span></p>
<h2><b>Venezuelan Experience With Transition</b></h2>
<p><span>Venezuela has done this before.&nbsp;The country had a long history of democracy based on the </span><a href="https://camaradecaracas.com/la-camara-caracas-y-sus-historias/ocurrio-aqui/pacto-de-punto-fijo/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Punto Fijo Pact</span></a><span> of 1958, which ended a period of violent political struggle by establishing a form of co-existence between the political parties and factions of the time. The pact only broke down in the late 1990s, when it failed to keep up with changing economic and social conditions.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Over the past years, several proposals for a renewed Punto Fijo have emerged, one cleverly named the Pacto de Caronoco, referring to two of the country&rsquo;s rivers &mdash; the Caroni and Orinoco &mdash; which converge, one blue, one brown, into a single stream.&nbsp;It was a proposal for raising the country&rsquo;s sights above the destructive polarization of the last decades to a shared vision of what Venezuela can be, and it included a conceptual governing arrangement that could make that vision a reality.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Another proposal is called simply a </span><a href="https://www.elnacional.com/2025/11/un-pacto-de-convivencia-pacifica-para-venezuela/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Coexistence Pact</span></a><span>.&nbsp;It was prominently advanced by economist Victor Alvarez prior to the last election as one way to ensure the losing side had a way forward, averting the </span><i><span>all or nothing</span></i><span> contest that has been the bane of Venezuela&rsquo;s political existence for decades. Alvarez continues to float and develop that effort.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>A third set of proposals are those put forth by the </span><a href="https://kslnewsradio.com/shows-podcasts/hope-in-darkness/meet-the-senate-staffer-whose-involvement-changed-everything-for-josh-holt/1929379/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Boston Group</span></a><span>, an organization originally designed to bridge the gap between the United States and Venezuela after the coup of 2002, but which pivoted to be more of a bridge builder between Venezuela&rsquo;s internal factions. It is led by former Venezuelan lawmaker Pedro Diaz Blum, and counts support in Venezuela by National Assembly members, business executives, and prominent civil society leaders. It has had a remarkable ability to convene all sides inside Venezuela to design new approaches for the recovery of the oil sector, economic development and investment, and political accommodation.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Rather than simply negotiating an exit for the Chavistas and entrance of the opposition, these pacts are about negotiating a detailed system for power-sharing that would stabilize the country on the road to fresh elections.&nbsp;Political prisoners would be released, institutions reformed, sanctions lifted, and a roadmap for economic reform developed.&nbsp;</span></p>
<h2><b>Power-Sharing</b></h2>
<p><span>In the fall of 2025, Venezuelan economist and analyst </span><a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/venezuela/grand-bargain-venezuela" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Francisco Rodriguez</span></a><span> laid out what such a power-sharing arrangement might look like in what he then envisioned would be a negotiated arrangement with Maduro still in power. The current reality makes such an arrangement much more realistic, but still difficult to execute.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>In his arrangement, &ldquo;representatives from the regime would need to agree to carve out quotas for the opposition in key branches of government.&rdquo; This would include the Supreme Court, the electoral council, and the country&rsquo;s key oversight institutions. Given the shifting of the tectonic plates brought on by Maduro&rsquo;s absence, it should now be a broader, blended government, including ministries and elements of the military and security forces. This would be an extremely complicated government to manage, but with the right selection of moderate leaders, acceptable to all sides, could be made to work.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>It would also give life to a concept many Venezuelan leaders have shared with me for years, a process of re-institutionalization, whereby even in the absence of a full democratic transition, the country&rsquo;s battered institutions are restored to full capacity under the rule of law. Venezuelan democracy researcher and data scientist </span><a href="https://www.caracaschronicles.com/author/pablohernandezborges26/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Pablo Hern&aacute;ndez Borges</span></a><span> captured this when he wrote recently, &ldquo;Under the current circumstances, elections themselves are not as decisive as elite commitment and coordination around a re-institutionalization process.&rdquo; Elections, when they come, would then allow for a transition of a functional government.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Both sides would need to be pressured to accept the process and further pressured in the future to live by any agreement that is reached. The opposition would need to know it will see free and fair elections whose outcome is respected, soon.&nbsp;And the Chavistas will need to see a viable political and social future that allows them to re-tool from a revolutionary socialist party to a modern free-market, social democratic party, and does not include incarceration.&nbsp;But in the meantime, power-sharing would provide a safe venue for working through the many issues of co-existence, as opposed to the blunt instrument of abrupt regime change that an election or coup would create.&nbsp;</span></p>
<h2><b>Fewer U.S. Sticks, More Carrots</b><span>&nbsp;</span></h2>
<p><span>The United States will not be able to leave a carrier parked off the coast of Venezuela forever (indeed, it has already left, though some U.S. naval assets remain), but it could use other means of pressure and incentives to keep the agreement on track. Washington could begin by applying fewer sticks and more carrots. This could start with walking back the threat to take over and unilaterally run Venezuela&rsquo;s oil sector, a historic place of nationalistic pride for all Venezuelans that will over time make cooperation more difficult. A more visibly respectful arrangement would go a long way to eliciting goodwill for the United States and for the new governing arrangement. Other carrots would include lifting bounties and sanctions on prominent Venezuelan leaders (at least those deemed redeemable, some should remain), trade concessions and support for Venezuela&rsquo;s exporters, and direct assistance to Venezuela&rsquo;s battered agricultural sector, among many others. Key regional and European partners and the United Nations would also play a key role.</span></p>
<p><span>For the first time Venezuela has the opportunity for real change. But it will take support for the hard work of a peace process to bring it about. Missiles and Delta Force will only go so far.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131521/venezuela-stability-peace-process/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">For Lasting Stability, Venezuela Needs a Peace Process</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-04T13:53:33+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Keith Mines</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-04T13:53:33+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="civil society"/>

	<category term="democracy"/>

	<category term="democracy &amp; rule of law"/>

	<category term="democratic backsliding &amp; solutions"/>

	<category term="diplomacy"/>

	<category term="fragility"/>

	<category term="governance"/>

	<category term="international and foreign"/>

	<category term="nicolas maduro"/>

	<category term="peacebuilding"/>

	<category term="presidential transition"/>

	<category term="rule of law"/>

	<category term="trump administration second term"/>

	<category term="united states (us)"/>

	<category term="venezuela"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-04:/281570</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133079/early-edition-march-4-2026/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=early-edition-march-4-2026" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Early Edition: March 4, 2026</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Signup to receive the Early Edition in your inbox&nbsp;here.

A curated weekday guide to major news and d...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Signup to receive the Early Edition in your inbox&nbsp;<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/newsletter-signup/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>.</p>
<div>
<p>A curated weekday guide to major news and developments over the last 24 hours. Here&rsquo;s today&rsquo;s news:</p>
<p><b><i>IRAN WAR&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>&ldquo;A container ship has reported being hit by an unknown projectile just above the water line causing a fire in the engine room,&rdquo; in the Strait of Hormuz today,</b><span> according to the </span><a href="https://www.ukmto.org/-/media/ukmto/products/20260304-ukmto_warning_012-26-update-001.pdf?rev=e97eb9d2233f44dbad7dcc89f6bcb227" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>U.K. Maritime Trade Operations</span></a><span> (UKMTO) Centre. The </span>Maltese-flagged container ship Safeen Prestige was transiting &#8203;eastbound in the Strait. The crew have now abandoned the vessel. <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/malta-flagged-container-ship-hit-by-projectile-hormuz-vessel-abandoned-sources-2026-03-04/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a> reports.</p>
<p><b>A ballistic missile fired from Iran and heading into Turkish airspace was destroyed by NATO air and missile defense systems in the eastern Mediterranean Sea today,</b><span> the Turkish Defense Ministry said. Gul Tuysuz and Catherine Nicholls report for</span><a href="https://edition.cnn.com/world/live-news/iran-war-us-israel-trump-03-04-26" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> <span>CNN</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>The Israeli military has begun &ldquo;broad scale strikes targeting Iranian terror regime targets in Tehran,&rdquo;</b><span> it said this morning in a statement. This is the tenth wave of attacks since the U.S.-Israeli joint operation began on Saturday. Jessie Yeun, Leila Gharagozlou, and Eugenia Yosef report for </span><a href="https://edition.cnn.com/world/live-news/iran-war-us-israel-trump-03-04-26?post-id=cmmbqwmgv00003b6tarwqkbsg" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>CNN</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>French President Emmanuel Macron yesterday announced that the Charles de Gaulle aircraft carrier was being deployed to the Mediterranean to bolster allied defenses amid the escalating conflict</b><span>. Clea Caulcutt and Laura Kayali report for </span><a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/us-strikes-on-iran-outside-international-law/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>POLITICO</span></a><span>; Samuel Petrequin reports for </span><a href="https://apnews.com/article/france-macron-aircraft-carrier-charles-de-gaulle-mediterranean-dd185933de5e5cee87828768c0046fba" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>AP News</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Israeli airstrikes yesterday struck the building housing Iran&rsquo;s Council of Experts in the city of Qom in an attempt to disrupt the process of appointing a new supreme leader,</b><span> an Israeli defense official said. &ldquo;There was another hit today on the new leadership, and it looks like it was pretty substantial,&rdquo; President Trump said in the Oval Office. &ldquo;So they&rsquo;re getting hit very hard.&rdquo; Iranian state media said the building was evacuated before the attack. Barak Ravid reports for </span><a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/03/iran-supreme-leader-council-israel-strike" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Axios</span></a><span>; Adam Cancryn reports for </span><a href="https://edition.cnn.com/world/live-news/iran-war-us-israel-trump-03-03-26?post-id=cmmautzt700003b6tq6ps3gg6" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>CNN</span></a><span>;&nbsp; Kara Fox and Oren Libermann report for </span><a href="https://edition.cnn.com/world/live-news/iran-war-us-israel-trump-03-03-26?post-id=cmmautzt700003b6tq6ps3gg6" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>CNN</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>During the meeting of Iran&rsquo;s Council of Experts yesterday, Mojtaba Khamenei, the son of former Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, emerged as the leading candidate to become the next supreme leader, </b><span>according to three Iranian officials. The officials said there were discussions about announcing him as successor as early as today, but some expressed concern that doing so could make him a target. Farnaz Fassihi reports for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/03/world/middleeast/iran-mojtaba-khamenei-successor.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Iranian strikes in recent days have damaged structures that are part of or near communication and radar systems on at least seven U.S. military sites across the Middle East, </b><span>according to a </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/03/world/middleeast/iran-strikes-us-military-communication-infrastructure-in-mideast.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span> analysis of satellite imagery and verified videos. Devon Lum, Haley Willis, and Riley Mellen report.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>The United Arab Emirates is considering taking military action against Iran to stop strikes on the UAE, </b><span>two sources told </span><a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/03/uae-iran-missiles-strike-israel" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Axios</span></a><span>. One of the sources said that the UAE has &ldquo;endured 800 projectiles&rdquo; since Saturday, adding &ldquo;the view in the UAE is that no country in the world would fail to evaluate its defensive posture under such circumstances.&rdquo; Barak Ravid reports.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Trump said yesterday that the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation will provide insurance guarantees &ldquo;at a very reasonable price&rdquo; to help ensure the flow of energy and other commercial trade through the Strait of Hormuz. </b><span>Trump also said the United States may provide naval escorts to ensure safe passage for oil tankers and other vessels. An Iranian official on Monday threatened to &ldquo;set fire&rdquo; to any ship trying to pass through the Strait of Hormuz and the Iranian military has reportedly fired on several vessels in the area. Jennifer A. Dlouhy, Ben Bartenstein, and Ari Natter report for </span><a href="https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2026-03-03/trump-says-us-will-escort-insure-oil-tankers-amid-iran-war" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Bloomberg</span></a><span>; Natalie Sherman reports for </span><a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c20zg54g5vvo" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>BBC News</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu called Trump last week and told him that Khamenei and his top advisers were all set to meet at one location in Tehran on Saturday morning</b><span>, according to three sources. Netanyahu told Trump they could all be killed in a single strike. By Thursday, the CIA had &ldquo;fully confirmed that these people were all going to be together, and we needed to take advantage of it,&rdquo; a source said. Marc Caputo and Barak Ravid report for </span><a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/03/trump-netanyahu-call-iran-war-israel-coordination" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Axios</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Iranian Ambassador to the U.N. Ali Bahreini told reporters yesterday that Iran had not contacted the United States either directly or indirectly about holding talks to de-escalate the conflict.</b><span> &ldquo;For the time being we are very doubtful about the usefulness of negotiation&hellip;The only language for talking with the United States is the language of defence,&rdquo; Bahreini said. Olivia Le Poidevin reports for </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/iran-has-not-contacted-us-about-possible-peace-talks-says-tehrans-un-envoy-2026-03-03/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Reuters</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>IRAN WAR &ndash; POLITICAL RESPONSE&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>Macron said yesterday that the U.S.-Israeli strikes on Iran that began on Saturday were conducted &ldquo;outside of international law,&rdquo;</b><span> adding that &ldquo;Paris cannot approve of them.&rdquo; He also blamed Iran&rsquo;s nuclear and regional activities for fueling the crisis. Earlier this week, Spanish Prime Minister </span><span>Pedro S&aacute;nchez called the war against Iran unjustified, dangerous, and illegal and refused to let the U.S. military use its bases for missions linked to strikes on Iran. This prompted Trump to threaten to cut off all trade with Madrid during a press conference yesterday alongside German Chancellor Friedrich Merz. &ldquo;Spain has been very, very uncooperative, and so has the U.K.,&rdquo; Trump said. </span><span>Clea Caulcutt and Laura Kayali report for </span><a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/us-strikes-on-iran-outside-international-law/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>POLITICO</span></a><span>; Aitor Hernandez-Morales reports for </span><a href="https://www.politico.eu/article/spain-pedro-sanchez-emerges-eu-chief-critic-donald-trump-war-in-iran/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>POLITICO</span></a><span>; Nandita Bose, David Lawder, and Victoria Waldersee report for </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/business/trump-says-us-will-cut-all-trade-with-spain-2026-03-03/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Reuters</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Secretary of State Marco Rubio yesterday sought to walk back his earlier assertion that U.S. military action in Iran was precipitated by Israel&rsquo;s plans to strike first. </b><span>&ldquo;The bottom line is this: The president determined we were not going to get hit first. It&rsquo;s that simple, guys,&rdquo; Rubio told reporters ahead of a pair of classified briefings. Rubio said it was the threat of Iran&rsquo;s increasing military capability and growing arsenal of weapons that ultimately influenced Trump&rsquo;s decision. </span><span>Robert Jimison reports for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/03/world/middleeast/israel-iran-strikes-rubio.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.</span></p>
<p><b>Lawmakers emerged from classified briefings with top administration officials yesterday with divergent assessments of the case they had made for war in Iran, </b><span>falling largely along party lines. Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY) said the meeting was &ldquo;very unsatisfying&rdquo; and that the administration had &ldquo;different answers every day&rdquo; about why Trump ordered strikes on Iran. House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA), &ldquo;This is really a very simple matter. It&rsquo;s about the building of ballistic missiles&hellip;This created an imminent and serious threat.&rdquo; Robert Jimison and Megan Mineiro report for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/03/us/politics/congress-iran-war-powers.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Several lawmakers said they expect Trump to request emergency supplemental funding for the military campaign in Iran</b><span> as senior administration officials described a potentially open-ended operation that could exceed the nearly $1 trillion already allocated to the military. Jennifer Scholtes and Katherine Tully-McManus report for </span><a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/03/lawmakers-trump-emergency-funding-iran-00810885" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>POLITICO</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Six House Democrats have introduced a new war powers resolution that would call for an end to military operations in Iran within 30 days unless Congress provides authorization for the use of military force or a declaration of war.</b><span> In contrast, the resolution that is being forced for consideration tomorrow from Reps. Thomas Massie (R-KY) and Ro Khanna (D-CA) would require the immediate withdrawal of troops from Iran. Meredith Lee reports for </span><a href="https://www.politico.com/live-updates/2026/03/03/congress/dems-new-war-powers-measure-00810200?utm_source=dlvr.it&amp;utm_medium=bluesky" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>POLITICO</span></a><b><i>.&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b><i>SUDANESE CIVIL WAR</i></b></p>
<p><b>Sudan has accused Ethiopia of allowing drones to be launched from Ethiopia into Sudan to carry out attacks in February and March,</b><span> according to a statement released by the Sudanese Foreign Ministry on Monday. This is the first time Sudan has directly accused Ethiopia of involvement in its civil war. </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/business/media-telecom/sudan-accuses-ethiopia-first-time-involvement-its-civil-war-2026-03-03/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Reuters</span></a><span> reports.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>OTHER GLOBAL DEVELOPMENTS&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>OpenAI is considering a contract to deploy its AI technology on NATO&rsquo;s unclassified networks, </b><span>an OpenAI spokesperson said yesterday. CEO Sam Altman had previously said that the company was looking to deploy on all NATO&rsquo;s classified networks, but the spokesperson clarified that this was a mistake. Hyunsu Yim reports for </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/technology/openai-looking-contract-with-nato-source-says-2026-03-04/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Reuters</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>26 Doctors Without Borders (</b><b>M&eacute;decins Sans Fronti&egrave;res</b><b>) workers &ldquo;remain unaccounted for&rdquo; a month after attacks in Lankien and Pieri, South Sudan,</b><span> MSF said in a statement on Monday. Joseph Falzetta reports for </span><a href="https://apnews.com/article/south-sudan-msf-aid-workers-unaccounted-for-b9df50eaa5df080080cc2dd6d26b13bb" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>AP News</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>U.S. CARIBBEAN AND PACIFIC OPERATIONS</i></b></p>
<p><b>The Trump administration is building a legal case against Venezuelan Interim President Delcy Rodriguez, including readying an indictment, </b><span>according to four sources. Federal prosecutors have put together possible corruption and money laundering charges, and have communicated to Rodriguez that she is at risk of prosecution unless she continues to comply with Trump&rsquo;s demands, the sources said. After </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/us-turns-up-heat-venezuela-with-threat-indict-new-leader-delcy-rodriguez-2026-03-03/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Reuters</span></a><span> published a summary of this report, Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche wrote on social media, &ldquo;completely FALSE from @reuters. Not sure &#8203;how such fake news makes its way to publication.&rdquo; Sarah Kinosian and Matt Spetalnick report.</span></p>
<p><b>The United States and Ecuador have launched joint military operations against &ldquo;designated terrorist organizations&rdquo; in Ecuador, </b><span>the Pentagon announced yesterday. </span><span>U.S. Special Forces soldiers are advising and supporting Ecuadorian commandos on raids across the country against suspected drug shipment facilities, according to a U.S. official. U.S. personnel are not believed to be participating in the actual raids. </span><span>Eric Schmitt and </span><span>Luis Ferr&eacute;-Sadurn&iacute;</span><span> report for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/03/us/politics/us-ecuador-trump-military-operations.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Cuban prosecutors formally charged six people with &ldquo;crimes of terrorism&rdquo; and ordered them held in pretrial detention yesterday </b><span>in &#8203;connection with an incident last week in which Cuban forces killed four &zwnj;Cuban nationals aboard a speedboat that entered Cuban waters. Daniel Trotta reports for </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/americas/cuba-charges-six-exiles-with-terrorism-speedboat-attack-2026-03-04/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Reuters</span></a><b>.</b><b><i>&nbsp;&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b><i>U.S. IMMIGRATION DEVELOPMENTS&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>The Trump administration is directing all pregnant unaccompanied minors detained by immigration authorities to a single group shelter in South Texas, despite objections from health and child welfare officials who warn the facility and region lack adequate specialized care.</b><span> Several officials within the Office of Refugee Resettlement say the move departs from longstanding federal practice and could endanger vulnerable girls, some as young as 13 and many pregnant due to rape, by relocating them to Texas in what they view as a possible effort to restrict access to abortion for ideological reasons. Mark Betancourt reports for </span><a href="https://www.npr.org/2026/03/03/nx-s1-5712323/pregnant-migrant-girls-texas-shelter" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>NPR</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Mahmoud Khalil on Monday </b><a href="https://www.nyclu.org/uploads/2025/03/2026.03.02-Opening-Brief-on-Appeal_Redacted.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>appealed</b></a><b> an immigration judge&rsquo;s deportation order to the Board of Immigration Appeals,</b><span> arguing that the judge &ldquo;committed clear factual and legal errors on numerous accounts.&rdquo; Erica Orden reports for </span><a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/03/mahmoud-khalil-immigration-ruling-appeal-00808977" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>POLITICO</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>U.S. DOMESTIC DEVELOPMENTS</i></b></p>
<p><b>The Homeland Security Department has opened an internal investigation into a report that senior Border Patrol Commander Gregory Bovino made disparaging remarks about the Jewish faith of a U.S. attorney in Minnesota, Daniel N. Rosen during the immigration crackdown in the state</b><span>. Ernesto Londono and Hamed Aleaziz report for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/03/us/greg-bovino-investigation-dhs.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick yesterday agreed to sit for an interview with the House Oversight Committee about his relationship with Jeffrey Epstein.</b><span> Members of the committee had been weighing a move to force the panel&rsquo;s chairman, Rep. James R. Comer R-KY), to issue a subpoena, sources said. However, Lutnick &ldquo;proactively agreed to appear voluntarily,&rdquo; Comer said. Michael Gold reports for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/03/us/politics/lutnick-epstein-investigation.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>TRUMP ADMINISTRATION ACTIONS</i></b><span>&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>The Trump administration plans to meet with executives from the biggest U.S. defense contractors at the White House on Friday to discuss accelerating weapons production, </b><span>five sources told </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/business/aerospace-defense/defense-executives-plan-meet-white-house-strikes-iran-diminish-stockpiles-2026-03-04/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Reuters</span></a><span>. Mike Stone reports.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>The Homeland Security Department has been &ldquo;systemically obstructing&rdquo; investigations by withholding records,</b><span> Inspector General Joseph Cuffari said in a letter to Congress released yesterday. Cuffari&rsquo;s letter outlined at least 10 investigations in which his office has been denied access to records and information. Cuffari said that DHS Secretary Kristi Noem had recently asked him for a list of all pending OIG matters, including criminal matters, &ldquo;so that she may consider whether any audits, inspections, or investigations should be terminated.&rdquo; Eric Bazail-Eimil reports for </span><a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/03/dhs-noem-obstruction-00810919" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>POLITICO</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche has rescinded a 2021 Justice Department policy that restricted when law enforcement agents executing a search could enter a home without knocking</b><span>.&nbsp; A DOJ memo, signed by Blanche, says &ldquo;no-knock&rdquo; entries are now permissible for a broader set of searches, not just when law enforcement fears safety risks, but also when there is a risk that evidence could be destroyed. Carol Leonnig reports for </span><a href="https://www.ms.now/news/justice-department-rescinds-biden-era-no-knock-warrant-policy" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>MS Now</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>The National Capital Planning Commission has received about 32,000 comments during its public comment period about Trump&rsquo;s White House ballroom plans. </b><span>According to an analysis by the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/03/us/politics/trump-ballroom-comments.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>, more than 98% of comments are negative. Luke Broadwater and Dylan Freedman report.</span></p>
<p><b><i>TRUMP ADMINISTRATION LITIGATION&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>The Justice Department </b><a href="https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.cadc.42183/gov.uscourts.cadc.42183.01208826946.0_4.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>told</b></a><b> a federal appeals court yesterday that the administration plans to continue defending Trump&rsquo;s executive orders targeting law firms.</b><span> DOJ lawyers did not explain the shift from Monday&rsquo;s position. Daniel Barnes and Josh Gerstein report for </span><a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/03/trump-justice-department-law-firms-00809639" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>POLITICO</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Minnesota officials filed a lawsuit on Monday against the Trump administration over a decision to withhold $259 million in Medicaid funds from the state.</b><span> Mitch Smith reports for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/03/us/minnesota-medicaid-trump-lawsuit-fraud.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
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<p><strong>ICYMI: Yesterday on<em>&nbsp;Just Security</em></strong></p>
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<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133093/preemption-imminence-rubio-iran/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Double Preemption, Imminence, and the U.S. Attack Against Iran</a></p>
<p>By <span>Eliav Lieblich</span></p>
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<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133079/early-edition-march-4-2026/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Early Edition: March 4, 2026</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-04T13:05:16+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Elisabeth Jennings</name></author>
	<source>
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		<updated>2026-03-04T13:05:16+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="daily news roundup"/>

	<category term="other"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-03:/281530</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133093/preemption-imminence-rubio-iran/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=preemption-imminence-rubio-iran" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Double Preemption, Imminence, and the U.S. Attack Against Iran</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Secretary of State Marco Rubio, as well as others such as Speaker Mike Johnson, have made the follow...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p><span>Secretary of State Marco Rubio, as well as others such as Speaker Mike Johnson, have made the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/02/world/middleeast/rubio-iran-war-strikes.html?smid=nytcore-android-share" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>following</span></a><span> claim to justify the U.S. attack against Iran: the threat from Iran to the United States was &ldquo;imminent,&rdquo; because Israel was about to strike Iran, and Iran would likely immediately respond against U.S. bases if such an attack occurred. Operation &ldquo;Epic Fury&rdquo; was thus an act of preemptive&nbsp; &ndash; or what international lawyers call anticipatory &ndash; self-defense, aiming to curtail Iran&rsquo;s response to an upcoming Israeli attack. In Rubio&rsquo;s own words:&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>&ldquo;The imminent threat was that we knew that if Iran was attacked, and we believed they would be attacked, that they would immediately come after us, and we were not going to sit there and absorb a blow before we responded &hellip; We went proactively in a defensive way to prevent them from inflicting higher damage.&rdquo;</span></p>
<p><span>The claim&rsquo;s impetus may well be domestic: an attempt to square the circle to justify the administration&rsquo;s bypassing of Congress and not seeking authorization before attacking Iran. It should be added that, a few hours later, </span><a href="https://www.timesofisrael.com/liveblog_entry/trump-denies-israel-dragged-us-into-war-with-iranian-lunatics-which-he-says-were-going-to-attack-first/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>President Trump contradicted this argument</span></a><span>, which itself raises suspicions toward the seriousness of this claim.&nbsp; But it is the closest we&rsquo;ve seen to an attempt at an international law justification for the strikes from the Trump administration. And more significantly still, Rubio had </span><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2026/02/28/trump-iran-decision-saudi-arabia-israel/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>reportedly</span></a><span> presented a very similar argument before the attack on Iran took place in a secret meeting with the Gang of Eight, the name for the heads of the two chambers of Congress and the chair and ranking member of the two congressional intelligence committees.&nbsp; Indeed, the argument is interesting because it raises complex and underexplored conceptual questions about the nature of preemptive self-defense. However, in the real world context in which this claim is being made, it collapses completely.&nbsp;</span></p>
<h2><b>Double Uncertainty and Dispersed Responsibility</b></h2>
<p><span>To begin with, there is a structural weakness in this argument, in the sense that it amplifies the key problem associated with preemptive self-defense &ndash; the issue of uncertainty. In &ldquo;regular&rdquo; cases of preemptive self-defense, the putative defender is managing uncertainty in relation to one actor. Here, however, the uncertainty is doubled: first, it is uncertain whether the initial actor will actually embark on the attack that is expected to prompt the reaction against you (or could be stopped from doing so); and additionally, there is uncertainty whether the second actor will in fact follow through with its threat (or could be swayed from doing so).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>For this reason alone, it is unlikely that this type of </span><i><span>double-preemption</span></i><span> should be recognized as a lawful form of self-defense under international law, where such doctrines are easily abused (and the law is already ambivalent about allowing even one layer of uncertainty). But there are deeper flaws with this type of justification, beyond this epistemic problem.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>It is helpful to think of a simplified hypothetical. Assume that Isabella is threatening to attack Ira. Ira, in response, threatens that if Isabella attacks him, he will immediately shoot Usa. He thinks &ndash; for any reason &ndash; that this will stop Isabella&rsquo;s attack. What are Usa&rsquo;s options? Can she shoot Ira to preempt his response to Isabella&rsquo;s attack? What do we need to assume for this to be the case?</span></p>
<p><span>First, assume that Isabella, Ira, and Usa have no meaningful relations between them prior to this scenario. It seems clear that in such a case Usa would be an innocent victim if Ira responds against her. She has not done anything to forfeit her rights, is not threatening Ira, and is therefore not liable to any attack. This is most obviously true if Isabella&rsquo;s use of force against Ira is justified. Here, Ira would be in the wrong by responding in any way &ndash; including, of course, against Usa. In this case, setting aside the epistemic problem mentioned above, a preemptive act by Usa against Ira can be at least theoretically justified (again, </span><i><span>if</span></i><span> Isabella&rsquo;s use of force against Ira is itself lawful </span><i><span>and if </span></i><span>Usa has credible and concrete information that Isabella is indeed about to attack Ira).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>However, if Isabella&rsquo;s initial use of force against Ira is unjustified, the situation becomes more complex. If Ira would resort to force against </span><i><span>Usa</span></i><span> in response to Isabella&rsquo;s unjust attack, Usa would still be an innocent victim entitled to act in self-defense against Ira, although what triggered Ira&rsquo;s reaction was an unjust act by Isabella (shifting for a moment to the real world, this seems to parallel the situation concerning </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132894/us-israel-iran-war-legal-options/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Iran&rsquo;s attacks against states such as Oman that did not take part in the conflict</span></a><span>). However, double-preemption &ndash; or at least the type Rubio was invoking &ndash; refers to a decision that is taken </span><i><span>before </span></i><span>the initial attack. </span><i><span>Ex</span></i> <i><span>ante</span></i><span>, before Isabella&rsquo;s attack materializes, who should be the target of Usa&rsquo;s preemption? Isabella or Ira?&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>It seems that our intuition here can pull in different directions. On the one hand, since Isabella is the one who is expected to initiate the chain of wrongfulness, Usa&rsquo;s preemption should arguably be directed against her. After all, </span><i><span>she</span></i><span> is the condition</span><i><span> sine qua non </span></i><span>for this chain of events, and as such bears the most responsibility for all that takes place from her initial wrongful act.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>On the other hand, Ira is an independent agent and it is </span><i><span>he </span></i><span>who threatens Usa directly and wrongfully. This, it can be argued, engages an adversarial relationship which justifies Usa&rsquo;s specific preemption against </span><i><span>him</span></i><span>. Perhaps, both Isabella and Ira are separately and together responsible for the threat against Usa, and she is thus entitled to act preemptively against both; the decision against whom to act is hers, in accordance with her capabilities and the circumstances of the situation. For example, she can decide to act against Ira, and not Isabella, because Isabella is out of her range, or because she fears other consequences. But if this decision is affected by some preference Usa has toward one of the parties, her motivations immediately become suspect.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<h2><b>Where Double Preemption Collapses</b></h2>
<p><span>Recall, in this context, that the hypothetical above assumed that the three agents involved do not have a meaningful previous relationship. But the moment we assume that Isabella and Usa actually work together against Ira, the double-preemption argument collapses altogether.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Indeed, it seems that a precondition for any claim of double-preemption is that Usa is not somehow involved in Isabella&rsquo;s initial attack. </span><i><span>This is because if Usa is implicated in a meaningful way in </span></i><span>Isabella</span><i><span>&rsquo;s attack against Ira, she cannot invoke preemptive self-defense against a response to an anticipated act that she, herself, contributes to</span></i><span>. She might as well act preemptively against herself, which is, of course, absurd. In such a case, rather than acting preemptively against Ira, she would be required first to stop her active involvement with Isabella&rsquo;s plans. Likewise, if she has influence over Isabella,she would have to use her influence to dissuade Isabella from attacking Ira. Otherwise, Usa fails the necessity test of self-defense against Ira.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Returning to real life, Rubio&rsquo;s double-preemption argument simply does not satisfy this precondition. There is no remotely credible argument that the United States was not involved in Israel&rsquo;s first strike against Iran, which was jointly planned for months.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>President Trump himself took pride in </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/01/us/politics/cia-israel-ayatollah-compound.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>providing the intelligence</span></a><span> that enabled the targeting of Iran&rsquo;s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, which occurred at the very outset of the war the two countries launched together. If the United States was becoming concerned about the consequences of this attack before it took place, it could easily have used its massive influence on the Netanyahu government to prevent its attack (influence that comes from, among other things, being Israel&rsquo;s top weapons supplier by a wide margin, and the guarantor of its &ldquo;qualitative military edge&rdquo; in the region). For that reason alone, </span><b>the double-preemption argument fails, simply because you cannot double-preempt against an action to which you are yourself a party</b><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>If the Trump administration wants to make an argument for an </span><i><span>imminent</span></i><span> threat of armed attack &ndash; whether before the UN or in front of Congress &ndash; it needs to make the straightforward case that such a threat against Israel or the United States existed prior to their joint attack on Iran. But as many have </span><a href="https://www.ejiltalk.org/the-american-israeli-strikes-on-iran-are-again-manifestly-illegal/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>already pointed out</span></a><span>, in this case, such an argument simply does not exist &ndash; notwithstanding the abhorrent actions of the Iranian regime. The double-preemption argument, in this context, is nothing more than an easily exposed attempt to mask this basic problem.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133093/preemption-imminence-rubio-iran/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Double Preemption, Imminence, and the U.S. Attack Against Iran</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-03T21:03:37+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Eliav Lieblich</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-03T21:03:37+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="anticipatory self-defense"/>

	<category term="armed conflict"/>

	<category term="armed conflicts"/>

	<category term="congress"/>

	<category term="congressional authorization"/>

	<category term="diplomacy"/>

	<category term="featured articles"/>

	<category term="foreign policy"/>

	<category term="intelligence &amp; surveillance"/>

	<category term="intelligence activities"/>

	<category term="international and foreign"/>

	<category term="international law"/>

	<category term="iran"/>

	<category term="israel"/>

	<category term="marco rubio"/>

	<category term="military"/>

	<category term="operation epic fury"/>

	<category term="self-defense"/>

	<category term="un charter"/>

	<category term="use of force"/>

	<category term="war powers"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-03:/281469</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132743/how-a-broadly-defined-counterterrorism-statute-could-be-abused/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=how-a-broadly-defined-counterterrorism-statute-could-be-abused" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">How a Broadly Defined Counterterrorism Statute Could Be Abused</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>An ongoing trial in the Northern District of Texas is the first major test of the Trump administrati...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>An ongoing <a href="https://www.npr.org/2026/02/23/nx-s1-5718543/after-mistrial-new-trial-for-texas-ice-detention-facility-shooting-case-set-to-begin" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">trial</a> in the Northern District of Texas is the first major test of the Trump administration&rsquo;s push to prosecute &ldquo;antifa&rdquo; as a domestic terrorist organization. Nine defendants face a <a href="https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndtx/pr/antifa-cell-members-indicted-prairieland-shooting" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">12-count superseding indictment</a> arising from a July 4, 2025, protest at the Prairieland Detention Center, an ICE facility in Alvarado, Texas. During the protest, one defendant allegedly shot and wounded a responding police officer with an AR-15-style rifle. The charges include attempted murder of a federal officer, rioting, and&mdash;most controversially&mdash;providing material support to terrorists under <a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/18/2339A" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">18 U.S.C. &sect; 2339A</a>.</p>
<p>The material support charges <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/24/us/antifa-ice-protest-trial-texas.html#:~:text=Critics%20have%20pointed%20to%20the,to%20testify%20for%20the%20prosecution." rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">have generated fierce debate</a> about whether the administration is weaponizing counterterrorism law against political dissent. That debate matters. But it has obscured something more fundamental about the statute being deployed. Section 2339A does not require proof that anyone belonged to a terrorist organization. It does not require proof of a specifically terrorist motive. It does not even require that the underlying conduct be what most people would recognize as terrorism. The statute targets support for <em>crimes</em>, not support for <em>groups</em>&mdash;and the list of qualifying crimes is long.</p>
<p>That is the design. As then-Assistant Attorney General Christopher Wray <a href="https://www.govinfo.gov/content/pkg/CHRG-108shrg95100/html/CHRG-108shrg95100.htm#:~:text=%5BSenate%20Hearing%20108%2D918%5D,5%2C%202004%20__________%20Serial%20No." rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">explained</a> in a 2004 Senate hearing, the material support statutes let the government &ldquo;catch a terrorist with his hands on a check rather than on a bomb.&rdquo; The statute was built to reach facilitation networks before plots mature. Understanding its architecture&mdash;and the policy infrastructure now being built around it&mdash;matters far more than the outcome of any single trial.</p>
<h2><strong>Built Powerful, Made More Powerful</strong></h2>
<p>Section 2339A was enacted on Sept. 13, 1994, as a single section buried inside the <a href="https://www.congress.gov/103/statute/STATUTE-108/STATUTE-108-Pg1796.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act</a>, &nbsp;the largest crime bill in American history. Senator Joe Biden <a href="https://www.factcheck.org/2019/07/biden-on-the-1994-crime-bill/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">drafted</a> the Senate version. Senator Orrin Hatch <a href="https://www.congress.gov/bill/103rd-congress/senate-bill/1607/all-actions#:~:text=Senate%20incorporated%20this%20measure%20in,Senate%20by%20Yea%2DNay%20Vote." rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">contributed parallel provisions</a>. Neither the provision nor the concept of criminalizing material support for terrorism generated a recorded floor debate, standalone committee report, or recorded vote. The entire legislative record of original passage consists of a single line in the <a href="https://niwaplibrary.wcl.american.edu/wp-content/uploads/CR-House-August-10-1994-part-2.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Congressional Record for Aug. 10, 1994</a>: &ldquo;Section 120005&mdash;House recedes to Senate section 726, material support to terrorists.&rdquo;</p>
<p>A statute that would become one of the <a href="https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/nulr/vol114/iss4/4/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">federal government&rsquo;s most powerful counterterrorism tools</a> entered the law in silence.</p>
<p>It did not stay quiet. Each successive U.S. Congress <a href="https://www.congress.gov/crs_external_products/R/HTML/R41334.web.html#:~:text=In%202001%2C%20the%20USA%20PATRIOT,not%20more%20than%2020%20years." rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">expanded the statute&rsquo;s reach</a> in response to specific attacks&mdash;the 1993 World Trade Center bombing, the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing, and September 11&mdash;broadening definitions, adding predicate offenses, and increasing penalties. The original 10-year maximum became 15 years, with life imprisonment if death results. The original enumerated list of predicate offenses became all federal crimes of terrorism. The original definition of &ldquo;material support&rdquo;&mdash;already broad&mdash;was expanded in 2004 to cover &ldquo;any property, tangible or intangible, or service.&rdquo;</p>
<p>The most consequential change came earliest. The original 1994 statute included a First Amendment protection clause prohibiting investigations predicated solely on constitutionally protected activity. In 1996, Congress struck it at the urging of Department of Justice (DOJ), which characterized the clause as effectively negating the statute&rsquo;s utility. Nothing has replaced it.</p>
<p>What remains is a statute with two features that make it exceptionally powerful.</p>
<p>First, &sect; 2339A is organization-agnostic. Its companion statute, <a href="https://www.congress.gov/crs-product/R41333" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">&sect; 2339B</a>, criminalizes support to designated Foreign Terrorist Organizations, thereby requiring a designated group as the anchor. Section 2339A requires only that the defendant knowingly provide material support or have knowledge of its intended use to prepare for or carry out a listed federal crime. For example, a person who provides a weapon to someone planning to destroy an energy facility has violated &sect; 2339A whether they are a committed ideologue, a profit-motivated arms dealer, or someone who simply does not care. This makes &sect; 2339A uniquely adaptable to domestic contexts where no designated organization exists. It also makes it uniquely susceptible to potential overreach, conceivably stretching alleged &ldquo;material support&rdquo; to including something trivial, like carpooling to a protest.</p>
<p>Second, &sect; 2339A is a force multiplier. It functions as an inchoate offense, criminalizing support for crimes that may not yet have been completed, and then stacking it with conspiracy, attempt, and aiding and abetting. Each layer extends liability further from the completed act of violence. And because &sect; 2339A carries its own 15-year maximum, it dramatically increases sentencing exposure beyond what the predicate offense alone would yield. Couple that with the terrorism sentencing enhancement under <a href="https://guidelines.ussc.gov/apex/r/ussc_apex/guidelinesapp/guidelines?app_gl_id=%C2%A73A1.4" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">U.S.S.G. &sect; 3A1.4</a>&mdash;which sets a guidelines floor of roughly 17.5 years&mdash;and conduct that might otherwise be a misdemeanor property offense could produce decades of imprisonment.</p>
<h2><strong>How 2339A Has Been Charged Previously</strong></h2>
<p>The <a href="https://harvardlawreview.org/print/vol-136/responding-to-domestic-terrorism-a-crisis-of-legitimacy/#footnote-ref-7" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">notion</a> that &sect; 2339A cannot be used in domestic terrorism cases is wrong. It was never a go-to charge, and the cases were less frequent than in international contexts, but the statute has been deployed domestically in cases of genuine severity.</p>
<p>For instance, Ethan Melzer, a U.S. Army soldier, was <a href="https://www.justice.gov/usao-sdny/pr/former-us-army-soldier-sentenced-45-years-prison-attempting-murder-fellow-service" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">sentenced</a> to 45 years in prison after providing troop movement information to the Order of Nine Angles, a neo-Nazi accelerationist group, with the intent to facilitate the murder of his fellow service members. Christopher Cook, Jonathan Frost, and Jackson Sawall <a href="https://www.justice.gov/archives/opa/pr/three-men-plead-guilty-conspiring-provide-material-support-plot-attack-power-grids-united" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">pleaded guilty</a> to conspiring to provide material support in a plot to attack the U.S. power grid. These cases involved planned violence of the kind the statute was designed to reach, and they were vetted through the <a href="https://www.justice.gov/jm/jm-9-2000-authority-us-attorney-criminal-division-mattersprior-approvals#9-2.136" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">DOJ Manual&rsquo;s</a> traditional internal approval process&mdash;a process that required material support charges to be staffed through Main Justice before being authorized.</p>
<p>More recently, &sect; 2339A has been central to prosecutions <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/126226/prosecuting-nihilistic-violent-extremism-domestic-terrorism/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">targeting</a> Nihilistic Violent Extremist (NVE) networks linked to campaigns of terroristic violence against minors, including extortion, sexual exploitation, incitement to self-harm and mass violence. The indictment of <a href="https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/arizona-leader-violent-extremist-network-764-charged-running-child-exploitation-enterprise" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Baron Martin</a>, described as an Arizona leader of 764 (an NVE network), used &sect; 2339A as the connective tissue linking online radicalization to real-world harm. These are cases where individual participants play distinct roles&mdash;by providing expertise, logistics, or digital infrastructure&mdash;and where traditional charges would fail to capture the scope of the enterprise. This is the statute working as intended, and these prosecutions are among the most important domestic terrorism cases the Justice Department is currently pursuing.</p>
<h2><strong>Prairieland and the Question of Constraints</strong></h2>
<p>The original charges in the Prairieland case did not include &sect; 2339A. The superseding indictment adding material support counts was returned after three events occurred in rapid succession: the assassination of conservative commentator Charlie Kirk in September 2025, President Trump&rsquo;s <a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/09/designating-antifa-as-a-domestic-terrorist-organization/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">executive order</a> designating &ldquo;antifa&rdquo; as a &ldquo;domestic terrorist organization,&rdquo; and the issuance of <a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/09/countering-domestic-terrorism-and-organized-political-violence/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">National Security Presidential Memorandum-7</a>, which directs Joint Terrorism Task Forces (JTTFs) around the country to pursue a comprehensive strategy against entities allegedly engaged in promoting and conducting political violence. NSPM-7 does not specifically define any of the targeted entities but it does list material support charges among the administration&rsquo;s preferred statutory tools.</p>
<p>If the facts as alleged by the government in the Prairieland case are true&mdash;and participants coordinated their actions through a Signal chat, discussed the acquisition and use of firearms, targeted a federal facility, resulting in one participant opening fire on a police officer&mdash;then there is a plausible basis for &sect; 2339A charges. The predicate offenses alleged include attempted murder of a federal officer (&sect; 1114) and depredation of government property (&sect; 1361). These are listed predicates and the statute reaches them.</p>
<p>But two features of the Prairieland prosecution depart from historical practice in ways that warrant scrutiny.</p>
<p>First, the use of &sect; 1361 as a predicate&mdash;where the alleged underlying crime includes spray-painting&mdash;appears to be without recent precedent. A <a href="https://talkingpointsmemo.com/news/trump-doj-files-9-11-era-charges-against-leftists-across-the-country" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Talking Points Memo investigation</a> found that &sect; 1361 had not been used as a material support predicate for at least a decade before 2025. This matters because the breadth of the predicate is what triggers the severity of the &sect; 2339A charge. Using a statute that can encompass minor property damage to unlock a 15-year terrorism penalty dramatically lowers the threshold for what counts as a terrorism offense.</p>
<p>Second, the traditional vetting process appears to have been bypassed. The DOJ&rsquo;s announcement of the Prairieland indictment does not mention <a href="https://www.justice.gov/usao-ndtx/pr/antifa-cell-members-indicted-prairieland-shooting" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">National Security Division attorneys</a>&mdash;a departure from standard practice in material support cases, where the charge&rsquo;s severity historically demanded centralized oversight. In December, Attorney General Pam Bondi issued an implementing <a href="https://www.arnoldporter.com/en/perspectives/blogs/enforcement-edge/2025/12/doj-issues-sweeping-new-domestic-terrorism-directive" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">memorandum</a> for NSPM-7, directing prosecutors to charge &ldquo;the most serious, readily provable offenses&rdquo; and seek terrorism sentencing enhancements as a matter of course. It appears that Bondi&rsquo;s memorandum has led the DOJ to circumvent an institutional process that once constrained the use of a powerful statute.</p>
<h2><strong>Reasons for Concern</strong></h2>
<p>The Prairieland trial will answer narrow questions about the sufficiency of the evidence and the scope of &sect; 2339A as applied to the charged defendants. It will not answer the question that should concern people most.</p>
<p>NSPM-7&rsquo;s authors <a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/09/countering-domestic-terrorism-and-organized-political-violence/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">direct</a> JTTFs to investigate not only violent actors but also their alleged &ldquo;institutional and individual funders, and officers and employees of organizations, that are responsible for, sponsor, or otherwise aid and abet&rdquo; political violence. The memo lists a wide range of beliefs&ndash;including &ldquo;anti-Americanism, anti-capitalism, and anti-Christianity,&rdquo; as well as &ldquo;extremism on migration, race, and gender&rdquo;&ndash;as alleged common threads motivating domestic terrorism. It does not cite any evidence for these claims. It also broadly defines domestic terrorism to include organized doxxing, rioting, trespassing, and civil disorder &ndash; crimes that are not typically associated with terrorism. In addition, Bondi&rsquo;s implementation <a href="https://www.arnoldporter.com/en/perspectives/blogs/enforcement-edge/2025/12/doj-issues-sweeping-new-domestic-terrorism-directive" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">memorandum</a>: directs a five-year retrospective review of all agency files for &ldquo;Antifa and Antifa-related intelligence&rdquo;; mandates creation of a domestic terrorist organization list updated every 30 days; and establishes a cash-reward tip line for information leading to arrests of domestic terrorist organization leadership.</p>
<p>The Prairieland case is a test a run for the administration&rsquo;s approach to prosecuting &ldquo;antifa.&rdquo; But it is not the whole story. Under NSPM-7 and Bondi&rsquo;s memorandum, the administration does not need to invoke the specter of antifa to open assessments and preliminary investigations targeting constitutionally protected activity, such as protesting or tracking ICE movements. Under <a href="https://www.justice.gov/archive/opa/docs/guidelines.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Attorney General&rsquo;s Guidelines for Domestic FBI Operations</a>, assessments require an authorized purpose but minimal factual predication. Once political leadership signals that certain protest activity constitutes a terrorism priority&mdash;and that signal has been sent, loudly and repeatedly&mdash;investigative energy flows accordingly. That is likely already happening, and no jury verdict in Texas will change it.</p>
<p>Section 2339A was built to reach the networks that make terrorism possible. That is a legitimate and important function, as the NVE prosecutions demonstrate. But a statute that requires no proof of organizational membership, no proof of terrorist motive, and can be triggered by predicate offenses as minor as spray-painting is a statute that demands institutional constraints. The original Congress understood this, which is why it included a First Amendment protection clause in 1994. That clause was stripped in 1996. And the internal approval processes that informally replaced it appear to be eroding now.</p>
<p>The statute, as written into law, does not distinguish between actual terrorists and others accused of supporting terrorist acts. That was always the point. In the hands of prosecutors bound by institutional constraints and centralized oversight, it was a precision instrument. Without those constraints, it could be used for something else entirely &ndash; a blunt force instrument for prosecuting the administration&rsquo;s overwhelmingly peaceful opposition.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132743/how-a-broadly-defined-counterterrorism-statute-could-be-abused/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">How a Broadly Defined Counterterrorism Statute Could Be Abused</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-03T13:58:09+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Thomas E. Brzozowski</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-03T13:58:09+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="counterterrorism"/>

	<category term="courts &amp; litigation"/>

	<category term="department of justice (doj)"/>

	<category term="detention"/>

	<category term="domestic extremism"/>

	<category term="immigration and customs enforcement (ice)"/>

	<category term="intelligence &amp; surveillance"/>

	<category term="law enforcement"/>

	<category term="nihilistic violent extremism"/>

	<category term="terrorism"/>

	<category term="terrorism &amp; violent extremism"/>

	<category term="trump administration second term"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-03:/281470</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132845/russia-ukraine-fighting-talking/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=russia-ukraine-fighting-talking" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Russia’s Big War at Four: Ukraine Keeps Fighting and Keeps Talking</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Ukrainians have withstood their hardest winter of the war and are still standing, both willing and a...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Ukrainians have withstood their hardest winter of the war and are still standing, both willing and able to keep fighting. During a visit to Kyiv last week for the <a href="https://yes-ukraine.org/en/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Yalta European Strategy (YES) Conference</a>, timed to the fourth anniversary of Russia&rsquo;s full-scale invasion, and in several days of talks with officials and civilians, it was clear that Ukrainians are determined to continue their fight for national survival and will not give up, even after their <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/ukraine-endures-its-bitterest-winter-russia-targets-heating-power-2026-01-21/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">suffering this winter</a>. My colleagues and I from the Atlantic Council heard from senior Ukrainian political leaders, soldiers, and entrepreneurs, all offering sound reasons for continuing to fight, even as they work with the United States and European leaders on a sustainable, negotiated end to the war.</p>
<p>Russia&rsquo;s attacks on Ukraine&rsquo;s energy infrastructure have reduced the country&rsquo;s electric power production by about 80 percent, one official told me. That has meant rolling blackouts throughout the country and other forms of electricity rationing, and we heard stories of <a href="https://kyivindependent.com/chart-of-the-week-russias-attacks-push-ukraines-energy-system-to-the-brink/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">families in icy apartment buildings</a>. But life in wartime Kyiv was going on, with traffic, restaurants open, food stores with food in them, and generators humming to make up for some of the shortfalls of the electricity grid. With temperatures rising, Ukrainians &mdash; officials, soldiers, and civilians &mdash; kept referring to the past winter as something that they had survived. Kyiv&rsquo;s electric trollies resumed running while I was there, and heat was coming back online.</p>
<p>The stalemate on the battlefield continues. But senior Ukrainians in a position to know as well as soldiers &mdash; senior and otherwise &mdash; and experienced Ukrainians out of government expressed confidence that the stalemate works to their advantage, not Russia&rsquo;s: &ldquo;a good sign&rdquo; said one of the most senior Ukrainians. Russia is still attacking, seeking to capture the whole of Donetsk Province. So far, they have failed. The ruined city of Pokrovsk is mostly in Russian hands, Kupiansk less so, and other cities are being fought for. But the Russians have been unable to mount any breakthroughs, and over the past weeks <a href="https://www.yahoo.com/news/articles/ukraine-ramping-counteroffensive-regaining-territories-092834401.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Ukrainian counterattacks</a> have had some local success as well, liberating between 200-300 square kilometers (about 125-180 square miles), senior sources said. Elon Musk&rsquo;s <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c0q3ndj7052o" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">decision to turn off Russian access to Starlink</a> has helped, some said. And, Ukrainian officers pointed out with satisfaction, the Russian-to-Ukrainian casualty ratio vastly favors Ukraine and has been moving in a better direction. Russian casualties, Ukrainians said, were now running at 30,000 per month and climbing.</p>
<h2><strong>Advances on Drones</strong></h2>
<p>The battle front is partly trench warfare but more and more dominated by drones, and the Ukrainians have made impressive advances in mastering an effective drone cycle &mdash; R&amp;D/production/battlefield deployment/assessment/&amp; more R&amp;D &mdash; that may outshine anything in the West and probably beats the Russians. It&rsquo;s not just the technology but the whole system of rapid response that is making the difference. The Ukrainian drone masters &mdash; some career military, but often outsiders both in uniform and civilians &mdash; said they were eager to work with Westerners but, with some exceptions, found that Western officials were still stuck in &ldquo;drone tourism&rdquo;: showing up, having a meeting and then showing up again in a few months to ask the same questions. Referring to drone development, one very young Ukrainian civilian who looked more like a Silicon Valley engineer/hipster than a defense industry bureaucrat said, &ldquo;You [meaning: the West] had better learn fast.&rdquo; He had been embedded since the start of the big invasion with a military unit, keeping the Ukrainian drone advantage real.</p>
<p>The determination of Ukrainians to fight on is neither empty bravado nor mere elan running on fumes. They are past being dismayed about the cutback in U.S. government assistance and the long difficulties the European Union has in getting money for Ukraine out the door. They expect that support will continue in some form and are acutely aware of Russia&rsquo;s battlefield difficulties and economic vulnerabilities. They kept saying that they can fight on.</p>
<p>The Ukrainians are also serious about a negotiated solution to the war. They don&rsquo;t trust Russian President Vladimir Putin&rsquo;s promises and insist that he doesn&rsquo;t merely want this or that province but wants Russia to dominate all of Ukraine. But they also take the negotiations seriously not because they think Putin wants to end the war but because they think the United States does.</p>
<h2><strong>The State of the Talks</strong></h2>
<p>At the end of the YES Conference in Kyiv, U.S. negotiator Steve Witkoff addressed the attendees <a href="https://youtu.be/zcbQhs0y0Ig?si=dXgFj_BArsLqvPd6" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">via video</a>, outlining in general terms the state of the negotiations. He emphasized that &ldquo;strong security protocols&rdquo; for Ukraine have been drafted, including with the input of NATO&rsquo;s Supreme Allied Commander, U.S. General Alexus Grynkewich. These, Witkoff said, could include an &ldquo;Article 5-like treaty with Ukraine&rdquo; (referring to the mutual defense clause of NATO&rsquo;s North Atlantic Treaty). Witkoff added that progress has been made on important implementation issues for an agreement, and that various creative ideas about territory were being discussed.</p>
<p>Well-informed Ukrainian sources later confirmed essentials of Witkoff&rsquo;s points, which have been echoed by other Europeans in the know and occasionally by U.S. sources. The major issues for a settlement have always been security for Ukraine and the location of the ceasefire line (or demilitarized zone). The talks so far indicate that post-conflict security for Ukraine would start with international monitoring along whatever line of contact (or zone) is established. The United States would play an active role in that monitoring, probably through remote means. The critical factor for the success of monitoring, Ukrainians stressed, would be who plays the role of &ldquo;adjudicator&rdquo; &mdash; the person or group with a mandate and will to call out violations in unambiguous language in real time &mdash; and that has yet to be nailed down.</p>
<p>Under the texts drafted between the United States and Ukraine, and between Ukraine with key Europeans, dealing with potential new Russian incursions after a ceasefire or peace deal is reached &mdash; or even yet another Russian invasion of Ukraine &mdash; would be the task in the first place by Ukrainians themselves. Ukrainians told us they accept that and believe the agreed upper limit of Ukrainian forces of 800,000 is large enough. The Ukrainians would not stand alone. Forces from the French-British led Coalition of the Willing would back up the Ukrainians, and U.S. forces would back up the Europeans, probably mostly with air power. The details had been outlined in documents already drafted that Ukrainians characterized as &ldquo;powerful.&rdquo;</p>
<p>Ukrainian interlocutors thought these arrangements could work and were impressed with the U.S. input to the security planning. Contingents of French or British forces on the ground in the right place could act as a deterrent to Russian attacks, they added. But the Russians, they said, remained obdurate that no European forces could be present in Ukraine, and without the Europeans on the ground, the U.S. backup would not materialize. The Russians were thus blocking the security arrangements that were essential to ending the conflict.</p>
<h2><strong>Hardline Russian Negotiating Positions</strong></h2>
<p>That&rsquo;s one problem. The second obstacle to concluding a peace deal is the hardline Russian position on territory &mdash; that Ukraine must withdraw from the entirety of Donetsk Province, including the fortified line of cities that block Russian advances to the West. The Ukrainians will not surrender territory that the Russians have been unable to take in four years of war. The Ukrainians could, they say, consider a wider demilitarized zone, but that would have to involve reciprocal pullbacks of Russian and Ukrainian forces and insertion of international/U.S. monitors sufficient to maintain respect of the ceasefire line. And that zone would have to remain under Ukrainian civil administration.</p>
<p>The Russians were holding fast to their territorial demands, promising their Ukrainian interlocutors all sorts of wonderful things that could happen if only Ukraine surrendered the rest of Donetsk Province. Ukrainians said they didn&rsquo;t take such happy talk seriously but regarded it as a sign that Russia&rsquo;s demand for more territory had outstripped Russia&rsquo;s power to achieve it militarily so that they have fallen to blandishments.</p>
<p>Witkoff has often been criticized for saying that an agreement is within reach. But he is right: the outline of a deal has taken shape and much of the detailed work to flesh it out is done. The Ukrainians have been playing ball. The major obstacles include the Kremlin&rsquo;s insistence on being awarded territory that Russia has not and may never gain on the battlefield, and its insistence that no European forces be in Ukraine to act as a deterrent and as backup to Ukrainian forces. That latter demand is a whopper given Russia&rsquo;s spectacular failure to observe its previous promise to respect Ukraine&rsquo;s territorial integrity in exchange for Ukraine giving its Soviet-legacy nuclear weapons (in the 1994 Budapest Memorandum signed by the U.S., the U.K., Ukraine, and Russia).</p>
<p>Russia is asking too much: failing to prevail in battle, it apparently expects the United States to help it finish the job by pressuring Ukraine to accept surrender of territory and weak security.</p>
<p>If the Trump administration wants a deal by July 4<sup>th</sup>, as it has <a href="https://www.yahoo.com/news/articles/trump-team-wants-reach-peace-102800817.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">reportedly</a> told European counterparts most recently (after <a href="https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/u-s-gave-ukraine-and-russia-a-june-deadline-to-reach-a-peace-deal-zelenskyy-says" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">previously</a> setting one for June), it might be better advised to use its existing leverage on Russia rather than on Ukraine. This may be underway. The <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c5y2v8ngl14o" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">United States</a> and <a href="https://apnews.com/video/france-detains-captain-of-suspected-russian-shadow-fleet-tanker-seized-in-mediterranean-4ee2d521ae90457586029c860b417de1" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">France</a> have already seized at least three shadow fleet oil tankers serving Russia, and on February 28 Belgium said its special forces had <a href="https://www.yahoo.com/news/articles/belgium-seizes-russian-shadow-fleet-114016016.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">seized another</a> in the North Sea, apparently with France&rsquo;s help. The United States and willing Europeans could seize more. The U.S. and Europe also could impose secondary sanctions on countries that purchase Russian oil (perhaps with carve-outs for reductions of purchases), enforce technology transfers going through third countries, and hit Russia with a general financial embargo (with exceptions for medicine, food, and selected other items). Such actions and more, and maybe even private warnings, could capture the Kremlin&rsquo;s attention in a new way. So would provision of additional, high-end weapons such as Tomahawk missiles, though these may be in shorter supply due to U.S. military operations against Iran.</p>
<p>There is no guarantee that Russia will agree to the settlement that Witkoff is brokering. But we won&rsquo;t know unless the United States (with Europe) uses the available tools of pressure. The Ukrainians have withstood the Russian onslaught and, thanks to Europe, have managed despite the reduction of U.S. military assistance. Putin&rsquo;s <a href="https://www.aljazeera.com/amp/news/2026/3/1/world-reacts-to-killing-of-irans-khamenei-by-us-israel-forces" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">ritual condemnation of U.S. action against Iran</a> may &ndash; and hopefully will &mdash; convince President Donald Trump, at last, that Putin is hostile to the United States. Whether Putin can withstand the United States using its available leverage on him is well worth testing. If Trump uses that leverage seriously, he might just end the Russia-Ukraine War on sustainable terms.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132845/russia-ukraine-fighting-talking/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Russia&rsquo;s Big War at Four: Ukraine Keeps Fighting and Keeps Talking</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-03T13:51:57+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Ambassador Daniel Fried</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-03T13:51:57+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="armed conflict"/>

	<category term="armed conflicts"/>

	<category term="civilian harm"/>

	<category term="diplomacy"/>

	<category term="donald trump"/>

	<category term="europe"/>

	<category term="european union"/>

	<category term="international and foreign"/>

	<category term="peace agreements"/>

	<category term="peace talks"/>

	<category term="russia"/>

	<category term="russia-ukraine"/>

	<category term="russia-ukraine war"/>

	<category term="sanctions"/>

	<category term="trump administration second term"/>

	<category term="ukraine"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-03:/281471</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132939/early-edition-march-3-2026/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=early-edition-march-3-2026" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Early Edition: March 3, 2026</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Signup to receive the Early Edition in your inbox&nbsp;here.

A curated weekday guide to major news and d...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Signup to receive the Early Edition in your inbox&nbsp;<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/newsletter-signup/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>.</p>
<div>
<p>A curated weekday guide to major news and developments over the last 24 hours. Here&rsquo;s today&rsquo;s news:</p>
<p><b><i>IRAN WAR&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>U.S.-Israeli attacks have killed at least 787 people in Iran since Saturday,</b><span> according to the Iranian Red Crescent Society. The agency added that 1,039 attacks have been recorded and 504 sites have been hit. Overnight, the U.S.-Israeli joint operation pounded Tehran, and other parts of Iran, with airstrikes. The Israeli military said today that it has struck Iran&rsquo;s Presidential Office and Supreme National Security Council building. Jon Gambrell reports for </span><a href="https://apnews.com/live/iran-war-israel-trump-03-03-2026#0000019c-b30d-d180-abfe-bb8fffd40000" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>AP News</span></a><span>; Enjoli Liston reports for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/live/2026/03/03/world/iran-war-israel-lebanon-trump" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.</span></p>
<p><b>Six U.S. service members have been killed in the first three days of the war,</b><span> U.S. Central Command said yesterday. Helen Cooper reports for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/02/world/middleeast/us-military-death-toll-iran.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>At least 30,000 displaced people have sought protection in shelters in Lebanon since hostilities between Israel and Hezbollah reignited yesterday, </b><span>UNHCR spokesperson Babar Baloch said. Emma Farge reports for </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/iran-live-israel-strikes-hezbollah-uk-base-hit-cyprus-conflict-widens-2026-03-02/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Reuters</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>The International Atomic Energy Agency said today that Iran&rsquo;s Natanz nuclear enrichment site sustained &ldquo;some recent damage&rdquo;</b><span> amid the U.S.-Israeli airstrike campaign which began on Saturday. The IAEA added that &ldquo;no radiological consequence [was] expected.&rdquo; Jon Gambrell reports for </span><a href="https://apnews.com/live/iran-war-israel-trump-03-03-2026#0000019c-b30d-d180-abfe-bb8fffd40000" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>AP News</span></a><span>.</span></p>
<p><b>Iranian drone strikes hit the U.S. Embassy in Saudi Arabia this morning,</b><span> the Saudi Defense Ministry announced. Yesterday, a drone attack caused a fire in the U.S. Embassy compound in Kuwait, according to two U.S. officials. The U.S. State Department has now closed both embassies, and urged non-emergency personnel and families to leave 14 countries in the Middle East.</span> <span>Jon Gambrell reports for </span><a href="https://apnews.com/live/iran-war-israel-trump-03-03-2026#0000019c-b30d-d180-abfe-bb8fffd40000" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>AP News</span></a><span>; Barak Ravid reports for </span><a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/03/iran-us-embassy-riyadh-saudi-arabia-drones" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Axios</span></a><span>; Aaron Boxerman, Helene Cooper, and Yan Zhuang report for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/live/2026/03/03/world/iran-war-israel-lebanon-trump" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said yesterday that Iran is not at war with the region and is only targeting Israel and U.S. military bases.</b><span> However, Iranian drones have struck civilian targets, such as tourist areas of Dubai. Arab sources told </span><a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/02/iran-war-expanding-israel-lebanon-gulf-cyprus" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Axios</span></a><span> that Iran&rsquo;s actions are pushing several neighbouring countries to consider retaliating directly against Iran. Barak Ravid reports.</span></p>
<p><b>France plans to send anti-missile and anti-drone systems to Cyprus after RAF Akrotiri, a British air base, was targeted in two separate drone strikes,</b><span> the Cyprus News Agency said today. A Cypriot government source confirmed the report. Senior Cypriot officials said that the attack was carried out by an Iranian Shahed drone, most likely fired by Hezbollah from Lebanon. U.K. Prime Minister Keir Starmer said that Britain would not be joining the U.S.-Israeli strikes and Middle East Minister Hamish Falconer stressed that &ldquo;the U.K. is not at war.&rdquo; Michele Kambas reports for </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/business/aerospace-defense/france-send-anti-drone-systems-cyprus-after-british-base-attack-report-says-2026-03-03/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Reuters</span></a><span>; Jill Lawless and Menelaos Hadjicostis report for </span><a href="https://apnews.com/article/uk-akrotiri-iran-us-israel-airstrikes-934de2ed2a3c87fe7cc9189e24c076a4" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>AP News</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>IRAN WAR &ndash; POLITICAL RESPONSE&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>Secretary of State Marco Rubio told reporters yesterday that &ldquo;the hardest hits are yet to come from the U.S. military,</b><span>&rdquo; echoing President Trump&rsquo;s comments that the fighting in Iran may go on for &ldquo;four to five weeks.&rdquo; &ldquo;The next phase will be even more punishing on Iran than it is right now,&rdquo; Rubio added, ahead of yesterday&rsquo;s classified briefing with senior members of Congress in which he justified U.S. strikes as a response to an imminent threat from Iran. Gen. Dan Caine, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said the U.S. military was sending more troops and fighter jets to the Middle East. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said that there are currently no U.S. troops in Iran, but did not rule out the possibility. Rubio, Hegseth, Caine, and CIA Director John Ratcliffe will hold an all-Congress briefing today, according to the White House. Helene Cooper and Eric Schmitt report for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/02/us/politics/trump-administration-troops-iran-war.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>; Justin Papp reports for </span><a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2026/03/02/rubio-trump-brief-congress-iran.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>CNBC</span></a><span>.</span></p>
<p><b>&ldquo;I hear the people are saying you&rsquo;re going to have an endless war. You&rsquo;re not going to have an endless war,&rdquo; </b><span>Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said yesterday during an interview with Fox News. Netanyahu also praised Trump, saying &ldquo;there&rsquo;s never been a president like him. His resoluteness, his decisiveness, his clarity of thinking, the way he gets things, gets right to the crux of things.&rdquo; Aaron Pellish reports for </span><a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/03/netanyahu-says-iran-strikes-wont-lead-to-endless-war-00808234" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>POLITICO</span></a><span>.</span></p>
<p><b>Trump on Sunday spoke by phone with Kurdish leaders in Iraq to discuss the U.S.-Israel war with Iran and what might come next, </b><span>three sources told </span><a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/02/trump-iran-war-kurds-iraq" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Axios</span></a><span>. &ldquo;It is the general view, and certainly Netanyahu&rsquo;s view, that the Kurds are going to come out of the woodwork&hellip;that they&rsquo;re going to rise up,&rdquo; one official said. Barak Ravid and Marc Caputo report.</span></p>
<p><b>Iran and its proxies could target the United States with attacks in response to Saturday&rsquo;s killing of Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, </b><span>according to a U.S. intelligence assessment, dated Feb. 28, reviewed by </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/intelligence-assessment-warns-iranian-attacks-us-following-khameneis-death-2026-03-02/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Reuters</span></a><span>. The report said that a large-scale physical attack was unlikely, adding that in the short term cyber-attacks are the main concern. Jana Winter reports.</span></p>
<p><b>A White House memo sent to Republican lawmakers yesterday set out four military objectives for the operation in Iran, </b><span>including &ldquo;annihilating&rdquo; Iran&rsquo;s navy, and ensuring that Iran can never produce a nuclear weapon. The memo described the death of Khamenei as a &ldquo;byproduct&rdquo; of those aims. The memo also states, &ldquo;though the regime has changed, this operation is about ending the threat posed to the United States by the Iranian regime.&rdquo; Meredith Lee Hill reports for </span><a href="https://www.politico.com/live-updates/2026/03/02/congress/trump-iran-house-memo-00807401" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>POLITICO</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>[Editors&rsquo; note: Readers may be interested in Tess Bridgeman, Kate Brannen and Ryan Goodman,</i></b><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132970/questions-trump-officials-war-iran/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b><i> Top Questions the Trump Administration Needs to Answer on War with Iran &ndash; What Congress, journalists, and the public should ask,</i></b></a><b><i> Just Security, March 2, 2026]&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b><i>ISRAEL-HAMAS WAR&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>Gaza is running out of its limited fuel supply and food stocks as Israel closed all crossings on Saturday, citing the war with Iran,</b><span> according to officials. Gaza is &#8203;wholly dependent on fuel brought in by trucks from Israel and Egypt and a lack of fresh &#8203;supplies would put hospital operations at risk and threaten water and sanitation services, local officials said. Israeli authorities said late last night that they would reopen the Kerem Shalom crossing from Israel to Gaza today for &ldquo;gradual entry of humanitarian aid.&rdquo; Nidal al-Mughrabi and Pesha Magid report for </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/gaza-fuel-running-short-after-israel-closes-borders-amid-iran-war-2026-03-02/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Reuters</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>WEST BANK VIOLENCE</i></b></p>
<p><b>Israeli settlers fatally shot two Palestinian brothers in the occupied West Bank yesterday, </b><span>according to local residents and the Palestinian Ministry of Health. Isabel Kershner and Fatima AbdulKarim report for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/02/world/middleeast/west-bank-settler-violence.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>OTHER GLOBAL DEVELOPMENTS&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>French President Emmanuel Macron yesterday announced that France would expand its nuclear arsenal and deepen cooperation with European neighbours to deter attacks.</b><span> &ldquo;What I want more than anything, as you will have understood, is for Europeans to gain control of their own destiny,&rdquo; Macron said. Mark Landler reports for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/02/world/europe/france-nuclear-arsenal-macron.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Fighting between Pakistan and Afghanistan carried on yesterday at multiple points along their border.</b><span> 42 civilians in Afghanistan have been killed in the six-day conflict with Pakistan, the U.N. Assistance Mission in Afghanistan said. Mohammad Yunus Yawar, Saad Sayeed, and Asif Shahzad report for </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/least-42-civilians-killed-afghanistan-conflict-with-pakistan-un-agency-says-2026-03-03/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Reuters</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>At least 169 people, including senior officials, were killed on Sunday when a group of unidentified men launched an assault on South Sudan&rsquo;s Ruweng Administrative Area</b><span>, according to Ruweng&rsquo;s Information Minister James Monyluak Mijok. The Minister alleged that the men came from the neighbouring Unity state and were linked to the Sudan People&rsquo;s Liberation Army in Opposition. The SPLA-IO has denied any involvement in the attack. </span><a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c0mgkvy4wr8o" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>BBC News</span></a><span> reports.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>U.S. FOREIGN AFFAIRS&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>The United States yesterday imposed sanctions on Rwanda&rsquo;s military, </b><span>accusing them of backing the M23 rebel group and violating the Washington Accords peace deal between Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. </span><span>&ldquo;President Trump is the Peace President and Treasury will use all tools at its disposal to ensure that the parties to the Washington Accords uphold their obligations,&rdquo; said Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent. </span><span>Matthew Mpoke Bigg reports for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/02/world/africa/rwanda-sanctions-trump-peace-m23.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>First lady Melania Trump yesterday presided over a U.N. Security Council meeting and delivered a speech advocating for &ldquo;peace through education.&rdquo; </b><span>She said that nations should promote the values of tolerance and &ldquo;empathy for others, transcending geography, religion, race, gender&rdquo; and denounced &ldquo;rigid thinkers who embrace prejudice and shun human dignity.&rdquo; Chris Cameron reports for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/02/us/politics/melania-trump-un-peace-education.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>German Chancellor Friedrich Merz is set to meet with Trump in Washington today</b><span>. &ldquo;We&rsquo;re not going to be lecturing our partners on their military strikes against Iran,&rdquo; Merz said, adding &ldquo;despite all the doubts, we share many of their aims.&rdquo; James Mackenzie reports for </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/german-chancellor-merz-heads-washington-shadow-war-iran-2026-03-02/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Reuters</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>U.S. CARIBBEAN AND PACIFIC OPERATIONS</i></b></p>
<p><b>&ldquo;We must focus immediately on implementing the most urgent and necessary transformations to the [Cuban] economic and social model,&rdquo; </b><span>Cuban President Miguel D&iacute;az-Canel said. In a speech to the Council of Ministers, D&iacute;az-Canel said municipalities and the private sector required more autonomy and urged for more foreign investment in the energy sector, as the U.S. oil blockade has severely worsened the humanitarian crisis in Cuba. Luis Ferr&eacute;-Sadurn&iacute; and David C. Adams</span><span> report for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/02/world/americas/cuba-economy-change-communism.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>U.S. IMMIGRATION DEVELOPMENTS&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>Hennepin County Attorney Mary Moriarty yesterday announced the creation of the Transparency and Accountability Project, </b><span>which will give citizens the ability to submit evidence of potential unlawful behaviour by federal agents in Minnesota. The project, staffed by county prosecutors and a civilian investigator, is already investigating 17 incidents, including the use of chemical irritants by Border Patrol Commander Greg Bovino. Jeff Day reports for the </span><a href="https://www.startribune.com/greg-bovino-other-federal-agents-investigated-for-actions-during-operation-metro-surge/601591378?utm_source=newsletter&amp;utm_medium=email&amp;utm_campaign=breaking_news&amp;utm_term=Breaking%20News" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Minnesota Star Tribune</span></a><span>.</span></p>
<p><b><i>U.S. DOMESTIC DEVELOPMENTS</i></b></p>
<p><b>The Supreme Court yesterday temporarily blocked California from using policies that generally bar public-school teachers from outing transgender students to their parents.</b><span> Lindsay Whitehurst reports for </span><a href="https://apnews.com/article/supreme-court-transgender-students-california-cca311ae39d267f31c1392a0bcf780cd" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>AP News</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Trump yesterday confirmed that he will attend this year&rsquo;s White House Correspondents&rsquo; Dinner. </b><span>Julianna Bragg reports for </span><a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/02/white-house-correspondents-dinner-trump" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Axios</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>TRUMP ADMINISTRATION ACTIONS</i></b><span>&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>OpenAI announced yesterday that its agreement with the Pentagon was amended to say its AI systems &ldquo;shall not be intentionally used for domestic surveillance of U.S. persons and nationals,&rdquo; </b><span>in line with relevant federal laws. </span><span>The Defense Department said in a statement that it &ldquo;will always come to the table for reasonable discussion as we did with OpenAI. Anthropic didn&rsquo;t want to do that, because they have their own personal vendettas.&rdquo; </span><span>Cade Metz and Julian E. Barnes report for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/02/technology/openai-pentagon-deal-amended-surveillance.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.</span></p>
<p><b>The Trump administration is hiring people to help close down the U.S. Agency for International Development, but specifically precluded former U.S.A.I.D employees from working for the contractor that will carry this out, </b><span>according to a Jan. 6 memo. Eileen Sullivan reports for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/02/us/politics/usaid-hiring.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>A National Park Service database, reviewed by the </b><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/climate-environment/2026/03/02/national-parks-signs-censorship-slavery/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>Washington Post</b></a><b>, reveals that hundreds of exhibits, signs, books, and films at national parks have been flagged under the Trump administration order to remove &ldquo;partisan ideology&rdquo; or content seen as &ldquo;disparaging,&rdquo; including materials on slavery, civil rights, climate change, and racial violence.</b><span> The database does not make clear which of the entries will be removed or recast by the Interior Department. &ldquo;The narrative being advanced is false and these draft, deliberative internal &#8203;documents are not a representation of final action taken by the department,&rdquo; &#8203;an Interior Department spokesperson said. Karin Brulliard and Brady Dennis report; Kanishka Singh reports for </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/sustainability/climate-energy/leaked-interior-department-database-reveals-us-plans-revise-historical-2026-03-03/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Reuters</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>TRUMP ADMINISTRATION LITIGATION&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>A federal judge yesterday </b><a href="https://ecf.dcd.uscourts.gov/cgi-bin/show_public_doc?2025cv2463-61" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>ruled</b></a><b> that the Homeland Security Department may not bar members of Congress from making unannounced visits to ICE detention facilities.</b><span> Kyle Cheney reports for </span><a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/02/lawmaker-access-ice-detention-ruling-00807198" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>POLITICO</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>The Justice Department said it was dropping its appeals defending Trump&rsquo;s executive orders sanctioning several law firms,</b><span> according to a court filing. Erin Mulvaney and C. Ryan Barber report for the </span><a href="https://www.wsj.com/us-news/law/trump-administration-to-drop-defense-of-law-firm-sanctions-cb839c39?st=QTbRnX&amp;reflink=article_copyURL_share" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Wall Street Journal</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
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<p><strong>ICYMI: Yesterday on<em> Just Security</em></strong></p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132894/us-israel-iran-war-legal-options/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Aggression by the United States and Israel, Misdirected Self-Defense by Iran, and Collective Self-Defense of Gulf States</a></p>
<p>By <span>Adil Ahmad Haque</span></p>
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<p>By <span>Tom Dannenbaum</span></p>
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<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132851/anthropic-supply-chain-risk-designation/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">What Hegseth&rsquo;s &ldquo;Supply Chain Risk&rdquo; Designation of Anthropic Does and Doesn&rsquo;t Mean</a></p>
<p>By <span>Tess Bridgeman</span></p>
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</div>
</div>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132939/early-edition-march-3-2026/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Early Edition: March 3, 2026</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-03T13:03:25+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Elisabeth Jennings</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-03T13:03:25+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="daily news roundup"/>

	<category term="other"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-03:/281430</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132970/questions-trump-officials-war-iran/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=questions-trump-officials-war-iran" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Top Questions the Trump Administration Needs to Answer on War with Iran</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>The following questions concern the Trump administration&rsquo;s decision to go to war with Iran, codename...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p><span>The following questions concern the Trump administration&rsquo;s decision to go to war with Iran, codenamed Operation Epic Fury, what has unfolded since, and what may follow. Congress and journalists should demand answers to these questions, many of which should have been answered prior to the war beginning. Career executive branch officials may want answers about several of these questions as well.</span></p>
<h2><b>The Road and Resort to War</b></h2>
<ol>
<li><span>According to U.S. intelligence, what specific threat did Iran pose to the United States on Feb. 27? Was there an imminent threat of armed attack? Specifically, did Iran pose an imminent threat to strike the United States </span><i><span>first </span></i><span><span>before Israel or the United States attacked Iran?</span></span></li>
<li><span>Did senior administration officials tell reporters on Feb. 28 that the United States struck Iran after determining Tehran was planning imminent missile attacks against U.S. bases in the region? As has been </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/us/pentagon-tells-congress-no-sign-that-iran-was-going-attack-us-first-sources-say-2026-03-02/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>reported</span></a><span>, the administration acknowledged &ldquo;</span><span><span>on Sunday that there was no intelligence suggesting Iran planned to attack U.S. forces first&rdquo; &ndash; is that acknowledgement accurate? What explains the changes over time in administration officials&rsquo; representations to Congress?</span></span></li>
<li><span>From the </span><a href="https://apnews.com/article/donald-trump-transcript-state-of-union-2026-c13e2a07df999b464b733f4a6e84dbd4" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>State of the Union</span></a><span> to as late as </span><a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/02/trump-claims-iran-missiles-could-have-hit-america-soon-00806907" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Monday</span></a><span><span>, President Trump has said Iran would &ldquo;soon&rdquo; be able to hit targets inside the United States with ballistic missiles? Is that false? How exactly do you define &ldquo;soon&rdquo;?</span></span></li>
<li><span>Does the U.S. Intelligence Community assess, and with what level of confidence, that Iran would soon have had ballistic </span><a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/02/trump-claims-iran-missiles-could-have-hit-america-soon-00806907" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>missiles</span></a><span><span> capable of striking the United States? If so, on what timeframe?</span></span></li>
<li><span>Separately, does the U.S. Intelligence Community assess there was a credible threat of </span><i><span>use</span></i><span> of such missiles against the United States except in self-defense against attack? If not, does the administration assert, contrary to international law, that possessing a </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132180/us-iran-war-strike/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>weapons </span><i><span>capability</span></i></a><span><span> is sufficient grounds for invoking self-defense? On what basis? Against whom would this apply? For possessing what weapons capabilities?</span></span></li>
<li><span>Before launching the strikes, what did the U.S. </span><span>Intelligence Community</span><span><span> assess could be the number of American service members killed in the duration of the operation, and with what level of confidence was that assessment made?</span></span></li>
<li><span>Before Feb. 28, what did the U.S. </span><span>Intelligence Community</span><span><span> assess could be the consequences inside the United States from potential Iran-linked sleeper cells or similar groups as a result of launching these strikes against Iran? As a result of killing Khamenei? What was the level of confidence in those assessments? What about the consequences in Europe?</span></span></li>
<li><span>Before launching the strikes, what did the U.S. </span><span>Intelligence Community</span><span><span> assess could be the consequences in the region in terms of fatalities, damage to U.S. interests, and anti-U.S. sentiment over the duration of the conflict, and with what level of confidence were those assessments made?</span></span></li>
<li><span>Before launching the strikes, what did the U.S. </span><span>Intelligence Community</span><span><span> assess could be the potential <a href="https://www.reuters.com/business/energy/us-will-take-action-mitigate-oil-price-spike-americans-rubio-says-2026-03-02/?link_source=ta_bluesky_link&amp;taid=69a6142aed8ca800016c19d1&amp;utm_campaign=trueanthem&amp;utm_medium=social&amp;utm_source=bluesky" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">effects on the U.S. economy</a> (including gas prices) over the medium term, and with what level of confidence was that assessment made?</span></span></li>
<li><span>Before launching the strikes, what did the U.S. </span><span>Intelligence Community</span><span><span> assess could be the likely duration of the conflict, and with what level of confidence was that assessment made?</span></span></li>
<li><span><span>When did President Trump decide ongoing negotiations regarding Iran&rsquo;s nuclear program were futile? When did he decide to order military strikes?</span></span></li>
<li><span><span>Were the Iranians still engaging in negotiations with the United States when President Trump decided to strike? Was the United States negotiating in good faith if a determination had already been made to launch military strikes?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>Did the Department of Justice&rsquo;s Office of Legal Counsel (OLC) approve the legality of the operation under international law? Under domestic law without congressional authorization? If so, when did the OLC provide that approval in verbal form? In written form? If there is a written memorandum, when will it be publicly released (with any necessary redactions for classification)?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>Have any administration lawyers or uniformed lawyers raised concerns about the legality of the operations under domestic law? International law?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>Have U.S. allies raised concerns about the legality of the operations before Feb. 28 or in the past few days?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>When did President Trump ask allied and partner States to join in the effort?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span>Does the administration disavow prior DOJ OLC opinions that stated its own &ldquo;war in the constitutional sense&rdquo; threshold for operations requiring congressional authorization is most likely to be met when the contemplated actions are against a nation-state, involve a serious risk of escalation, risk of casualties to U.S. forces, or involve &ldquo;</span><span><span>exposure of U.S. military personnel to significant risk over a substantial period&rdquo;?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>If so, are there any limits on the President&rsquo;s unilateral authority to use military force without congressional authorization? What are they specifically?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>If the OLC opinions are not disavowed, how do you define risk of escalation? Risk to U.S. forces? How long must a conflict go on to be &ldquo;protracted&rdquo;?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>What, precisely, is a &ldquo;war in the constitutional sense&rdquo; if this war does not qualify as one?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span>The White House&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/wpr-report-operation-epic-fury-march-2-2025.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>War Powers Report</span></a><span><span> to Congress never says an attack from Iran was imminent. Indeed, the word &ldquo;imminent&rdquo; does not appear anywhere in the report. Why not?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span>The </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/03/wpr-report-operation-epic-fury-march-2-2025.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>War Powers Report</span></a><span><span> does not mention self-defense as a legal basis for the war except for a reference to the strikes being taken &ldquo;in collective self-defense of our regional allies, including Israel.&rdquo; Is it the administration&rsquo;s intent to justify the war as collective self-defense of Israel, rather than self-defense on the part of the United States? What &ldquo;other&rdquo; regional allies was this referring to?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>Will the administration be submitting an Art. 51 letter to the UN Security Council (UNSC) as it is required to do when using force without UNSC authorization? If so, what legal basis will it claim for an invocation of self-defense?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span>Does the administration wish to change or clarify any of the statements or representations made by U.S. officials to the Gang of Eight before the war was commenced?<br>
</span>
<h2><b>Strategic Objectives and Goals of Operation Epic Fury<br>
</b></h2>
</li>
<li><span><span>What are the objectives of Operation Epic Fury? Have the objectives for this war changed since Feb. 28?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>What is the president&rsquo;s definition of &ldquo;victory&rdquo; in Iran?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>Would it be a victory if a new hardline leadership emerges and continues to suppress the rights of the Iranian people? If it continues its hostility toward the United States? If it is controlled by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC)?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>Has the U.S. Intelligence Community <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/prior-iran-attacks-cia-assessed-khamenei-would-be-replaced-by-hardline-irgc-2026-02-28/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">assessed</a> that a takeover by the IRGC or other <a href="https://www.wsj.com/livecoverage/iran-strikes-2026/card/cia-assessed-iran-s-ayatollah-could-be-replaced-by-hardliner-if-killed-XsFUyBx1ymuQ4HXesr0d?gaa_at=eafs&amp;gaa_n=AWEtsqfgnXCzT5FhxkfORPSVpxjZB-H1y4XuXdqc3KiSNki_96cWZ1f9Rz_TCpwPC1M%3D&amp;gaa_ts=69a65b2f&amp;gaa_sig=5-ZpTrxB6NzjrTHoIogoSZDP8JTy9eoRDUe_2OEXEMDmsT8iDwPhS7vR06eUhlW-ZR1d6XxxDRcvlqukVEG1cA%3D%3D" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">hardline</a>, repressive elements is a plausible outcome of the war? How much more or less likely is that assessed to be than other possible outcomes?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span>According to the New York Times, an Israeli strike targeted Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei based on </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/02/us/politics/iran-khamenei-dead-trump-legal.html?smid=nytcore-ios-share" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>intelligence</span></a><span> provided by the CIA. Did the United States give approval for that strike? Trump </span><a href="https://x.com/jonkarl/status/2028298372805714019?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>told</span></a><span><span> ABC News&rsquo; Jonathan Karl, &ldquo;I got him before he got me.&rdquo; Did the United States provide the intelligence, logistical, or other support for that strike knowing that Israel was planning to kill Khamenei?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span>President Trump told </span><a href="https://x.com/jonkarl/status/2028299468223676673?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>ABC News </span></a><span><span>that the people the U.S. government thought would replace Khamenei were also killed in early strikes. Which leader(s) did the United States expect or hope would replace Khamenei?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span>President Trump </span><a href="https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/read-trumps-full-statement-on-iran-attack" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>said</span></a><span><span> Operation Epic Fury was intended to change the regime in Iran. Secretary of Defense Hegseth said the war is not a regime change war. Is regime change an objective for U.S. operations?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>If there is no regime change, how will the United States define victory?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span>On Monday, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt </span><a href="https://x.com/PressSec/status/2028528697460863394" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>wrote</span></a><span><span>, &ldquo;On Saturday, President Trump released a statement laying out clear objectives to the American people for Operation Epic Fury. Let me reiterate them.&rdquo; She proceeded to provide a long list of objectives that only involved Iran&rsquo;s external military threats? Was any reference to the wellbeing of the Iranian people purposefully omitted from that list?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span>On March 2, Secretary Hegseth </span><a href="https://www.war.gov/News/Transcripts/Transcript/Article/4418959/secretary-of-war-pete-hegseth-and-chairman-of-the-joint-chiefs-of-staff-gen-dan/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>said</span></a><span>, &ldquo;</span><span>This operation is a clear, devastating, decisive mission: destroy the missile threat, destroy the navy, no nukes. Israel has clear missions as well for which we are grateful.&rdquo; Does Israel have separate objectives for this war than the United States? If so, what are they? If the objectives are different, what does that mean for U.S. </span><span>involvement</span><span><span>?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span>Is Venezuela a model for what the administration would like to see happen next in Iran, as the president has </span><a href="https://x.com/Acyn/status/2028490057699721536?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>suggested</span></a><span><span> repeatedly? In what way(s) specifically?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>What do you expect will come next &ndash; a so-called &ldquo;managed transition&rdquo; like what happened in Venezuela or a more complete regime change? What would satisfy the administration&rsquo;s objectives?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span>President Trump, in his </span><a href="https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/read-trumps-full-statement-on-iran-attack" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Feb. 28 address</span></a><span><span>, told Iranian forces to surrender. Who are they supposed to surrender to? How?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>How, if at all, does the administration plan to support the people of Iran without any U.S. personnel on the ground? Trump has not ruled out U.S. boots on the ground &ndash; what strategic objectives would be worth committing U.S. troops to active combat missions inside Iran?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>Have any U.S. military forces been deployed inside Iran prior to Feb. 28? Since Feb. 28?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>Will the United States share responsibility if the people of Iran rise up in the coming days and are massacred?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>What mechanism does the administration envision the Iranian people have to organize themselves or to overthrow the government? How does the ongoing bombardment impact their ability to organize?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>Before Feb. 28, what did the U.S. Intelligence Community assess are possible outcomes&nbsp; for the Iranian people following destroying/degrading any nuclear weapons program and ballistic missile capacities, but with the regime left in place? With what level of confidence were those assessments made?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>Before Feb. 28, did the U.S. Intelligence Community assess any possible refugee crisis resulting from these operations against Iran? With what level of confidence were those assessments made?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>What are the current U.S. Intelligence Community assessments of the possible fates for the Iranian people, and with what level of confidence for each outcome?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>Are there any contingencies for extended U.S. boots on the ground (omitting for example quick duration rescue missions if a pilot is downed)?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span>In his first remarks, President Trump </span><a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cm214xk30vxo" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>encouraged</span></a><span><span> the Iranian people to rise up against their government. At the time had the United States and/or Israel shut down large amounts of the country&rsquo;s internet? How many Iranian people does the U.S. government assess heard President Trump&rsquo;s message and in Farsi?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span>Do you agree with Secretary Hegseth&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://abcnews.com/International/trump-admin-told-congressional-staff-intel-suggested-iran/story?id=130677804" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>statement</span></a><span><span> that &ldquo;We didn&rsquo;t start this war, but under President Trump, we are finishing it. Their war on Americans has become our retribution against their Ayatollah and his death cult&rdquo;? If you would not express those ideas the same way, why not? Is anything wrong with his statement? Is the United States war one of &ldquo;retribution&rdquo;? Is that a legitimate basis for going to war? When did Iran start this war?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span>The United States has called for the </span><a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/national-security/state-department-urges-americans-mideast-depart-strikes-continue-rcna261313" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>departure</span></a><span><span> of U.S. nationals from Bahrain, Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Israel, the West Bank, Gaza, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, the United Arab Emirates, and Yemen. Does this mean there are credible threats against U.S. citizens throughout the region? What is the U.S. Intelligence Community assessment of potential threats by Iran or its proxies?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>Has there ever been a recommended departure from this many countries? Many airports in these countries are already closed. How are Americans supposed to depart?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>What planning did the administration do prior to launching the war to keep Americans in the region safe, specifically, given these consequences were foreseeable?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>There have been global anti-U.S. protests since the war was launched. Does the administration believe there will be medium or long-term negative consequences for the United States based on the reactions in the region thus far?<br>
</span></span>
<h2><b>Targeting and the Law of Armed Conflict</b></h2>
</li>
<li><span><span>Secretary Hegseth said, &ldquo;There are no stupid rules of engagement.&rdquo; What does that mean? Is the U.S. military deviating from its standard rules of engagement for these operations? If so, in what specific way(s)?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>Since Jan. 20, 2025, has the U.S. military changed its policies or interpretations of international law concerning targeting operations and civilian harm? How so, specifically? Please identify all the ways in which that may affect Operation Epic Fury.</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>Were civilian leaders of Iran, or any other civilians, targeted by the United States or with U.S. assistance? Who, specifically, has been targeted with lethal force in Iran&rsquo;s leadership?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>Was former president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad targeted by the United States or with U.S. assistance? If so, how does that comply with the law of war, including federal criminal law, that prohibits deliberately targeting civilians?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>A number of other former government officials/senior leaders outside of the chain of command may have been targeted and killed in the first few days of strikes. Can you provide a full list of which Iranian officials have been targeted, and who is confirmed to have been killed?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>Is the United States or Israel intentionally engaged in a campaign of targeting potential future leaders of the Iranian State?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>Do these strikes on officials (current, former, and potentially future) mean the United States believes civilians are targetable? If not, on what basis has the United States determined that the individuals targeted were either active in the chain of command or directly participating in hostilities?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span>Did the U.S. military or the Israel Defense Forces strike the girls elementary school in southern Iran on Saturday, where </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/03/01/world/middleeast/girls-school-strike-iran-video.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>175 people</span></a><span><span> were killed, including children? What was the intended objective of that strike? What proportionality, verification, due diligence, and precautionary measures were taken?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>If the United States is responsible for that strike, will there be an investigation? By whom?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span>Has Israel engaged in any actions during the course of these operations that you disagree with? That the administration disagrees with?<br>
</span>
<h2><b>Costs, Military Readiness and Related Concerns<br>
</b></h2>
</li>
<li><span>The United States began its </span><a href="https://apnews.com/article/us-military-iran-buildup-nuclear-program-5663a8b0d81c8439adfaa010c59a36f5" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>military buildup</span></a><span><span> in the Middle East at the beginning of January. What was the cost of the U.S. deployment prior to commencement of hostilities? What are the cost trade offs in readiness in other regions like INDOPACOM?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>What is the estimated cost of Operation Epic Fury per day thus far?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>How much will Operation Epic Fury cost per week at a similar operations tempo as we&rsquo;ve seen in the first three days?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>How much would Operation Epic Fury cost if it went on for 4-5 weeks, as President Trump said may be the case?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span>What is the estimated cost of the three </span><a href="https://www.centcom.mil/MEDIA/PRESS-RELEASES/Press-Release-View/Article/4418568/three-us-f-15s-involved-in-friendly-fire-incident-in-kuwait-pilots-safe/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>F-15 fighter jets</span></a><span><span> lost in friendly fire incidents in Kuwait? How long will it take to replace them? What type of air defense system hit the U.S. F-15s in Kuwait? How did that &ldquo;friendly fire&rdquo; incident unfold?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>What amount of the total costs of Operation Epic Fury was unbudgeted? How does the Pentagon plan to pay for these unplanned costs? Will the funds come from reductions elsewhere in the defense budget or will the administration be asking Congress to appropriate additional funding for this war? How much?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span><span>Will the U.S. military need to make any reductions to the resources or support it is supplying Ukraine as it shifts its focus to the Middle East?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span>Is there a </span><a href="https://www.wsj.com/world/middle-east/u-s-races-to-accomplish-iran-mission-before-munitions-run-out-c014acbc" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>concern</span></a><span><span> about &ldquo;dwindling&rdquo; U.S. stockpiles of air defense interceptors? Of any other munitions or materiel? What assurances can you provide that the United States would have enough interceptors for a week-long engagement?</span></span>&nbsp;</li>
<li><span>What would be an acceptable death toll of U.S. servicemembers over the duration of this conflict? Of civilians in Iran? In the region?</span></li>
</ol>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132970/questions-trump-officials-war-iran/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Top Questions the Trump Administration Needs to Answer on War with Iran</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-03T03:41:38+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Tess Bridgeman</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-03T03:41:38+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="armed conflict"/>

	<category term="armed conflicts"/>

	<category term="article ii"/>

	<category term="authorization for use of military force (aumf)"/>

	<category term="congress"/>

	<category term="congressional authorization"/>

	<category term="congressional hearings"/>

	<category term="congressional oversight"/>

	<category term="democracy &amp; rule of law"/>

	<category term="diplomacy"/>

	<category term="executive branch"/>

	<category term="featured articles"/>

	<category term="international humanitarian law (ihl)"/>

	<category term="international law"/>

	<category term="iran"/>

	<category term="israel"/>

	<category term="jus ad bellum"/>

	<category term="law of armed conflict (loac)"/>

	<category term="law of armed conflict/ihl"/>

	<category term="military"/>

	<category term="office of legal counsel (olc)"/>

	<category term="operation epic fury"/>

	<category term="un charter"/>

	<category term="unilateral use of force"/>

	<category term="use of force"/>

	<category term="war powers"/>

	<category term="war powers resolution"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-02:/281424</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/114556/collection-israel-iran-conflict/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=collection-israel-iran-conflict" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Collection: Iran, Israel and the United States at War (2025-2026 Operations)</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>The United States and Israel launched a series of strikes against Iran on Feb. 28, 2026, bombing num...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p><span>The United States and Israel </span><a href="https://www.npr.org/2026/02/28/nx-s1-5730158/israel-iran-strikes-trump-us" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>launched</span></a><span> a series of strikes against Iran on Feb. 28, 2026, bombing numerous sites in the cities of Tehran and across the country. Strikes </span><a href="https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/u-s-and-israel-launch-a-major-attack-on-iran-trump-says-supreme-leader-khamenei-killed" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>killed</span></a><span> Iran&rsquo;s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and several other members of Iran&rsquo;s leadership, including the commander of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), and the country&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/iran-defence-minister-guards-commander-killed-israeli-attacks-three-sources-say-2026-02-28/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>defense minister</span></a><span>. I</span><span>ran responded by launching missiles and drones at Israel and at </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/01/world/middleeast/iran-strikes-us-military-facilities.html?smid=url-share" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>U.S. military bases</span></a><span> and other locations in Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, and Saudi Arabia, including </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/02/world/middleeast/iran-attack-saudi-arabia-qatar-oil-gas-energy.html?smid=nytcore-android-share" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>oil and gas facilities</span></a><span> and a </span><a href="https://www.cnn.com/world/video/bahrain-iran-drone-strike-high-rise-building-digvid" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>residential high-rise building</span></a>.</p>
<p><span>Previously, Israel&rsquo;s military had launched a series of strikes on Iran beginning on June 13, 2025, targeting Iranian nuclear facilities and scientists, military sites, and leadership, marking a major escalation in ongoing tensions between the two countries. On </span><span>June 21, the United States </span><a href="https://foreignpolicy.com/2025/06/21/trump-iran-speech-transcript-full-text-us-nuclear-strikes-bombing-fordow/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>conducted</span></a><span> airstrikes on three nuclear sites in Iran &ndash; Fordow, Natanz, and Esfahan &ndash; joining the armed conflict and marking the first direct U.S. military attack on Iran&rsquo;s nuclear program.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>In this collection, experts analyze critical dimensions of the U.S. and Israeli strikes on Iran and responses from Iran and other actors. Analysis covers topics including nuclear diplomacy; strategic, security, and regional implications; and the legality of the strikes and responses under both domestic and international law.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>This collection will be updated as events continue to unfold, in reverse chronological order. We invite you to check back regularly for the latest.&nbsp;</span></p>
<h2><b>Operation Epic Fury/</b><b>Operation Roaring Lion</b></h2>
<h2><b>(Beginning February 2026)</b></h2>
<ul>
<li>Klaudia Klonowska and Michael Schmitt, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133685/iranian-attacks-amazon-data-centers-legal-analysis/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Iranian Attacks on the Amazon Data Centers: A Legal Analysis</a> (March 12, 2026)</li>
<li>Adil Ahmad Haque, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133550/illegality-israels-military-campaign-lebanon/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Illegality of Israel&rsquo;s Military Campaign in Lebanon</a> (March 11, 2026)</li>
<li>Tom Dannenbaum and Rebecca Hamilton, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133417/aggression-iran-response-shany-cohen/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Aggression, Plain and Simple: A Response to Shany and Cohen on the Attack on Iran</a> (March 10, 2026)</li>
<li>Brian Finucane, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133361/iran-war-powers-purse-leverage-legalization/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Iran, War Powers, and the Power of the Purse: Leverage or Legalization</a> (March 9, 2026)</li>
<li>Michael Schmitt and Elizabeth Hutton,&nbsp;<a href="https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A__www.justsecurity.org_133397_sinking-2Dthe-2Dirans-2Dfrigate-2Diris-2Ddena-2Dand-2Dthe-2Dlaw-2Dof-2Dnaval-2Dwarfare_&amp;d=DwMGaQ&amp;c=slrrB7dE8n7gBJbeO0g-IQ&amp;r=JZwLRYy5ohjDpu4XJL_Qf2hS3DNnVr4l09kSgpJmOOs&amp;m=eqkDRt5RYJVdXS9Mb_iYXzq2LAcaZTB58Pdw8htk1Pxzlia9sPqeOuXjcrmy9IlQ&amp;s=l_SbUGthfpurbQBLDgfOdOMvtCxYZbsynw4-huc8SlU&amp;e=" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Sinking Iran&rsquo;s Frigate IRIS Dena and the Law of Naval Warfare</a> (March 8, 2026)</li>
<li aria-level="1">Yuval Shany and Amichai Cohen, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133292/international-law-crossroads/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The International Community at a Crossroads Over Iran: The reawakening of &ldquo;illegal but legitimate&rdquo; or the &ldquo;law of self-preservation&rdquo;?</a> (March 6, 2026)</li>
<li aria-level="1">
<div>Aurel Sari,&nbsp;<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133231/united-kingdom-iran-war-international-law/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">The United Kingdom&rsquo;s Use of Force Against Iran: Walking a Legal Tightrope?</a> (March 5, 2026)</div>
</li>
<li aria-level="1">Marko Milanovic and Michael Schmitt, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133171/ayatollah-khamenei-leadership-strike-law/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Was Targeting Ayatollah Khamenei and Other Iranian Leaders Lawful? What Precedents Does It Set?</a> (March 4, 2026)</li>
<li aria-level="1">Eliav Lieblich, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/133093/preemption-imminence-rubio-iran/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Double Preemption, Imminence, and the U.S. Attack Against Iran</a> (March 3, 2026)</li>
<li aria-level="1">Tess Bridgeman, Kate Brannen and Ryan Goodman, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132970/questions-trump-officials-war-iran/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Top Questions the Trump Administration Needs to Answer on War with Iran &ndash; What Congress, journalists, and the public should ask</a> (March 2, 2026)</li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Adil Ahmad Haque, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132894/us-israel-iran-war-legal-options/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Aggression by the United States and Israel, Misdirected Self-Defense by Iran, and Collective Self-Defense of Gulf States</span></a><span> (Mar. 2, 2026)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Rebecca Hamilton, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132773/us-iran-war-international-reactions/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>International Reactions to Military Strikes on Iran: A Tipping Point for the UN Charter?</span></a><span> (Feb. 28, 2026)<br>
</span></li>
<li aria-level="1">Brian Egan and Tess Bridgeman, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/64645/war-powers-trump-iran-strikes/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Top Experts&rsquo; Backgrounder: Military Action Against Iran and US Domestic Law</a> (Feb. 28, 2026)</li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Michael Schmitt, Tess Bridgeman and Ryan Goodman, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132180/us-iran-war-strike/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Expert Q&amp;A: Are U.S. Threats or Use of Force Against Iran Lawful?</span></a><span> (Feb. 28, 2026)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Nema Milaninia, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131870/iran-crises-human-rights-rules-use-force/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>What the Current Crises Facing Iran Mean for Human Rights and Rules on the Use of Force</span></a><span> (Feb. 20, 2026)</span></li>
</ul>
<h2><b>Operation Rising Lion/Operation Midnight Hammer (June 2025 Israel/U.S.-Iran War)</b></h2>
<ul>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Richard Nephew, Tess Bridgeman, and Maya Nir, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/116298/diplomatic-path-iran-nuclear-program/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>The Just Security Podcast: Is There a Diplomatic Path for Iran&rsquo;s Nuclear Program? An Interview with Richard Nephew</span></a><span> (July 7, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Brian Finucane, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/116153/article-51-united-states-letter-iran-nuclear/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Assessing the U.S. Article 51 Letter for the Attack on Iran: Legal Lipstick on the Use of Force Pig</span></a><span> (July 3, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Michael J. Glennon, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/115931/us-attack-iran-unconstitutional/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>The U.S. Attack on Iran Was Unconstitutional</span></a><span> (July 1, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Brian O&rsquo;Neill, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/115806/battle-damage-assessments-public-messaging/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>What Counts as a Win?: Battle Damage Assessments and Public Messaging</span></a><span> (June 30, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Brianna Rosen, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/115642/intelligence-implications-iran-midnight-hammer/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Intelligence Implications of the Shifting Iran Strike Narrative</span></a><span> (June 26, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Matthew Levitt, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/115632/why-war-why-now-assessing-iranian-intentions-and-capabilities/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Why War? Why Now? Assessing Iranian Intentions and Capabilities</span></a><span> (June 26, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Nema Milaninia, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/115533/iran-israel-conflict-deepening-repression/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>From War to Control: How the Recent Iran-Israel Conflict Risks Deepening the Islamic Republic&rsquo;s Repression</span></a><span> (June 26, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Brian Finucane, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/115398/trump-justification-attacking-iran-congressional-rebuttal/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>The Trump Administration&rsquo;s Flawed War Powers Report on Iran and the Need for a Congressional Rebuttal</span></a><span> (June 24, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Gregory B. Craig, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/115325/trump-decision-bomb-iran/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>President Trump&rsquo;s Decision to Bomb Iran: From Bad to Worse</span></a><span> (June 24, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Brianna Rosen, Tess Bridgeman, and Nima Gerami, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/115234/intelligence-legal-iran-nuclear-strikes" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>The Day After U.S. Strikes on Iran&rsquo;s Nuclear Program: A Policy and Legal Assessment</span></a><span> (June 22, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Adil Haque, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/115010/israel-unlawful-attack-iran-charter" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Indefensible: Israel&rsquo;s Unlawful Attack on Iran</span></a><span> (June 19, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Brian Egan and Tess Bridgeman, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/64645/war-powers-trump-iran-strikes/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Top Experts&rsquo; Backgrounder: Military Action Against Iran and US Domestic Law</span></a><span> (updated on June 18, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Dalia Dassa Kaye, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/114719/israel-and-iran-a-war-with-no-offramp/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Israel and Iran: A War with No Off-Ramp</span></a><span> (June 17, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Amichai Cohen and </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/shanyyuval/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Yuval Shany</span></a><span>, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/114641/israel-iran-un-charter-jus-ad-bellum" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>A New War or a New Stage in Ongoing War &ndash; Observations on June 13 Israeli Attack against Iran</span></a><span> (June 15, 2025)</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Nima Gerami, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/114547/strategic-stakes-israels-opening-strikes-iran/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>The Strategic Stakes after Israel&rsquo;s Strikes on Iran</span></a><span> (June 13, 2025)&nbsp;</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Brian O&rsquo;Neill, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/114548/israeli-strike-iran-us-intelligence/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>The Israeli Strike on Iran the U.S. Saw Coming, but Couldn&rsquo;t Stop</span></a><span> (June 13, 2025)&nbsp;</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Kelsey Davenport, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/114515/israeli-strikes-risk-driving-iran-toward-nuclear-weapons/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Israeli Strikes Risk Driving Iran Toward Nuclear Weapons</span></a><span> (June 13, 2025)&nbsp;</span></li>
</ul>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/114556/collection-israel-iran-conflict/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Collection: Iran, Israel and the United States at War (2025-2026 Operations)</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-12T05:00:03+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Just Security</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-12T05:00:03+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="aggression"/>

	<category term="anticipatory self-defense"/>

	<category term="armed conflict"/>

	<category term="armed conflicts"/>

	<category term="article 2(4)"/>

	<category term="benjamin netanyahu"/>

	<category term="collection: israel-iran conflict"/>

	<category term="congress"/>

	<category term="congressional oversight"/>

	<category term="diplomacy"/>

	<category term="donald trump"/>

	<category term="enrichment"/>

	<category term="executive branch"/>

	<category term="humanitarian intervention"/>

	<category term="international and foreign"/>

	<category term="international atomic energy association (iaea)"/>

	<category term="international law"/>

	<category term="iran"/>

	<category term="islamic revolutionary guard corps (irgc)"/>

	<category term="israel"/>

	<category term="law of armed conflict/ihl"/>

	<category term="middle east"/>

	<category term="military"/>

	<category term="non-proliferation"/>

	<category term="nuclear"/>

	<category term="nuclear escalation"/>

	<category term="nuclear weapons"/>

	<category term="operation epic fury"/>

	<category term="pete hegseth"/>

	<category term="series"/>

	<category term="trump administration second term"/>

	<category term="un charter"/>

	<category term="unilateral use of force"/>

	<category term="united states (us)"/>

	<category term="use of force"/>

	<category term="war powers"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-02:/281423</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132894/us-israel-iran-war-legal-options/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=us-israel-iran-war-legal-options" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Aggression by the United States and Israel, Misdirected Self-Defense by Iran, and Collective Self-Defense of Gulf States</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>The United States and Israel began major military operations against Iran on Feb. 28, in manifest vi...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p><span>The United States and Israel began major military operations against Iran on Feb. 28, in manifest violation of the United Nations Charter. The Charter prohibits the use of force against another State (</span><a href="https://treaties.un.org/doc/publication/ctc/uncharter.pdf#page=3" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>art. 2(4)</span></a><span>) unless that use of force is authorized by the UN Security Council (</span><a href="https://treaties.un.org/doc/publication/ctc/uncharter.pdf#page=9" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>art. 42</span></a><span>) or is a necessary and proportionate act of individual or collective self-defense in response to an armed attack (</span><a href="https://treaties.un.org/doc/publication/ctc/uncharter.pdf#page=10" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>art. 51</span></a><span>). The Council did not authorize the use of force against Iran, the United States did not request such authorization, and it is unlikely that the Council would have granted such a request. Iran was not attacking the United States or Israel, Iran was not about to attack them, and Iran was not planning to attack them. Iran was apparently actively </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Pg5sXQDR8NY" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>negotiating</span></a><span> the parameters of its nuclear program hours before the attacks began. U.S.-Israeli attacks have so far </span><a href="https://www.en-hrana.org/the-first-day-of-the-u-s-israel-and-iran-war-initial-report-on-the-scope-of-attacks-and-their-human-consequences/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>killed over one hundred civilians</span></a><span>, many of them </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/03/01/world/middleeast/girls-school-strike-iran-video.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>children in their school</span></a><span>, in apparent violation of international humanitarian law. Such attacks are illegal twice over.</span></p>
<p><span>Iran responded by launching missiles and drones at Israel and at </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/01/world/middleeast/iran-strikes-us-military-facilities.html?smid=url-share" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>U.S. military bases</span></a><span> in Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, and Saudi Arabia. Iran&rsquo;s strikes have killed, injured, and endangered many civilians, often impacting in civilian areas far from any military objectives, in apparent violation of international humanitarian law.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Iran&rsquo;s strikes inside the Gulf States also appear to violate the UN Charter. The Gulf States have not attacked Iran, and they insist that no attacks against Iran have originated from U.S. bases on their territory. Under international law, a State commits </span><a href="https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/190983?ln=en&amp;v=pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>aggression</span></a><span> when it allows its territory to be used by another State to perpetrate an act of aggression against a third State, and such allowance might justify the use of defensive force on its territory. But it appears that the Gulf States had not allowed their territory to be used in this way, so Iran cannot use defensive force on their territory.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Iran also exceeded the limits of proportionate self-defense by targeting U.S. bases that appear to have no role in unlawful armed attacks against Iran. As Iran itself </span><a href="https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/90/8622.pdf#page=115" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>told</span></a><span> the International Court of Justice in 1993,&nbsp;</span></p>
<blockquote><p><span>whilst a counter-attack against the invading military force might be legitimate because it would be directly related to the protection of the State&rsquo;s territorial integrity against the military forces actually violating that integrity, an attack on the aggressor&rsquo;s military bases in a quite different part of the world would be illegitimate because directed at the </span><span>wrong target</span><span>.</span></p></blockquote>
<p><span>Together, these two points are decisive. The Gulf States have done nothing to forfeit their right that Iran refrain from the use of force on their territory, and their right is not overridden by Iran&rsquo;s right of proportionate self-defense.</span></p>
<p><span>In its </span><a href="https://x.com/Raminho/status/2027764566101229839?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>letter</span></a><span> to the UN Security Council on Saturday, Iran announced that &ldquo;all bases, facilities, and assets of the hostile forces in the region shall be regarded as legitimate military objectives within the framework of Iran&rsquo;s lawful exercise of self-defense.&rdquo; Iran might argue that the right of self-defense permits a State to target any of an aggressor&rsquo;s military units, even those uninvolved in unlawful attacks, either to impose costs that might compel the aggressor to stop, or to ensure that military units not currently involved in the fighting do not join the fight later. Whatever the merits of this argument in other circumstances, such remote and speculative benefits cannot override the legal rights of uninvolved third States. This is confirmed by the near-universal condemnation of Iran&rsquo;s attacks, including by the </span><a href="https://au.int/en/pressreleases/20260228/statement-auc-chairperson-escalation-conflict-middle-east" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>African Union</span></a><span> and the </span><a href="https://qna.org.qa/en/news/news-details?id=arab-league-strongly-condemns-irans-targeting-of-omans-duqm-port-oil-tanker&amp;date=1/03/2026" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Arab League</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>On March 1, the United Kingdom </span><a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/news/summary-of-the-uk-government-legal-position-the-legality-of-defensive-action-in-respect-of-iranian-regional-attacks" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>announced</span></a><span> that it would take certain actions to &ldquo;defend[] itself and its position in the region&rdquo; and &ldquo;in the collective self-defence of regional allies who have requested support.&rdquo; In a public summary of its legal position, the United Kingdom stated its intent to use &ldquo;military assets flying in the region to intercept drones or missiles targeting countries not previously involved in the conflict.&rdquo; Such measures would appear lawful. Under </span><a href="https://treaties.un.org/doc/publication/ctc/uncharter.pdf#page=10" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>article 51</span></a><span> of the UN Charter, the Gulf States may request other States to use force in collective self-defense against unlawful armed attacks launched against them by Iran.</span></p>
<p><span>The United Kingdom also agreed to allow the United States to use British bases for &ldquo;specific and limited defensive action against missile facilities in Iran which were involved in launching strikes at regional allies.&rdquo; This arrangement would appear to be unlawful. The United States is committing an unlawful act of aggression, and the United Kingdom cannot aid or assist in its commission. Airstrikes against missile facilities in Iran have been, and will continue to be, an important component of the composite act of aggression. It is not possible to facilitate such airstrikes without facilitating the act of aggression of which they are a part. Nor is it possible to aid or assist an unlawful act and avoid responsibility by selectively intending only its desirable consequences.</span></p>
<p><span>While the United Kingdom may act in collective self-defense of the Gulf States, the United States may not. Self-defense permits the use of force only when necessary, that is, when nonforcible means have failed or have no reasonable prospect of success. The United States can end Iran&rsquo;s unlawful attacks against the Gulf States by ending its own unlawful attacks against Iran. Since the United States may not use force against Iran in collective self-defense of the Gulf States, the United Kingdom may not assist the United States in using force against Iran under any circumstances.</span></p>
<p><span>The U.K. Prime Minister </span><a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/pm-statement-on-iran-1-march-2026" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>said</span></a><span> that &ldquo;the only way to stop the threat is to destroy the missiles at source &ndash; in their storage depots or the launchers which used to fire the missiles.&rdquo; Even if true, this aim would not have to be pursued by aiding an aggressor. In any case, this is not true. Another way to stop the threat is to stop the war. The United Kingdom should encourage the United States to cease its ongoing aggression against Iran, while working with other partners to collectively defend the Gulf States from Iran.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Many of Iran&rsquo;s strikes </span><a href="https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/israel-security/2026-03-01/ty-article/.premium/at-least-five-killed-after-iranian-missile-hits-central-israeli-city/0000019c-a962-d4dd-a9df-bbe250410000" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>within Israel</span></a><span> appear to be directed at the civilian population, or so indiscriminate as to be directed at both civilian objects and military objectives without distinction. Such strikes would both violate international humanitarian law and fall outside the internal limits of the right of self-defense, which permits the use of force only against the source of an armed attack. Does it follow that Israel and the United States may invoke the right of self-defense in response to Iran&rsquo;s unlawful response to their unlawful attack? No. The right of self-defense permits the use of force only in cases of necessity. Israel and the United States can end Iran&rsquo;s unlawful response simply by ending their own unlawful attack. That is what they must do.</span></p>
<p><span>The United States, Israel, and Iran, have each violated international law. The United Kingdom appears poised to join them. Hundreds of civilians have paid the price. Before more children are burned alive or buried under rubble, this lawless war must end.</span></p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132894/us-israel-iran-war-legal-options/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Aggression by the United States and Israel, Misdirected Self-Defense by Iran, and Collective Self-Defense of Gulf States</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-02T14:40:42+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Adil Ahmad Haque</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-02T14:40:42+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="armed conflict"/>

	<category term="bahrain"/>

	<category term="civilian harm"/>

	<category term="department of defense (dod)"/>

	<category term="diplomacy"/>

	<category term="humanitarian"/>

	<category term="international and foreign"/>

	<category term="international humanitarian law (ihl)"/>

	<category term="international justice"/>

	<category term="international law"/>

	<category term="iran"/>

	<category term="israel"/>

	<category term="military"/>

	<category term="qatar"/>

	<category term="self-defense"/>

	<category term="un charter"/>

	<category term="un security council (unsc)"/>

	<category term="united arab emirates (uae)"/>

	<category term="united kingdom (uk)"/>

	<category term="united nations"/>

	<category term="united nations (un)"/>

	<category term="use of force"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-02:/281387</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132851/anthropic-supply-chain-risk-designation/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=anthropic-supply-chain-risk-designation" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">What Hegseth’s “Supply Chain Risk” Designation of Anthropic Does and Doesn’t Mean</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Following a period of intense dispute over the Pentagon&rsquo;s use of Anthropic&rsquo;s frontier AI model, Clau...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p><span>Following a period of intense dispute over the Pentagon&rsquo;s use of Anthropic&rsquo;s frontier AI model, Claude, Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth </span><a href="https://x.com/SecWar/status/2027507717469049070?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>stated</span></a><span> that he has directed the Department of Defense (DoD) to designate Anthropic as a &ldquo;Supply-Chain Risk to National Security.&rdquo; He added that, as a result, &ldquo;[e]ffective immediately, no contractor, supplier, or partner that does business with the United States military may conduct any commercial activity with Anthropic.&rdquo; Hegseth&rsquo;s statement appears to indicate that this decision has been made and is final, although there is no information available that suggests the Department has effectuated it. At least one commentator has </span><a href="https://x.com/deanwball/status/2027515599358730315" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>suggested</span></a><span> that &ldquo;</span><span>if Hegseth gets his way,&rdquo; </span><span>other defense contractors will have to &ldquo;divest&rdquo; from Anthropic, calling the action &ldquo;attempted corporate murder,&rdquo; with ripple effects on other American AI companies.</span></p>
<p><span>The Secretary&rsquo;s statement of the consequences for Anthropic&rsquo;s business associates neither matches his actual legal authority nor the available statutory effects. While the Department has not been clear on what authorities it might invoke for the designation, Hegseth is presumably referencing the authorities in </span><a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/10/3252" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>10 U.S.C. &sect; 3252</span></a>.<span> That law grants the Secretary the ability to exclude certain companies from competing for contracts or subcontracts for some of the U.S. military&rsquo;s most sensitive information technology systems &ndash; specifically, those used for intelligence, command and control, and weapons systems (and similar enumerated sensitive information systems).</span></p>
<p><span>It must be noted at the outset that it would seem highly unlikely the Secretary can meet the statutory requirements of a designation under &sect; 3252 in the Anthropic case. Both parties have acknowledged contract negotiations </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/01/technology/anthropic-defense-dept-openai-talks.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>broke down</span></a><span> over terms of use, not adversarial risks to DoD systems. What&rsquo;s more, Anthropic&rsquo;s Claude has been, and is, &ldquo;</span><a href="https://www.anthropic.com/news/statement-department-of-war" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>extensively deployed</span></a><span>&rdquo; across U.S. military and intelligence systems (a situation Hegseth intends to maintain for up to </span><a href="https://x.com/SecWar/status/2027507717469049070?s=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>six months</span></a><span> past his announcement of a designation in a not so subtle signal that undermines his assertion of any true supply chain risk).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>But </span><i><span>even if</span></i><span> such a designation could be supported in this case (again, a very real legal hurdle), designating a company as a &ldquo;supply chain risk&rdquo; does not give the Secretary the power to prohibit defense contractors from engaging in &ldquo;any commercial activity&rdquo; with the designated company. The powers granted by Congress are far more narrow &ndash; in short, they relate to procurement actions for a small set of highly sensitive information technology systems. This provision of law is not a sanctions authority, and attempting to in effect apply it as such raises broader legal and policy questions.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Indeed, there is much to say about </span><i><span>why</span></i><span> Hegseth has effectively threatened, if not attempted, &ldquo;</span><a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/02/27/ai-industry-fears-partial-nationalization-as-anthropic-fight-escalates-00805453" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>corporate murder</span></a><span>&rdquo; with his conduct and statements to date. I&rsquo;ll leave that for another day. Below I&rsquo;ll simply explain what a supply chain risk designation actually does, and does not do, and why Hegseth&rsquo;s statements go far further than his statutory authority would support. At bottom, the supply chain risk designation process is a tailored national security authority designed to allow the Secretary (and a few other officials) to override DoD&rsquo;s usual contracting process to protect the safety of the country&rsquo;s most sensitive military systems. Abuse of that authority to resolve an ideological dispute playing out over DoD&rsquo;s desire to change its contractual terms should not be taken lightly, including by overseers in Congress.&nbsp;</span></p>
<h2><b>What Constitutes a Supply Chain Risk?</b></h2>
<p><span>Under &sect; 3252(d)(4), a &ldquo;supply chain risk&rdquo; is defined as:&nbsp;</span></p>
<blockquote><p><span>&ldquo;the risk that an </span><i><span>adversary</span></i><span> may sabotage, maliciously introduce unwanted function, or otherwise subvert the design, integrity, manufacturing, production, distribution, installation, operation, or maintenance of a covered system so as to surveil, deny, disrupt, or otherwise degrade the function, use, or operation of such system.&rdquo; (emphasis added).&nbsp;</span></p></blockquote>
<p><span>The designation of a company as a supply chain risk is intended to address the </span><a href="https://oversight.house.gov/release/comer-grothman-press-dod-and-fcc-on-failure-to-remove-huawei-infrastructure/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>long-held concern</span></a><span> that certain companies could introduce backdoors or vulnerabilities into U.S. military systems that could be used for espionage or, worse, sabotage. These risks are typically associated with foreign intelligence services: for example, certain </span><a href="https://www.cisa.gov/resources-tools/resources/protecting-against-national-security-threats-communications-supply-chain" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Chinese companies</span></a><span> have been designated as national security threats by the Federal Communications Commission. While the Defense Department does not have to disclose designated entities, there is no public record of any company being designated under this provision by the Pentagon, and the designation of an American owned and operated company appears to be without precedent.</span></p>
<h2><b>What Can the Secretary Restrict?</b></h2>
<p><span>Section 3252 </span><a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/10/3252" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>provides</span></a><span> the head of a covered agency&mdash;defined as the &ldquo;Secretary of Defense&rdquo; and the Secretaries of the military departments&mdash;with the authority to carry out &ldquo;covered procurement actions&rdquo; to reduce supply chain risk with respect to &ldquo;covered systems&rdquo; and &ldquo;covered items of supply.&rdquo;</span></p>
<p><span>The provision does not grant the Secretary powers beyond excluding a designated company from participating in contractual bidding for a limited set of systems.</span></p>
<p><span>Under &sect; 3252(d)(2), the Secretary&rsquo;s authority is limited to three primary actions within the course of a covered procurement:</span></p>
<ol>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Exclusion of a &ldquo;source&rdquo; (i.e., a company) that fails to meet certain </span><a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/10/3243" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>qualification standards</span></a><span> in the acquisition of covered systems (e.g., the Secretary can prevent a company that has not met certain standards, like obtaining an </span><a href="https://www.iso.org/standard/27001" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>ISO 27001</span></a><span> cybersecurity certification, from being able to bid for a covered contract);</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Exclusion of a &ldquo;source&rdquo; that fails to achieve an acceptable </span><a href="https://www.acq.osd.mil/dpap/dars/dfars/html/current/239_73.htm" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>supply chain risk rating</span></a><span> in the </span><a href="https://www.acquisition.gov/dfarspgi/pgi-215.304-evaluation-factors-and-significant-subfactors." rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>evaluation process</span></a><span> (e.g., the Secretary can prevent a company that does not score highly on an evaluation process for its supply chain during the bidding process from being able to win the bid, even if it otherwise has the best bid); and</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Directing a contractor for a covered system to exclude a particular source from consideration for a subcontract.</span></li>
</ol>
<p><span>Each action merely provides the Secretary with the ability to exclude the designated company from participating or competing in the bidding process for certain covered contracts &ndash; or force an existing contractor not to use the designated company in its provision of services for &ldquo;covered procurement.&rdquo;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Section 3252 does not, however, grant the Secretary power to force any divestment or disassociation from the designated company. Importantly, nor does the law grant any powers regarding the use of the designated company for other purposes by contractors (such as, for example, using the company for supporting the contractor&rsquo;s own IT systems or in its commercial contracts).</span></p>
<h2><b>What Types of Defense Systems Does the Restriction Apply To?</b></h2>
<p><span>Importantly, this power doesn&rsquo;t extend to all military contracts &ndash; it only applies to &ldquo;covered systems&rdquo; and &ldquo;covered items of supply.&rdquo; Under &sect; 3252 and its implementing regulations in </span><a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/cfr/text/48/239.7301" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>DFARS 239.7301</span></a><span>, a covered system is synonymous with a National Security System (NSS).</span> <span>These systems are information technology systems restricted to those used for intelligence activities, cryptologic activities related to national security, command and control of military forces, are &ldquo;critical to the direct fulfillment of military or intelligence missions,&rdquo; or equipment that is an integral part of a weapon or weapons system. (&ldquo;Covered items of supply&rdquo; are best understood as physical parts or software integrated into these systems.)</span></p>
<p><span>In addition, the statute and the DFARS</span> <a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/cfr/text/48/239.7301" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>explicitly exclude</span></a><span> from the definition of a covered system &ldquo;routine administrative and business applications (including payroll, finance, logistics, and personnel management applications).&rdquo; In other words, the military could continue to use a designated company on its unclassified computers used by its human resources or finance teams, or on military-issued phones, even if the designated company is barred from NSS systems.</span></p>
<p><span>The Secretary&rsquo;s power under &sect; 3252 is limited to excluding a company from winning a contract or subcontract </span><i><span>if that contract is for an NSS system</span></i><span>. Notwithstanding Hegseth&rsquo;s statements to the contrary, the exclusion doesn&rsquo;t apply to other acquisitions. And it certainly doesn&rsquo;t prevent defense contractors from using the company for their own internal purposes, for other government contracts, or from investing in a designated company.</span></p>
<h2><b>Treating Section 3252 as a Sanction Would be an Abuse of Power</b></h2>
<p><span>Section 3252 is a procurement authority, not a sanctions authority. If Congress wanted to give the Secretary (and the heads of other covered agencies) the power to exclude all uses of a company, legislators are certainly capable of doing so. For example, </span><a href="https://www.congress.gov/bill/115th-congress/house-bill/5515/text" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Section 889</span></a><span> Part B of the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) for Fiscal Year 2019 prohibits the U.S. government from doing business with any company that uses &ldquo;covered&rdquo; telecommunications equipment or services from specific Chinese companies (and their subsidiaries and affiliates). Under that provision, a company that merely </span><i><span>uses</span></i><span> a designated Chinese company&rsquo;s parts or services cannot be used by the U.S. government for any reason. But unlike Section 889 of the NDAA, section 3252 is focused squarely on the integrity of the procurement process for national security systems.</span></p>
<p><span>Hegseth&rsquo;s statement raises additional serious questions of law and policy, including as mentioned at the outset whether the a designation of Anthropic could actually meet the statutory requirements to constitute a &ldquo;supply chain risk,&rdquo; or whether the designation and his insistence that no U.S. defense contractor do any business with Anthropic are instead an extra-legal abuse of authority. But </span><i><span>even if </span></i><span>the Pentagon were somehow able to establish the validity of a supply chain risk designation (again, this is highly dubious, at best), Congress hasn&rsquo;t given the Secretary, or any other officials, the power to dictate with whom defense contractors can do &ldquo;any&rdquo; business.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Congress should not let Hegseth abuse the statutory authority he&rsquo;s been delegated, either with respect to the underlying supply chain risk designation (an issue likely to play out in the </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/us/anthropic-says-it-will-challenge-pentagons-supply-chain-risk-designation-court-2026-02-28/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>courts</span></a><span>), or by turning it into &ldquo;attempted corporate murder.&rdquo;</span></p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132851/anthropic-supply-chain-risk-designation/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">What Hegseth&rsquo;s &ldquo;Supply Chain Risk&rdquo; Designation of Anthropic Does and Doesn&rsquo;t Mean</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-02T16:05:25+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Tess Bridgeman</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-02T16:05:25+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="ai &amp; emerging technology"/>

	<category term="anthropic"/>

	<category term="artificial intelligence (ai)"/>

	<category term="department of defense (dod)"/>

	<category term="executive branch"/>

	<category term="featured articles"/>

	<category term="military"/>

	<category term="national security"/>

	<category term="pentagon"/>

	<category term="pete hegseth"/>

	<category term="regulation"/>

	<category term="rule of law"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-02:/281386</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131513/commenting-anew-article-23-geneva-convention-iv/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=commenting-anew-article-23-geneva-convention-iv" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">“Significantly Diminished”: Commenting Anew on Article 23 of Geneva Convention IV in a Transformed Legal Context</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>In one of the most striking lines of the new International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) Comment...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p><span>In one of the most striking lines of the new International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-23/commentary/2025?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Commentary</span></a><span> on Geneva Convention IV, the </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/acknowledgements-and-abbreviations/commentary/2025?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>authors</span></a><span> describe </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-23?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 23</span></a><span> &mdash; the treaty&rsquo;s key provision governing the duty to allow the passage of essentials to civilians &mdash; as &ldquo;significantly diminished&rdquo; in importance in the contemporary context. Put simply, the law has moved on since 1949. This is important in no small part because Article 23, which is subject to several significant limitations and caveats, has been invoked to </span><i><span>curtail</span></i><span> as much as to ensure humanitarian access (and the delivery of essentials more broadly) in war. As the Commentary aptly implies, today, </span><span>analyses</span><span> that </span><a href="https://lieber.westpoint.edu/applicability-article-23-fourth-geneva-convention-gaza/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>rely</span></a><span> on the intricacies of Article 23 to defend the denial or limitation of humanitarian access are far more likely to mislead and obscure than they are to illuminate. With tactics of </span><a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/sudan/return-starvation-weapon" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>mass deprivation</span></a> <a href="https://www.migrationpolicy.org/article/emerging-crisis-famine-returning-major-driver-migration" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>resurgent</span></a><span>, the new Commentary&rsquo;s clear position on this is a vital corrective.</span></p>
<h2><b>Historically Important, But Deeply Flawed</b></h2>
<p><span>Geneva Convention IV was the most innovative of the four conventions at the time of their agreement in 1949. In the three quarters of a century since then (and since the ICRC&rsquo;s original 1958 &ldquo;</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-23/commentary/1958?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Pictet Commentary</span></a>&rdquo;<span> the definitive ICRC interpretation of the Geneva Conventions led by Jean Pictet), the subject matter of the treaty has also undergone the most significant evolution in customary international law. Article 23 exemplifies both realities.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>In 1949, it was a landmark in the restriction of weaponized deprivation &mdash; specifying, for the first time, a legal obligation to allow the free passage of certain essentials, namely those necessary for medical care, religious worship, food, clothing, and tonics, even in contexts of siege or blockade. And yet that advance was deliberately and severely limited. Article 23 defined the core obligations of access narrowly and supplemented them with gaping exceptions that threatened to swallow the rule. The Fourth Convention was significantly more demanding on related issues in contexts of belligerent occupation (Articles </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-55?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>55</span></a><span>&ndash;</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/applic/ihl/ihl.nsf/9AC284404D38ED2BC1256311002AFD89/B1094557CD8E3391C12563CD0051BED1" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>62</span></a><span>). But outside of that distinctive context, Article 23 was definitive.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-23" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>It provides</span></a><span>:</span></p>
<p><span>Each High Contracting Party shall allow the free passage of all consignments of medical and hospital stores and objects necessary for religious worship intended only for civilians of another High Contracting Party, even if the latter is its adversary. It shall likewise permit the free passage of all consignments of essential foodstuffs, clothing and tonics intended for children under fifteen, expectant mothers and maternity cases.</span></p>
<p><span>The obligation of a High Contracting Party to allow the free passage of the consignments indicated in the preceding paragraph is subject to the condition that this Party is satisfied that there are no serious reasons for fearing:</span></p>
<p><span>(a) that the consignments may be diverted from their destination,</span><span><br>
</span><span>(b) that the control may not be effective, or</span><span><br>
</span><span>(c) that a definite advantage may accrue to the military efforts or economy of the enemy through the substitution of the above-mentioned consignments for goods which would otherwise be provided or produced by the enemy or through the release of such material, services or facilities as would otherwise be required for the production of such goods.</span></p>
<p><span>The Power which allows the passage of the consignments indicated in the first paragraph of this Article may make permission conditional on the distribution to the persons benefited thereby being made under the local supervision of the Protecting Powers.</span></p>
<p><span>Such consignments shall be forwarded as rapidly as possible, and the Power which permits their free passage shall have the right to prescribe the technical arrangements under which such passage is allowed.</span></p>
<p><span>The weaknesses of this rule are obvious. They permeate both the core requirement of access defined in the first paragraph and the exceptions enumerated in the second.&nbsp;</span></p>
<h4><i><span>Medical and Hospital Stores</span></i></h4>
<p><span>On its face, the text of Article 23(1) appears to require the free passage of objects of medical or religious character only as long as they are intended exclusively for civilians. Even at the time of the treaty&rsquo;s agreement, the dissonance between this text and the posture of international humanitarian law (IHL) on medical care for combatants demanded a more protective interpretation.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>The issue is relatively clear in relation to sick or wounded combatants. The </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-23/commentary/1958?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Pictet Commentary</span></a><span> correctly rejected the notion that parties could obstruct medical supplies destined for wounded and sick armed forces, noting the contrary requirement of </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gcii-1949/article-38?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 38</span></a><span> of Geneva Convention II in the maritime domain (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-23/commentary/1958?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>1958 Commentary</span></a><span>, p.180; see also </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en%2Fihl-treaties%2Fgciv-1949/article-23/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>2025 Commentary</span></a><span>, para. 2045).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>However, the Pictet response is not sufficiently clear on the imperative to allow the passage of medical supplies intended for combatants who are </span><i><span>not</span></i><span> wounded or sick. This omission could implicate preventive medical supplies, such as vaccines or supplies necessary for sexual and reproductive health. Notably, both the Pictet Commentary and the 2025 Commentary recognize that preventive supplies count as &ldquo;medical or hospital stores&rdquo; for the purposes of Article 23 (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-23/commentary/1958?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>1958 Commentary</span></a><span>, p.180; </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en%2Fihl-treaties%2Fgciv-1949/article-23/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>2025 Commentary</span></a><span>, para. 2043). However, neither Commentary is explicit in specifying that they should be allowed through even if they are intended in part for healthy combatants.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>There are multiple mutually supportive interpretive routes to the conclusion that the passage of preventive medical supplies to healthy combatants is required. First, one could point to IHL&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/customary-ihl/v1/rule28" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>protection</span></a> <a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/customary-ihl/v1/rule25" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>of</span></a> <a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/customary-ihl/v1/rule26" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>medical care</span></a><span> for all persons, including healthy combatants. Indeed, </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gcii-1949/article-38?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 38</span></a><span> &mdash; the very provision of Geneva Convention II upon which the Pictet Commentary relies to rebut the notion that passage for medical supplies intended for sick and wounded combatants would not be required under Article 23 of Convention IV &mdash; also requires the passage of medical equipment &ldquo;for the prevention of disease.&rdquo; Importantly, the latter is listed without any requirement that such equipment be destined for the wounded and sick. Second, preventive medical care often </span><a href="https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9144560/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>depends</span></a><span> on its application to the population as a whole. In many circumstances, the non-vaccination of combatants would endanger civilians, too. In that sense, providing medical care to civilians requires providing it equally to combatants, including healthy combatants. Third, as understood in contemporary IHL, the presence of combatants in a predominantly civilian population does not deprive the population of its civilian character (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/api-1977/article-50?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 50(3)</span></a><span>, Protocol I; ICTY&nbsp;</span><a href="https://www.icty.org/x/cases/karadzic/tjug/en/160324_judgement.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Prosecutor v. Karadz&#780;ic&#769;</span></i></a><span>&nbsp;Trial Judgment 2016, paras. 474, 4610 n.5510). In their analysis of the requirement in Article 23(1) that medical stores be intended for &ldquo;civilians,&rdquo; the authors of the updated Commentary argue that &ldquo;the term &lsquo;civilians&rsquo; refers to the civilian population generally&rdquo; (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en%2Fihl-treaties%2Fgciv-1949/article-23/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>2025 Commentary</span></a><span>, para. 2045). Properly understood, the implication of this approach would be that medical and hospital stores intended for the &ldquo;civilian population&rdquo; (which may have combatants within it) would qualify as intended &ldquo;only for civilians.&rdquo;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Whether adopting all three of these arguments or a subset, it would have been powerful for the updated Commentary to state explicitly that under contemporary IHL hospital and medical stores must be allowed through even when they are destined in part for healthy combatants. In an analysis that otherwise sharpens our understanding of the relevant doctrine, neglecting to clarify this point was a missed opportunity.</span></p>
<h4><i><span>Food, Clothing, and Tonics</span></i></h4>
<p><span>The second component of the first paragraph of Article 23 is more dangerous. It requires free passage for consignments of food, clothing, and tonics only if those goods are intended for what the Pictet Commentary terms those civilians who are &ldquo;most vulnerable and most worthy of protection and assistance&rdquo; &mdash; namely, children under 15, expectant mothers, and maternity cases (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-23/commentary/1958?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>1958 Commentary</span></a><span>, p.179). In other words, in contrast to its more demanding requirements regarding the passage of medical supplies and religious objects, the plain text of Article 23 does not require belligerent parties to allow the passage of essential food or water to civilians generally. The distinction between medical and religious passage and that of food and other essentials was predicated on the notion that the former would not provide a &ldquo;means of reinforcing the war economy,&rdquo; whereas the latter could perform that function, at least if distributed to the civilian population as a whole (rather than the limited subset identified in Article 23(1)) (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-23/commentary/1958?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>1958 Commentary</span></a><span>, p.180). The result is a rule that is open to an interpretation that would leave the vast majority of civilians legally exposed to devastating starvation methods.&nbsp;</span></p>
<h4><i><span>Exceptions</span></i></h4>
<p><span>Even these limited Article 23(1) requirements were subject to the potentially overwhelming exceptions listed in the second paragraph. The enumerated caveats are notable not only for their apparent contingency on the belligerent party&rsquo;s &ldquo;satisfaction,&rdquo; but also for their broad substantive scope. The 2025 Commentary notes that a broad interpretation of Article 23(2)(c) in particular &ldquo;would allow virtually any consignment to be blocked&rdquo; (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en%2Fihl-treaties%2Fgciv-1949/article-23/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>2025 Commentary</span></a><span>, para. 2055).</span></p>
<p><span>Here, too, a more demanding interpretation is possible and is asserted across both commentaries. The Pictet Commentary: (i) emphasized that the Article&rsquo;s condition that the parties have no &ldquo;serious reasons&rdquo; to fear the presence of a circumstance allowing for aid restriction precludes a fully subjective interpretation of the test, and (ii) asserted, in relation to the circumstance specified in subparagraph (c), that &ldquo;in the majority of cases&rdquo; it is &ldquo;hardly likely&rdquo; that relief consignments would be sufficient to provide a &ldquo;definite&rdquo; military or economic advantage&rdquo; (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-23/commentary/1958?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>1958 Commentary</span></a><span>, p.182). Similarly, the 2025 Commentary argues that interpreting the exceptions broadly would &ldquo;not be consistent with the purpose of the provision&rdquo; (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en%2Fihl-treaties%2Fgciv-1949/article-23/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>2025 Commentary</span></a><span>, para. 2055).</span></p>
<p><span>Nonetheless, even read narrowly, the loopholes are significant. They were </span><a href="https://academic.oup.com/book/39838/chapter-abstract/339987180?redirectedFrom=fulltext" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>inserted deliberately</span></a><span> at the insistence of powerful States that were not ready to give up coercive methods of deprivation (see, for example, </span><a href="https://library.icrc.org/library/docs/CD/CD_1949_ACTES_ENG_21.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Final Record of the Diplomatic Conference of Geneva of 1949 Vol II(A)</span></a><span>, at p.820). Recognizing the danger, the Pictet Commentary concluded that criticisms that the enumerated exceptions left &ldquo;too much to the discretion of the blockading Powers&rdquo; were &ldquo;only too well justified&rdquo; (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-23/commentary/1958?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>1958 Commentary</span></a><span>, pp.182&ndash;183). The key contribution of the new Commentary is not in reinterpreting these aspects of the provision, but in specifying and explaining their obsolescence.</span></p>
<h2><b>A New Legal Paradigm</b></h2>
<p><span>Additional Protocol I of 1977, agreed less than three decades after the Fourth Convention, included updated and much more demanding rules on humanitarian access (Articles </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/api-1977/article-68?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>68</span></a><span>&ndash;</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/api-1977/article-71?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>71</span></a><span>) and a robust prohibition of starvation of civilians as a method of warfare (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/api-1977/article-54?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 54</span></a><span>). These rules have subsequently:</span></p>
<ul>
<li aria-level="1"><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/customary-ihl/v1/rule53" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>crystallized</span></a><span> into </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/customary-ihl/v1/rule55" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>customary</span></a> <a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/customary-ihl/v1/rule56" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>requirements</span></a><span>,&nbsp;</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>underpinned the codification of the starvation war crime in the </span><a href="https://www.icc-cpi.int/sites/default/files/2025-05/Rome-Statute-EN-2025.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>International Criminal Court Statute</span></a><span> (Article 8(2)(b)(xxv)), and</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>become central to the United Nations Security Council&rsquo;s protection of civilians regime, as established in the landmark </span><a href="https://docs.un.org/en/S/res/2417(2018)" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Resolution 2417</span></a><span> (2018).&nbsp;</span></li>
</ul>
<p><span>These developments have rendered both the limitations internal to the core requirements of the first paragraph of Article 23 and the exceptions of its second paragraph largely obsolete.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Drawing in particular on the humanitarian access rule codified in </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/api-1977/article-70?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 70</span></a><span> of Protocol I and its </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/customary-ihl/v1/rule55" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>customary analogue</span></a><span>, the 2025 ICRC Commentary reasons that Article 23 of Convention IV has largely been superseded in relation to humanitarian access (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en%2Fihl-treaties%2Fgciv-1949/article-23/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>2025 Commentary</span></a><span>, para. 2024). The Commentary&rsquo;s understanding of the customary rule in that regard is that, &ldquo;</span><span>subject to their right of control, Parties to the conflict must allow and facilitate the rapid and unimpeded passage of humanitarian relief consignments and equipment intended for the civilian population&rdquo; </span><span>(</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en%2Fihl-treaties%2Fgciv-1949/article-23/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>2025 Commentary</span></a><span>, para. </span><span>2024). With respect to &ldquo;civilians in need&rdquo; </span><span>(</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en%2Fihl-treaties%2Fgciv-1949/article-23/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>2025 Commentary</span></a><span>, </span><span>para. 2048), the rules in Articles 69&ndash;71 of Protocol I and their customary analogues &ldquo;require States to grant free passage to relief consignments, including a broader range of essential supplies intended for a wider group of recipients than those listed in Article 23(1)&rdquo; </span><span>(</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en%2Fihl-treaties%2Fgciv-1949/article-23/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>2025 Commentary</span></a><span>, </span><span>2047).</span></p>
<h4><i><span>Protection for All Civilians and for the Civilian Population</span></i></h4>
<p><span>The &ldquo;wider group,&rdquo; the 2025 Commentary authors argue, includes all civilians, not only the small subset identified in Article 23(1). Here, the Commentary&rsquo;s argument that &ldquo;the term &lsquo;civilians&rsquo; refers to the civilian population generally&rdquo; is again highly salient (and for the same reason discussed above) (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en%2Fihl-treaties%2Fgciv-1949/article-23/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>2025 Commentary</span></a><span>, para. 2045). Again, however, the Commentary could have been more explicit about the specific implication of this insight. In particular, it would have been powerful to combine this with (i) the aforementioned principle that the civilian population does not lose its civilian character in virtue of the presence of combatants within it and (ii) the &ldquo;basic rule&rdquo; of international humanitarian law that all military operations must be directed at combatants and not at the civilian population (Protocol I, </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/api-1977/article-48?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 48</span></a><span>). The necessary implication is that food, water, and medical care may not be denied to a civilian population even when the ultimate goal of that denial is ensuring that these goods do not reach combatants in that population.</span></p>
<p><span>Parenthetically, it is notable that the Commentary&rsquo;s analysis of the more robust duties of an occupying power &mdash; (i) to ensure food and medical supplies to the occupied population under </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-55?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 55</span></a><span> of Convention IV and (ii) to grant humanitarian access to that population when inadequately supplied under </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-59?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 59</span></a><span> &mdash; holds that these obligations are not contingent on civilian status, but instead apply to all persons within the population, including members of the armed forces of the occupied State present in the occupied territory (2025 Commentary, paras. </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-55/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>3442</span></a><span>, </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-59/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>3568</span></a><span>).</span></p>
<h4><i><span>A More Comprehensive Understanding of Essential Supplies</span></i></h4>
<p><span>Pointing to customary developments superseding Article 23&rsquo;s &ldquo;range of essential supplies,&rdquo; the Commentary spotlights bedding, means of shelter, and sanitary supplies, among other items that must be included in that category today (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en%2Fihl-treaties%2Fgciv-1949/article-23/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>2025 Commentary</span></a><span>, para. 2049; see also </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-59/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>para. 3576</span></a><span>). In describing the process for elaborating this list, the authors are correct that the rule must be attentive to civilians&rsquo; &ldquo;actual needs&rdquo; in context, taking into account the diverse needs of different constituencies (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en%2Fihl-treaties%2Fgciv-1949/article-23/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>2025 Commentary</span></a><span>, para. 2049). However, it should also be </span><a href="https://revista17.org/en/hambre-y-justicia-internacional?task=callelement&amp;format=raw&amp;item_id=391&amp;element=0da2a8a3-f985-4a8a-9d56-d911e8b03bce&amp;method=download&amp;args%5B0%5D=0" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>emphasized</span></a><span> that certain objects are intrinsically indispensable to survival and must never be blocked for the purpose of denying their sustenance value to civilians or a civilian population, even if that population has not yet exhausted its stocks of those items (see </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Starvation-and-International-Crime.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span> at p.139). Although not explicitly articulated in these terms, it is notable that the Commentary&rsquo;s analysis of Article 59 describes food, medical supplies, and clothing as &ldquo;vital to survival&rdquo; without reference to context (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-59/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>2025 Commentary</span></a><span>, para. 3589), while recognizing other supplies as &ldquo;essential&rdquo; in certain circumstances (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-59/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>2025 Commentary</span></a><span>, para. 3590).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Following the lead of the Pictet Commentary, which emphasized Article 23&rsquo;s inclusion of all &ldquo;consignments&rdquo; of the specified goods, in contradistinction to the focus on humanitarian relief in Article 59 (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-23/commentary/1958?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>1958 Commentary</span></a><span>, p.181), the 2025 Commentary differentiates the post-1949 access rules (which pertain specifically to humanitarian relief) from Article 23 &ldquo;consignments,&rdquo; which include &ldquo;commercial goods&rdquo; (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en%2Fihl-treaties%2Fgciv-1949/article-23/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>2025 Commentary</span></a><span>, paras. 2039&ndash;2041, 2047). The implication is that the developments in relation to the obligation to allow humanitarian access do not bear on commercial consignments of food and other essentials. For those, it is implied, the provisions of Article 23 endure in their original form. On this point, the Commentary drafters could have elaborated a separate argument, namely that the prohibition of starvation of civilians as a method of warfare (codified in </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/api-1977/article-54?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 54</span></a><span> of Protocol I and </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/customary-ihl/v1/rule53" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>established</span></a><span> in customary law) also applies to all consignments. As I have </span><a href="https://scholarship.law.vanderbilt.edu/vjtl/vol55/iss3/3/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>argued</span></a><span> previously, this prohibits the deliberate deprivation of essentials to a civilian population either for the purpose of denying their sustenance value or in contexts in which starvation would be the known consequence (see also </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/109263/gaza-israel-renewed-policy-deprivation/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>here</span></a><span>).</span></p>
<h4><i><span>The Desuetude of the Exceptions</span></i></h4>
<p><span>Regarding the exceptions in </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-23?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 23(2)</span></a><span>, the new Commentary laments &ldquo;disastrous&rdquo; instances in which the exception in paragraph 2(c) has been invoked broadly, emphasizing that it is precisely this abuse of the discretion in paragraph 2 that gave &ldquo;rise to the need&rdquo; for the rule codified in </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/api-1977/article-70?activeTab=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 70</span></a><span> of Protocol I, which &ldquo;does not replicate the conditions contained in Article 23(2)&rdquo; and which &ldquo;modifies&rdquo; Article 23, rendering the exceptions in paragraph 2 &ldquo;not applicable in any armed conflict to which the Protocol applies&rdquo; (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en%2Fihl-treaties%2Fgciv-1949/article-23/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>2025 Commentary</span></a><span>, para. 2056). Moreover, given the customary status of the later rule, &ldquo;this should also be the case for States not party to the Protocol&rdquo; (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en%2Fihl-treaties%2Fgciv-1949/article-23/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>2025 Commentary</span></a><span>, para. 2057).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Importantly, the exceptions in </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-23?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 23(2)</span></a><span> were never codified as general authorizations for the denial of humanitarian access. Rather, they were incorporated only as exceptions to the specific &ldquo;obligation &hellip; indicated in the preceding paragraph.&rdquo; As such, they are straightforwardly inapplicable to core obligations of access derived from any other source, whether that is the more demanding obligations of Geneva Convention IV in relation to occupied territory (most obviously in </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-59?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 59</span></a><span>, which includes no analogous exceptions to its requirement that occupying powers &ldquo;shall agree&rdquo; to impartial relief schemes when the occupied population is inadequately supplied and &ldquo;shall facilitate them by all means at its disposal&rdquo;) or the more demanding obligations that have arisen since for contexts other than occupation, whether through Additional Protocol I or customary international law. Although not explicitly articulated, this point about the language of Article 23(2) is wholly consistent with the 2025 Commentary and bolsters the ICRC&rsquo;s core claim in this context.</span></p>
<p><span>Aptly, the Commentary identifies the key safeguard for a party permitting passage pursuant to this framework as inhering in its authority to apply &ldquo;technical arrangements&rdquo; and to require &ldquo;the supervision of the Protecting Power&rdquo; (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en%2Fihl-treaties%2Fgciv-1949/article-23/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>2025 Commentary</span></a><span>, para. 2056). The International Court of Justice has </span><a href="https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/196/196-20251022-adv-01-00-en.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>emphasized</span></a><span> the importance of recognizing a &ldquo;limited right of control&rdquo; in this respect (para. 91). Crucially, the 2025 Commentary is explicit in precluding the abuse of this limited right, reasoning that the absence of a Protecting Power or substitute cannot be the basis for denying free passage, particularly since the ICRC or another impartial humanitarian organization can perform the same function</span> <span>(</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en%2Fihl-treaties%2Fgciv-1949/article-23/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>2025 Commentary</span></a><span>, p</span><span>ara. 2061). The authors make the same point in relation to </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-55?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article 55</span></a><span>, which provides for the duty of an occupying power to ensure the food and medical supply of an occupied population (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-55/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>2025 Commentary</span></a><span>, para. 3473).</span></p>
<p><span>As a final backstop against destructive denial of access, the new Commentary reasons that the operationalization of any of the exceptions in paragraph 2 of Article 23 must &ldquo;</span><span>comply with the requirement of proportionality&rdquo; </span><span>(</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en%2Fihl-treaties%2Fgciv-1949/article-23/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>2025 Commentary</span></a><span>, p</span><span>ara. 2058). This is plausible. But it, too, is a missed opportunity to note the relevance of starvation of civilians as a method of warfare &ndash; a rule the new Commentary incorporates into its analyses of Articles 55 and 59 (2025 Commentary paras. </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-55/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>3462</span></a><span>, </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-59/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>3578</span></a><span>).</span><span> The latter, which is not contingent on a comparison with military advantage, prohibits blocking consignments for the purpose of denying their sustenance value, or for any other reason if their obstruction would cause civilian starvation.</span></p>
<p><span>In addition to developments in IHL, the Commentary also notes developments in international human rights law, including specifically the recognition of child-specific rights obtaining up to the age of 18 (a higher threshold than Article 23&rsquo;s focus on children under 15 in the first paragraph). This, too, is an area in which Article 23 has been superseded, with enduring heightened customary priorities regarding humanitarian access to children applicable to persons under 18, rather than those under 15 (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en%2Fihl-treaties%2Fgciv-1949/article-23/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>2025 Commentary</span></a><span>, para. 2050).</span></p>
<h2><b>Final Points of Note</b></h2>
<p><span>Emphasizing the &ldquo;overall purpose&rdquo; of Article 23, the Commentary correctly dismisses any notion that the location of the relevant population in a besieged, encircled, or blockaded area would affect the obligation to grant access. Put simply, &ldquo;[w]hat matters is whether the consignments concerned can move freely into, within and out of the territory,&rdquo; not the designation of a siege, blockade, or other form of control (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en%2Fihl-treaties%2Fgciv-1949/article-23/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>2025 Commentary</span></a><span>, para. 2032). The degree of external control would matter only once it exceeds that necessary to trigger the law of belligerent occupation and its more demanding obligations of humanitarian access and direct provision (Geneva Convention IV, Articles </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-55?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>55</span></a><span>&ndash;</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-62?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>62</span></a><span>).</span></p>
<p><span>The 2025 Commentary is also noteworthy in its analysis of the positive aspects of belligerents&rsquo; core responsibility to &ldquo;forward&rdquo; relief &ldquo;as rapidly as possible&rdquo; under paragraph 4 of Article 23. The authors emphasize that this includes a duty to take &ldquo;proactive measures&rdquo; to &ldquo;facilitate&rdquo; rapid passage, such as by simplifying administrative procedures, including those associated with visa requirements and movement approvals for humanitarian personnel (</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en%2Fihl-treaties%2Fgciv-1949/article-23/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>2025 Commentary</span></a><span>, para. 2062). In particular, &ldquo;</span><span>technical arrangements may not be such that they </span><i><span>de facto</span></i><span> amount to a refusal of consent, unduly hinder humanitarian operations or make their implementation impossible&rdquo; </span><span>(</span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en%2Fihl-treaties%2Fgciv-1949/article-23/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>2025 Commentary</span></a><span>, para. </span><span>2065; see also </span><a href="https://ihl-databases.icrc.org/en/ihl-treaties/gciv-1949/article-59/commentary/2025?activeTab=1949GCs-APs-and-commentaries" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>paras. 3602&ndash;3605</span></a><span>). The contemporary significance of this observation is obvious.</span></p>
<h2><b>Conclusion</b></h2>
<p><span>The bottom line is simple. Article 23 cannot be invoked in a vacuum. The legal context has changed, and the provision&rsquo;s significance has diminished in light of Additional Protocol I and customary international law. To seize upon either the narrowness of the core requirements in its first paragraph or the enumerated exceptions in its second paragraph as cover for impeding humanitarian access to a civilian population is to engage in a specious legal distortion. One of the most important contributions of the updated Commentary is to have added the imprimatur of the ICRC to that fundamental point and to have done so with the clarity that the moment demands.</span></p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131513/commenting-anew-article-23-geneva-convention-iv/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">&ldquo;Significantly Diminished&rdquo;: Commenting Anew on Article 23 of Geneva Convention IV in a Transformed Legal Context</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-02T14:14:36+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Tom Dannenbaum</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-02T14:14:36+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="additional protocol i"/>

	<category term="armed conflict"/>

	<category term="armed conflicts"/>

	<category term="common article 3"/>

	<category term="enemy belligerents"/>

	<category term="fourth geneva convention (gc iv)"/>

	<category term="gc iv commentary series"/>

	<category term="geneva conventions"/>

	<category term="human rights"/>

	<category term="humanitarian assistance"/>

	<category term="icrc"/>

	<category term="international and foreign"/>

	<category term="international armed conflict"/>

	<category term="international court of justice (icj)"/>

	<category term="international criminal court (icc)"/>

	<category term="international criminal law"/>

	<category term="international human rights law"/>

	<category term="international human rights law (ihrl)"/>

	<category term="international humanitarian law (ihl)"/>

	<category term="international justice"/>

	<category term="international law"/>

	<category term="law of armed conflict (loac)"/>

	<category term="law of armed conflict/ihl"/>

	<category term="law of war manual"/>

	<category term="non-international armed conflict"/>

	<category term="occupation"/>

	<category term="peace and security"/>

	<category term="proportionality"/>

	<category term="protected persons"/>

	<category term="protection of civilians"/>

	<category term="rule of law"/>

	<category term="series"/>

	<category term="starvation"/>

	<category term="unlawful combatants"/>

	<category term="war crimes"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-02:/281388</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131538/trump-war-powers-venezuela-olc-memo/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=trump-war-powers-venezuela-olc-memo" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">The Trump Administration’s Theory of Constitutional War Powers: “The President Could Decide”</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>President Donald Trump has launched another unlawful war, this time in the service of regime change ...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p><span>President Donald Trump has </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/28/world/middleeast/iran-attacks-what-to-know.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>launched</span></a><span> another unlawful war, this time in the service of regime change in Iran. The administration has been threatening the use of force for weeks, but provided very little public </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/28/us/politics/trump-iran-attack-fact-check.html?smid=url-share" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>justification</span></a><span>, description of what the president hoped to accomplish, or explanation for how the use of force would effectuate such goals. It has also to date presented </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132180/us-iran-war-strike/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>no legal justification</span></a><span> whatsoever. Much of what we know at this moment about how the administration views, and how it lawyers, questions of war powers can be derived from the one legal memorandum the administration has released on the use of force in a very different context, in which it sought to justify the recent use of force against Venezuela and its head of state.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>The Office of Legal Counsel (OLC) in the Department of Justice, whose legal advice is considered binding on the executive branch, is often asked to provide written guidance when the president deploys the U.S. military to use force without congressional authorization. This is especially important when the use of military force or the legal theory for doing so is novel. This past fall, OLC reportedly weighed in on at least two extraordinary sets of military operations: the strikes on suspected drug traffickers at sea and the Venezuela strikes and accompanying capture and detention of its head of state, Nicol&aacute;s Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores. The administration has yet to release its legal opinion purporting to justify the boat strikes. But in a surprising move, it released the </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/OLC-Memo.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>OLC memorandum</span></a><span> justifying the Venezuela conflict almost immediately. That memo provides significant insight into the administration&rsquo;s lawyering, decision-making process, and the factual evidence undergirding both.</span></p>
<p><span>Three points stand out:&nbsp;</span></p>
<ul>
<li aria-level="1"><span>First, the memo leans heavily into presidential determinations on both facts and law. Unlike prior memoranda by that office, this OLC does not determine or decide whether the operation passes constitutional muster; it merely lays out the arguments and leaves this determination for the president.</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Second, the memo undermines the most important facts this administration has itself claimed regarding Maduro and other purported groups it alleges have been attacking the United States. These concessions are relevant not only for this operation but for other actions the administration is undertaking, such as its boat strikes campaign and the Alien Enemies Act deportations currently being litigated.&nbsp;</span></li>
<li aria-level="1"><span>Third, the memo disclaims the UN Charter&ndash;which prohibits the use of force outside of very narrow exceptions such as self defense&ndash;as relevant for its legal analysis, claiming that it is not binding on the president, at least in this context. But the authors nevertheless undermine any justification for the use of force as a matter of international law, specifically undercutting any self-defense rationale.&nbsp;</span></li>
</ul>
<p><span>Before we dive in, a note of caution. Quite apart from the redactions, many sections of this memo are so confusingly written that it can be difficult to follow the legal analysis. The memo regularly and inexplicably threads together different bodies of law, weaving in and out of them seemingly at random. It confuses the law governing the use of force with the law governing the conduct of hostilities. It conflates concerns about criminal liability for personnel with the constitutional separation of powers. It poses hypotheticals throughout, such as &ldquo;critics may say&rdquo; statements that are framed as counterarguments but at places that are inapposite to the surrounding legal questions. As a result, in order to address the office&rsquo;s legal theories fairly, the reader must first dig deep and with real generosity to draw out the potential legal arguments from this thicket.</span></p>
<p><span>As a whole, one reads this memo with the sense that the lawyers easily could have written the guidance the other way, as a recommendation that the proposed course of action was legally unavailable. The memo repeatedly provides evidence and arguments that support a conclusion of illegality. In crafting the memo as justification, the authors remove themselves from the place of decider. The memo itself does not find that the president has authority because the operation is not &ldquo;war in the constitutional sense,&rdquo; (the standard OLC has set for when the president may use force without congressional authorization); rather it states that the </span><i><span>president</span></i><span> &ldquo;likely could conclude that the operation falls short of war in the constitutional sense.&rdquo; So too, the memo makes clear that the facts might not suggest it&mdash;in fact the evidence the authors have provided contradicts it&mdash;but Maduro </span><i><span>could</span></i><span> be described as the leader of a supposed drug trafficking group. Ultimately, the most the authors are willing to state is that the president </span><i><span>could</span></i><span> &ldquo;make the determinations necessary to order ABSOLUTE RESOLVE.&rdquo;</span></p>
<h3><b>Concessions on Law and Fact in the Memo</b></h3>
<p><span>One of the most remarkable aspects of this memo is its concessions, on both law and fact. OLC repeatedly concedes how little factual support (or worse, contradictory evidence) the authors have received to support the assertions the administration has made and the actions the lawyers are being asked to justify as a matter of law.&nbsp;</span></p>
<h4><b><i>Concession 1: OLC was not provided evidence that Maduro was directing drug trafficking toward the United States</i></b></h4>
<p><span>In one especially notable concession, the memo acknowledges that the lawyers have seen no evidence for one of the administration&rsquo;s most significant claims in a related context &ndash; the claim that the president may invoke the </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/alien-enemies-act/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Alien Enemies Act</span></a><span> to detain and deport certain Venezuelans without process because the then-head of state, Nicolas Maduro, purportedly had been directing a criminal gang, Tren de Aragua (TDA), to &ldquo;invade&rdquo; the United States through drug trafficking operations. Instead, the memo reveals that the evidence the OLC lawyers have been given suggests the opposite of what the administration has been claiming both in and out of court.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Specifically, the memo highlights one of the claims in the </span><a href="https://www.justice.gov/opa/media/1422326/dl" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>indictment</span></a><span> against Maduro: &ldquo;that he both leads the CDLS&rdquo;&mdash;an acronym for Cartel de los Soles, an alleged ill-defined enterprise of high-ranking purportedly corrupt Venezuelan officials&mdash;&ldquo;and has directed a debilitating effort to flood the U.S. market with narcotics.&rdquo; The memo asserts that Maduro &ldquo;</span><i><span>has been assessed</span></i><span> to be one of a cadre who run CDLS and </span><i><span>could be described</span></i><span> as its de facto leader.&rdquo; Those emphases are mine, and the passive voice is important here. Who has assessed this? Not the U.S. intelligence community who, the memo adds &ldquo;has had difficulty corroborating reports that Maduro personally directs this activity.&rdquo; (We already know from a published </span><a href="https://static01.nyt.com/newsgraphics/documenttools/32f71f10c36cc482/d90251d5-full.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>National Intelligence Council Memorandum</span></a><span> that, the president&rsquo;s orders to the contrary, the intelligence community had advised the president that &ldquo;the Maduro regime probably does not have a policy of cooperating with TDA and is not directing TDA movement to and operations within the United States.&rdquo;) In fact, the OLC memo itself notes in the </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/OLC-Memo.pdf#page=3" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>associated footnote</span></a><span> that </span><i><span>neither of the only sources</span></i><span> cited for the claim that Maduro &ldquo;could be described as [the] de facto leader&rdquo; of CDLS, both of them reports from the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), include Maduro in the list of important CDLS members. Moreover,OLC notes that one of the two specifically identifies </span><i><span>someone else</span></i><span> as their purported leader.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>OLC&rsquo;s acknowledgement of its utter lack of evidence on these points undermines the administration&rsquo;s claim, undergirding both this operation and its campaign of deportations under the Alien Enemies Act, that Maduro was </span><a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/2025/03/invocation-of-the-alien-enemies-act-regarding-the-invasion-of-the-united-states-by-tren-de-aragua/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>directing TDA</span></a><span> and through it drug trafficking into the United States.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<h4><b><i>Concession 2: OLC was not provided evidence that Maduro was&ldquo;directly participating&rdquo; in or &ldquo;facilitating&rdquo; a conflict with administration-named &ldquo;DTOs,&rdquo; or was involved in an attack on the United States</i></b></h4>
<p><span>Elsewhere, the memo paints a contrast between the specific </span><i><span>allegations</span></i><span> Maduro is facing with respect to creating an armed conflict and the actual evidence provided to the OLC lawyers. On </span><a href="https://www.justice.gov/olc/media/1423306/dl?inline#page=9" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>page 9</span></a><span>: &ldquo;Maduro is factually accused of directly participating [in]&mdash;or, at a minimum, facilitating&rdquo; some nondescript armed conflict between so-called designated terrorist organizations (&ldquo;DTOs&rdquo;) and the United States. And yet, the memo acknowledges:</span></p>
<blockquote><p><span>&ldquo;True, the intelligence provided to us is somewhat contradictory about how closely Maduro is tied to that conflict, meaning that we probably could not target him directly for a lethal strike outside of the paradigm of the law of armed conflict.&rdquo;</span></p></blockquote>
<p><span>Here the memo makes both a factual concession (we do not have evidence tying Maduro to an armed conflict with these groups) and a legal one, asserting implicitly that Maduro is not involved in operations that would themselves give rise to a legal claim of self-defense&mdash;in other words, he is neither involved in nor planning an armed attack on the United States.&nbsp;</span></p>
<h4><b><i>Concession 3: OLC has no evidence of weapons being used to attack the United States</i></b></h4>
<p><span>The memo nods toward a mostly redacted suggestion of ominous weapons shipments involving Iran and Venezuela, on </span><a href="https://www.justice.gov/olc/media/1423306/dl?inline#page=10" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>page 10</span></a><span>. And then it immediately acknowledges, &ldquo;we have not been provided intelligence that the weapons will imminently be used to attack the United States.&rdquo;&nbsp; In fact, the memo implicitly recognizes that it is Venezuela, not the United States, that would have the right to use force should it come under attack, which is the clear plan at the heart of the memo: &ldquo;like the United States, Venezuela has an inherent right of self-defense.&rdquo;</span></p>
<h4><b><i>Concession 4: Any regional instability that the memo might point to in justification for the use of force is caused by the United States</i></b></h4>
<p><span>The memo points to prior precedents suggesting that regional instability has been a factor in U.S. decisions to use force, but immediately acknowledges that in this case, the instability is caused by the United States itself.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>At one point the memo suggests in an astoundingly circular train of logic that the regional instability the United States could cause by embarking on a failed law enforcement operation is itself a legal justification for using the U.S. military to undertake it. As support for this proposition they point to the 2018 </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/wp-admin/upload.php?item=132744" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Syria strikes memo</span></a><span>, which addressed actual instability in Syria and the broader region caused by the leader of that state itself, who was attacking his people with chemical weapons, not theoretical instability caused by the United States own use of force.</span></p>
<p><span>So too, the memo points at </span><a href="https://www.justice.gov/olc/media/1423306/dl?inline#page=13" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>page 13</span></a><span> to Maduro&rsquo;s &ldquo;series of aggressive actions ranging from buzzing American naval vessels to placing troops on the border with Colombia.&rdquo; But it first acknowledges that these activities are in direct response to &ldquo;the U.S. navy [] shifting resources to the theater in order to conduct [redacted &mdash; likely the name of an operation].&rdquo;</span></p>
<h4><b><i>Concession 5: The memo acknowledges that Maduro posed no threat to the United States</i></b></h4>
<p><span>In discussing Maduro&rsquo;s response above to U.S. naval operations, the memo concedes that Maduro nevertheless posed no real threat to the United States. &ldquo;We have not assessed this threat as sufficient to justify a military attack on Venezuela itself, as military commanders have not advised us that Maduro&rsquo;s actions are a direct or imminent threat to U.S. forces.&rdquo;</span></p>
<p><span>Again, this is a mixed concession of fact and law. The memo authors acknowledge that they have been given no evidence of a real threat &ndash; let alone an armed attack or imminent one &ndash; coming from Maduro. The legal consequence is that the United States would lack a self-defense argument; there is simply no armed attack or imminent armed attack to which the United States could legally respond.&nbsp;</span></p>
<h4><b><i>Concession 6: The U.S. operation is a use of force</i></b></h4>
<p><span>Perhaps the most important legal concession the memo makes is the acknowledgement that the proposed U.S. operation would constitute a use of force. While it is self-evident that either airstrikes or ground troops capturing a head of state&mdash;not to mention both&mdash;would constitute a per se use of force, it is nevertheless a notable admission from the U.S. government. In </span><a href="https://cl.usembassy.gov/remarks-at-a-un-security-council-briefing-on-venezuela/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>public statements</span></a><span>, administration officials had seemed to take pains to avoid acknowledging a &ldquo;use of force&rdquo; in their rhetoric surrounding the operation&mdash;leaning heavily into the suggestion that this was somehow merely law enforcement. And the United States has yet to make any attempt to justify the use of force against Venezuela as a matter of international law.&nbsp; That leads directly to the next concession:</span></p>
<h4><b><i>Concession 7: The Dog That does not Bark</i></b></h4>
<p><span>The memo&rsquo;s most significant factual concession is what it does not say.</span></p>
<p><span>There is no suggestion in the memo of an armed attack or imminent armed attack that might otherwise justify the use of force in self-defense. Instead, as noted above, the memo states the opposite on </span><a href="https://www.justice.gov/olc/media/1423306/dl?inline#page=13" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>page 13</span></a><span>:&nbsp;</span></p>
<blockquote><p><span>&ldquo;We have not assessed this threat as sufficient to justify an attack on Venezuela itself, as military commanders have not advised us that Maduro&rsquo;s actions are a direct or imminent threat to U.S. forces.&rdquo;&nbsp;</span></p></blockquote>
<p><span>If there were any evidence that might justify the use of force by the United States in this context, one must assume that the memo would include reference to it, even obliquely if the information itself were redacted. Certainly the memo would not under such circumstances categorically </span><i><span>exclude</span></i><span> the existence of a threat sufficient to justify an attack.&nbsp; The language that the memo deploys instead suggests quite emphatically that the lawyers are aware of no such evidence.</span></p>
<h3><b>The Memo&rsquo;s War Powers Analysis</b></h3>
<p><span>Historically, the primary purpose of an OLC memo addressing a president&rsquo;s novel or important use of force absent congressional authorization is the analysis of his ability to do so unilaterally, as a matter of his </span><a href="https://constitution.congress.gov/browse/article-2/section-2/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Article II</span></a><span> power.</span></p>
<p><span>OLC has over time developed a test for such presidential war powers that traces its specifics to a </span><a href="https://www.justice.gov/file/147196/dl?inline=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>1994 OLC opinion</span></a><span> addressing the president&rsquo;s power to deploy U.S. forces to Haiti with some </span><i><span>ex ante</span></i><span> Congressional acquiescence but without an actual authorization or declaration of war. The 1994 opinion first established that the proposed deployment was not contrary to the will of the sitting Congress, and then ensured that it satisfied the War Powers Resolution. Finally, the opinion announced the standard that has become the OLC test for unilateral presidential power: &ldquo;after examining the circumstances, nature, scope, and duration of the anticipated deployment, [OLC must] determine[] that it was not a &lsquo;war&rsquo; in the constitutional sense.&rdquo;</span></p>
<p><span>This threshold&mdash;&ldquo;war in the constitutional sense&rdquo;&mdash;stems from the Constitution&rsquo;s explicit grant of the power to &ldquo;declare war&rdquo; to Congress. If only Congress can declare war, the theory goes, the president cannot claim power that rises to that threshold. It is another leap to then assert that the president </span><i><span>can</span></i><span> claim power that does not rise to that threshold. And another still to hold that he alone&mdash;or with the aid of executive branch lawyers&mdash;makes that determination. This is the OLC view, which a </span><a href="https://www.execfunctions.org/p/the-decaying-legal-culture-in-the" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>former head of that office has called</span></a><span> &ldquo;the promiscuously permissive OLC understanding of Article II of the Constitution.&rdquo; It has never been ratified by the courts or Congress; nor has it been aggressively challenged by them either.</span></p>
<p><span>There is one other prong of the OLC theory that has developed alongside the nature, scope, and duration test: the president&rsquo;s proposed action must be in the &ldquo;national interest.&rdquo; Scholars (including a </span><a href="https://www.lawfaremedia.org/article/olcs-meaningless-national-interests-test-legality-presidential-uses-force" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>previous head of OLC</span></a><span>) have explained just how little constraint is posed by the &ldquo;national interest&rdquo; prong one of the test, and more pointedly stating that &ldquo;OLC is almost certainly not in a position to second-guess presidential claims about the national interest.&rdquo; Nevertheless, the memo authors take some pains to locate one. It is quite possible that there is a direct relationship here between the administration&rsquo;s need to explain the national interest prong and the lack of an obvious national interest to the casual observer.&nbsp;</span></p>
<h4><b><i>Prong 1 of the OLC War Powers Test: National Interest</i></b></h4>
<p><span>In seeking to locate a national interest, the memo first conflates this prong one question with the antecedent question of whether the president has statutory authority (which, if he had, would obviate the need for this exercise).</span></p>
<p><span>On that question of statutory authority, the memo flails a bit to locate authority for the president to use military force to support its purported &ldquo;law enforcement operation&rdquo; for what it terms the &ldquo;extraordinary rendition&rdquo; of Maduro. The memo first looks on page 8 to statutes designed for the purposes of transporting terrorist suspects, but notes that Maduro has not in fact been charged with such crimes. The authors realize they cannot locate a statutory basis for the operation, and must instead look to the president&rsquo;s unilateral Article II authorities. Yet, they acknowledge on page 9, they can find &ldquo;no established, independent test for the president&rsquo;s use of the military in support of law enforcement abroad under a pure Article II theory.&rdquo;</span></p>
<p><span>If one can pull out an argument for national interest from the memo, it appears to be that Maduro&rsquo;s crimes are severe, that he is likely to resist arrest, that force might be necessary to protect civilians from Maduro, and that a law enforcement mission to capture him would fail without assistance from the military.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>No sooner does the memo put forward these assertions for national interest than it undermines each. First, the memo acknowledges that mere criminal law enforcement has never before supported a constitutional basis to use force to kidnap a foreign leader in another state&rsquo;s sovereign territory. Second, the memo undercuts the &ldquo;severe&rdquo; allegations with the many concessions discussed above and suggests any threat Maduro posed to the United States had been inflated. And the authors note that any risk to U.S. officials and any instability that might otherwise be used to support an operation would be caused by the United States itself.</span></p>
<h4><b><i>Prong 2 of the OLC War Powers Test: Nature, Scope and Duration</i></b></h4>
<p><span>The second prong of the OLC war powers test&mdash;does the nature, scope, and duration of the proposed operation suggest it will rise to the level of &ldquo;war in a constitutional sense&rdquo;&mdash;typically does the most work in these analyses in recent years. OLC attorneys will typically look at a number of </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/128211/congress-president-military-force-venezuela/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>factors</span></a><span>, including the type of deployment (is this a ground invasion or airstrikes?), the status of the opposing party (a nation state, or a non-state actor?), the risk of casualties, the potential for escalation, and how long the hostilities are likely to last.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>The memo opens the analysis with an understated check mark against the operation: &ldquo;To start, the proposed operation involves the type of forces most likely to require congressional approval: boots on the ground.&rdquo; This is &ldquo;not dispositive,&rdquo; the memo notes, but OLC has &ldquo;consistently treated the need to involve American ground forces as fundamentally different in kind than airstrikes&hellip;&rdquo;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>The reason &ldquo;boots on the ground&rdquo; tend to suggest &ldquo;war,&rdquo; the memo states, not inaccurately, is twofold. First, U.S. forces on foreign soil pose a real risk of escalation, which is a regular factor OLC analyzes under this test. Second, and not unrelated, U.S. forces could be difficult to extract under such circumstances. OLC has regularly cited both of those factors as weighing in favor of needing congressional approval. One overarching objective and lesson from history is to avoid putting Congress in a situation in which it is &ldquo;confronted with circumstances in which the exercise of its power to declare war is effectively foreclosed.&rdquo; (See OLC&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/olc/opinions/2011/04/31/authority-military-use-in-libya.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>2011 Libya memo</span></a><span>, citing its 1995 Bosnia memo).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>The Venezuela memo simply notes these problems; it does not resolve them.</span></p>
<p><span>A prior Trump administration OLC, citing the office&rsquo;s own precedent, had specifically noted the greater need for congressional approval for the deployment of ground troops in its 2018 opinion on Trump&rsquo;s Syria strikes. That </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/2018-Syria-Strikes-Memo.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>memo</span></a><span> expressed that &ldquo;[t]he deployment of ground troops &lsquo;is an essentially different, and more problematic, type of intervention,&rsquo; given &lsquo;the difficulties of disengaging ground forces from situations of conflict, and the attendant risk that hostilities will escalate.&rsquo;&rdquo; Analyzing prior opinions, the 2018 opinion found that OLC had previously justified force in cases where ground troops had been deployed, when &ldquo;extensive or sustained hostilities&rdquo; were not expected. As those prior operations involved peacekeeping or other humanitarian relief, there was a </span><i><span>risk</span></i><span> the troops might encounter violence or hostilities; it was not the intention of the operation. Such scenarios are inapposite to the case at hand, where the United States engaged in a bombing campaign of a country and deployed ground forces in order to forcibly capture its leader, fully expecting armed opposition.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>The memo notes that the planned &ldquo;preparatory bombardment&rdquo; on Venezuela alone might have weighed in favor of a &ldquo;war&rdquo; determination.&nbsp; In fact, in the Haiti opinion on which the memo relies heavily, OLC noted that the fact it did </span><i><span>not</span></i><span> involve &ldquo;preparatory bombardment&rdquo; was &ldquo;relevant to the judgment that it was not a &lsquo;war.&rsquo;&rdquo;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>In order to distinguish the case at hand, the Venezuela memo leans on the Libya airstrikes OLC had approved in 2011, by which standard this operation &ldquo;falls well-short.&rdquo; In the Libya case, however, OLC had </span><a href="https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/olc/opinions/2011/04/31/authority-military-use-in-libya.pdf#page=13" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>specifically noted</span></a><span> that the &ldquo;bombardment&rdquo; was not made &ldquo;in anticipation of a ground invasion,&rdquo; like that of Haiti, a factor it found salient.&nbsp; In other words, OLC authorized one operation as not amounting to &ldquo;war&rdquo; because it involved ground troops without a bombardment.&nbsp; And it authorized another as not amounting to &ldquo;war&rdquo; because it involved bombardment without ground troops.&nbsp; In both cases, the lack of the other feature was seen as critical.</span></p>
<p><span>For the Venezuela operation, OLC has simply cherry-picked the powers suggested by the other two and ignored the constraints.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>As a side note, the Libya OLC memo also leaned heavily on the United States&rsquo; role in supporting the </span><a href="https://docs.un.org/en/S/RES/1973%20(2011)" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>U.N. Security Council resolution</span></a><span> that had called for force to protect civilians in Libya. Such a resolution would have been dispositive to an international law analysis; its work in the constitutional war powers analysis is less obvious. Nevertheless, there was no such resolution in place authorizing an operation to use force in Venezuela or depose Maduro.</span></p>
<p><span>The Venezuela memo then addresses the likelihood of U.S. casualties. The prospect of U.S. casualties is a critical indicator&mdash;both for OLC and as a simple matter of common sense and history&mdash;that Congress should play a determinant role in the use of force. Nevertheless, the memo found it &ldquo;unlikely that even the full loss of the strike force would amount to the type of sustained casualties that would amount to a constitutional war.&rdquo; For context, the strike force involved over </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/01/03/us/politics/trump-capture-maduro-venezuela.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>150 military aircraft</span></a><span> as well as </span><a href="https://taskandpurpose.com/news/venezuela-maduro-delta-force-absolute-resolve/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>soldiers from Delta Force</span></a><span>, a U.S. Army special operations force.&nbsp; The OLC memo notes that U.S. forces would face &ldquo;significant resistance,&rdquo; including &ldquo;as many as 75 anti-aircraft battery sites along the approach route.&rdquo;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>The memo makes no effort to explain why the potential for significant U.S. casualties does not suggest a need for Congressional involvement. It states only this: &ldquo;By way of comparison, the United States suffered 40,934 casualties during the Vietnam War.&rdquo; This is an odd point. It was precisely the enormous losses of the Vietnam War and Congress&rsquo;s bipartisan sense that it had been dragged along with insufficient information or opportunity to stop the carnage that compelled Congress to pass the War Powers Resolution in order to reset the balance and rein in the president&rsquo;s unilateral use of force. Surely, there is no question that Congress would need to authorize an operation where such casualties were a possibility. There is also no reason whatsoever to think the threshold for &ldquo;war&rdquo; should be anywhere near the prolonged conflict in Vietnam or casualties at that level.</span></p>
<p><span>The memo acknowledges yet another point that factors against the president here. Past memoranda have favorably noted the absence of a regime change goal as an element in favor of the &ldquo;not war&rdquo; analysis, because such a goal suggests open-ended conflict. Here, OLC notes that regime change is an &ldquo;inevitable&rdquo; result of the operation. (This is itself interesting given </span><a href="https://x.com/SenatorAndyKim/status/2007399987596906501" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Secretary Hegseth&rsquo;s and Rubio&rsquo;s denials</span></a><span> on this point.) Again, the memo points to Haiti, where&mdash;while U.S. forces in fact arrived in conjunction with a negotiated settlement&mdash;the United States had joined a UN Security Council-authorized multinational force prepared to use force to reinstate a democratically elected leader.</span></p>
<p><span>Finally&mdash;the memo arrives at what the authors call &ldquo;the most difficult part of the analysis.&rdquo; Will the proposed operation &ldquo;</span><i><span>lead</span></i><span> to war,&rdquo; whether because of &ldquo;significant loss of U.S. servicemembers&rdquo; or because the U.S. action leaves Venezuela in a state of &ldquo;civil unrest.&rdquo; The question is critical. And prior OLCs have considered the likelihood of escalation to be a key factor in determining whether congressional approval would be necessary.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Past OLCs have relied on an objective assessment of the risks of escalation of any planned military operation. This OLC takes a different approach. It notes that the lawyers asked about the possibility that significant U.S. losses might compel policymakers to respond. And it notes the possibility that the operation could cause civil unrest in Venezuela. But neither of these factors must weigh in the analysis, according to the memo, because lawyers were &ldquo;assured&rdquo; that there was no contingency plan in place to address either scenario.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>There was no contingency plan for casualties, no contingency plan for wreaking havoc. This is a stark admission in itself. And it is the legal hook on which the OLC memo hangs its analysis.&nbsp; With no concrete contingency plan, there is no plan that would constitute &ldquo;constitutional war,&rdquo; and thus there is no </span><i><span>risk</span></i><span> of constitutional war, so the theory goes. One wonders what work &ldquo;risk of escalation&rdquo; does at all if such is the analysis.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>This logic does not follow from OLC precedent. In fact, prior OLCs had considered planning important to the question of whether U.S. forces were sufficiently prepared to ensure </span><i><span>limited</span></i><span> casualties, or that a conflict </span><i><span>not</span></i><span> escalate. The 2018 Trump administration OLC explicitly addressed the military&rsquo;s planning, and weighed favorably both its plans &ldquo;to minimize casualties, further demonstrating the limited nature of the operation&rdquo; and &ldquo;several measures that had been taken to reduce the risk of escalation by Syria or Russia.&rdquo; There, planning was a positive.&nbsp; The objective of minimizing risk weighed in favor of force, not against it.</span></p>
<p><span>Prior memos treated planning similarly. The </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2026/02/Deployment-of-United-States-Armed-Forces-into-Haiti.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Haiti opinion</span></a><span> on which this memo heavily relies noted that Congress had required the president to make a finding that the operation &ldquo;will be undertaken only after an exit strategy for ending the deployment has been identified,&rdquo; and that the president had done so and reported these findings to Congress.</span></p>
<p><span>In the Venezuela context, one perceives that planning would have been a net negative in the legal analysis, because it would have had to take account of the real risk of escalation. The lack of a plan enabled the lawyers to look the other way. There is no </span><i><span>plan</span></i><span> for war, hence there can be no war.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>It is difficult to miss the unfortunate incentive structure this legal analysis introduces for policymakers. Do not make contingency plans, the lawyers imply, lest the plan itself acknowledge the genuine risk of escalation. We have arrived at the &ldquo;not war by virtue of not planning&rdquo; theory of constitutional war powers.</span></p>
<p><span>In any event, the most significant problem with the war powers analysis is one that the memo does not address. As discussed below, the operation is a clear violation of the UN Charter, an Article II treaty made with the advice and consent of the Senate and ratified by the president&rsquo;s hand on behalf of the United States. Article II </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/73412/revisiting-the-office-of-legal-counsels-override-opinion/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>requires</span></a><span> that the </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/127962/maduro-capture-operation-and-presidents-duty-to-faithfully-execute-un-charter/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>president</span></a> <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/128517/war-powers-venezuela-drug-boats-and-congress/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>take care</span></a><span> that the law be faithfully executed. It is not a grant of power for him to violate it.</span></p>
<h3><b>The Memo&rsquo;s Discussion of International Law</b></h3>
<p><span>The opinion&rsquo;s discussion of international law is notable both for the dismissal of its relevance, and for the analysis and concessions on some of its particulars. One important piece is worth noting up front: while acknowledging that the operation is a use of force, the memo makes no attempt to justify it as a matter of international law. In fact, the authors cannot do so. They had been provided no evidence to suggest the operation was necessary as a matter of </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/127981/international-law-venezuela-maduro/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>self-defense</span></a><span> to an armed attack, actual or imminent, which would be the only legal justification for the use of force in these circumstances. The publicly released portions of the memo do not explicitly state that the operation is illegal as a matter of international law, but the clear inference is that the authors understand it to be so.</span></p>
<h4><strong><i>Dismissal of International Law as Binding on the President</i></strong></h4>
<p><span>First and most important, the memo entirely disclaims the relevance of international law to the president&rsquo;s domestic authorities or constraints. It states, &ldquo;We do not reach the question because it is unnecessary to address the issue you raise: that is, &lsquo;[iJnternational law &hellip; does not restrict the president as a matter of domestic law,&rsquo; when it comes to extraordinary rendition.&rdquo; (citing OLC memoranda). Ryan Goodman </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/127962/maduro-capture-operation-and-presidents-duty-to-faithfully-execute-un-charter/?utm_source=chatgpt.com" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>has written an excellent piece</span></a><span> dissecting this point and rejecting the conclusion on two grounds: first its conflation of judicial enforceability with the question whether a treaty binds the president; and second on the president&rsquo;s constitutional duty to take care that the law, including treaties, be faithfully executed.&nbsp;</span></p>
<h4><strong><i>Recognition of the Use of Force with no Attempt to Justify as Self-Defense</i></strong></h4>
<p><span>Having attempted to brush off international law as irrelevant, the memo nevertheless dives into the weeds. First, as discussed above, the memo repeatedly recognizes that the proposed operation would be a use of force. This is notable both because the administration had in public statements seemed to try to avoid such characterization, and because, as the memo recognizes, international law as enshrined in the UN Charter prohibits the use of force against other nations. It permits two narrow exceptions: a UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR), not a factor here, or self-defense against an armed attack. Yet the memo makes no attempt whatsoever to suggest a self-defense justification (likely because it is so clear that </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/127981/international-law-venezuela-maduro/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>none is available</span></a><span>). In fact, as discussed above, the memo explicitly disavows a potential self-defense justification.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>The OLC memo does not state&mdash;and the authors claim not to have &ldquo;reached a definitive conclusion&rdquo;&mdash;that the operation would violate the Charter, but the dots are simple enough to connect. States may only use force if doing so is consistent with an UNSCR or in self-defense. The operation would be (and was) a use of force against Venezuela. Because there is no self-defense justification, the use of force against Venezuela violates the UN Charter. There is no other justification under international law.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>The only hint of argument comes in two citations: one to an </span><a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1971326" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>article by Ashley Deeks</span></a><span> on the Unwilling or Unable test and another to a hornbook&rsquo;s discussion of &ldquo;valid consent.&rdquo; On the first, Deeks&rsquo; article analyzes the controversial use of force by states in self-defense against armed attacks by non-state actors on the territory of another country when that country is &ldquo;unable or unwilling&rdquo; to mitigate the threat themselves. In the Venezuela case there has been no armed attack on the United States. Nothing in the unable or unwilling theory would provide justification for this operation.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>The brief nod toward the concept of &ldquo;consent&rdquo; is notable, and it suggests there might have been internal discussion of an argument that the United States was operating under the &ldquo;consent&rdquo; of a legitimate government, not the one in power under Maduro. A military operation that genuinely has the consent of the territorial state is not a &ldquo;use of force against the territorial integrity&rdquo; of that state, and therefore would not violate the Charter. But the memo makes no effort to draw this argument out, and in fact there is no evidence to support the notion that this could be an accurate characterization of the facts. Whether politically recognized or not, Maduro was the de facto sitting head of state in effective control of the country. There is no legal jujitsu that can undo that, and the memo does not attempt it, outside of this meager citation.</span></p>
<p><span>Notably, &ldquo;use of force&rdquo; is a term of art under both international law&mdash;the UN Charter prohibits the use of force against other states outside of very narrow exceptions not applicable here&mdash;and domestic law enforcement. At many points the memo appears to conflate these to very different bodies of law. See </span><a href="https://www.justice.gov/olc/media/1423306/dl?inline#page=13" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>page 13</span></a><span> where it discusses how the use of force might be justified were Maduro engaging in armed resistance to capture </span><i><span>within the United States</span></i><span>. This is mixing apples and oranges. Of course, Venezuela, as a sovereign state, has the right to use force to repel an armed attack from the United States on or within its borders, which it attempted to do. Maduro has no similar claim to use force </span><i><span>within the United States</span></i><span>, and the memo does not claim he has done so.&nbsp; This is simply an inapposite hypothetical.</span></p>
<h4><b><i>Recognition of an International Armed Conflict and the Applicability of Jus in Bello</i></b></h4>
<p><span>The memo also recognizes that the operation would create an </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/127981/international-law-venezuela-maduro/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>international armed conflict</span></a><span>, thus triggering the law of armed conflict. Oddly, in doing so it conflates two distinct bodies of international law: </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/jus-in-bello/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>jus in bello</span></i></a><span> and </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/tag/jus-ad-bellum/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>jus ad bellum</span></i></a><span>. The memo states, correctly, that &ldquo;the proposed operation will constitute an armed conflict under international law,&rdquo; but as support for this it cites the UN Charter rule that &ldquo;Members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial or political independence of any state.&rdquo; This is a conflation of the law governing the conduct of hostilities, which the memo correctly notes is triggered here by the existence of an armed conflict, and the law governing when states may use force, enshrined in particular in the UN Charter.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>The memo bounces back and forth between these two bodies of law, </span><i><span>jus in bello</span></i><span> and </span><i><span>jus ad bellum</span></i><span>, over several paragraphs. The law governing the use of force as enshrined in the UN Charter places a high bar on when states may lawfully use force. It is this prohibition on the use of force that the operation has clearly violated, without even an attempt to justify the act as a matter of self-defense. But regardless of the legality of that use of force, any hostilities between two state states&rsquo; militaries (or in fact between one state&rsquo;s military and another&rsquo;s civilian population) will create an armed conflict sufficient to trigger the law of armed conflict. The memo&rsquo;s conflation of the two is particularly confusing given that the memo next cites the ICRC commentary for the correct proposition.</span></p>
<h4><b><i>Scattered Discussion of the Law of Armed Conflict</i></b></h4>
<p><span>Interestingly, despite dismissing international law&mdash;and specifically the UN Charter&mdash;as binding on the president, the memo does assert the necessity of compliance with </span><i><span>jus in bello</span></i><span>, the law governing the conduct of hostilities. This is likely because OLC precedent proposing a &ldquo;public authority exception&rdquo; for military operations is narrowly cabined to include only acts that are lawful under the law of armed conflict.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Unfortunately, this concession provides little comfort. The few specific details the memo addresses suggest a perversion of the law of armed conflict. Charlie Trumbull and Michael Schmitt </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/130603/olc-maduro-memorandum-war-sustaining-activities-hostilities/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>have well dismantled</span></a><span> the memo&rsquo;s offhand suggestion that civilians &ldquo;assisting in war-sustaining activities&rdquo; are &ldquo;directly participating in hostilities&rdquo; and that they may be directly targeted as such. The short answer is, targeting war-sustaining activities (such as oil fields or cotton other production that may fund and thus indirectly support the state&rsquo;s war efforts) is itself highly controversial. But under no circumstances are civilians assisting such activities &ldquo;directly participating in hostilities.&rdquo; They may not be targeted as such.</span></p>
<p><span>The memo&rsquo;s statement on civilians assisting war-sustaining activities comes as part of an almost casual aside defending the legality of the administration&rsquo;s boat strikes on criminal suspects, calling them &ldquo;members of non-state armed groups.&rdquo; However, the </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/126156/faq-venezuela-boat-strikes/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>boat strikes</span></a><span>&mdash;which involve the targeted killing of individuals suspected of trafficking drugs on behalf of various and often unnamed or ill-defined &ldquo;groups&rdquo;&mdash;</span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/126553/operation-southern-spear-international-law/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>cannot be justified</span></a><span> under any theory of international law. There has been no armed attack on the United States, and drug trafficking is neither an armed attack nor hostilities. None of the amorphous entities the Administration has cited are organized armed groups engaged in protracted active hostilities with the United States. There is no armed conflict. These are, at worst, criminal suspects. U.S. law does not support the death penalty for their alleged crimes, even if they were tried with due process of law, which they have not been. And international law does not permit the targeted killing of mere criminal suspects except under extreme necessity, such as individual self-defense against imminent death or serious bodily injury. There is no such claim here; these are strikes from the sky. The boat strikes are </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/126056/the-just-security-podcast-murder-on-the-high-seas-part-iv/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>simply extrajudicial killings</span></a><span>. Under U.S. law, they are murder.</span></p>
<h3><b>Conclusion</b></h3>
<p><span>The Venezuela OLC memo is as remarkable for what it inadvertently reveals as it is for what it explicitly attempts to justify. It provides glimpses into the government&rsquo;s arguments in other contexts, such as the administration&rsquo;s campaign of summary executions at sea. It demonstrates just how little evidence the administration&rsquo;s lawyers are able to garner from their colleagues to justify the administration&rsquo;s operations. It undermines the administration&rsquo;s own factual and legal assertions in other ongoing matters, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/113589/political-question-alien-enemies-act/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>most notably the Alien Enemies Act litigation</span></a><span>. And it makes no attempt to claim self-defense in order to justify the use of force against Venezuela as a matter of international law.</span></p>
<p><span>On the question of the president&rsquo;s constitutional war powers, however, I add one note of caution in this critique. I </span><a href="https://scholarship.law.bu.edu/faculty_scholarship/263/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>have written before</span></a><span> that certain features of OLC memoranda justifying the use of force risk creating a ratcheting up effect in claims to presidential power. In particular, the fact that such memoranda typically memorialize the yesses and not the nos, and the practice of addressing factors that weigh for or against without laying out clear redlines, means that each subsequent memo might build on the last in a one-way ever-expanding direction. This particular memo cherry picks shamelessly from prior precedents. But the decades of OLC memoranda authorizing force in new ways, each assembling the factors from prior tests without ever laying out specific limits, provide fertile ground for such cherry picking. Does this mean that a different OLC would have reached the same conclusion? That counterfactual is for now impossible to know. They most likely would have made fewer concessions. And they certainly would have written a clearer analysis.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131538/trump-war-powers-venezuela-olc-memo/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Trump Administration&rsquo;s Theory of Constitutional War Powers: &ldquo;The President Could Decide&rdquo;</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-02T13:51:30+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Rebecca Ingber</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-02T13:51:30+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="armed conflict"/>

	<category term="armed conflicts"/>

	<category term="article i"/>

	<category term="article ii"/>

	<category term="congress"/>

	<category term="constitution"/>

	<category term="department of justice (doj)"/>

	<category term="diplomacy"/>

	<category term="executive branch"/>

	<category term="featured articles"/>

	<category term="international armed conflict"/>

	<category term="international law"/>

	<category term="jus ad bellum"/>

	<category term="jus in bello"/>

	<category term="law of armed conflict (loac)"/>

	<category term="law of armed conflict/ihl"/>

	<category term="marco rubio"/>

	<category term="military"/>

	<category term="nicolas maduro"/>

	<category term="office of legal counsel (olc)"/>

	<category term="rule of law"/>

	<category term="self-defense"/>

	<category term="supremacy clause"/>

	<category term="un charter"/>

	<category term="use of force"/>

	<category term="venezuela"/>

	<category term="war powers"/>

	<category term="war powers resolution"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-03-02:/281389</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132830/early-edition-march-2-2026/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=early-edition-march-2-2026" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Early Edition: March 2, 2026</title>
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A curated guide to major news and developmen...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Signup to receive the Early Edition in your inbox&nbsp;<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/newsletter-signup/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>.</p>
<p>A curated guide to major news and developments over the weekend. Here&rsquo;s today&rsquo;s news:</p>
<p><b><i>IRAN</i></b></p>
<p><i>Saturday&nbsp;</i></p>
<p><b>U.S. and Israeli military forces launched a series of strikes against Iran on Saturday morning</b>, bombing numerous sites in the cities of Tehran, Isfahan, and Tabriz. President Trump announced in a video on social media that the United States has begun &ldquo;major combat operations in Iran,&rdquo; adding &ldquo;our objective is to defend the American people by eliminating imminent threats from the Iranian regime.&rdquo; Lauren Floyd reports for <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/02/28/us-israel-strikes-iran-middle-east-dubai-airports" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Axios</a>; <a href="https://apnews.com/article/iran-us-trump-address-f662a4f3378535d81197be699fb35a3e" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AP News</a> reports; Luc Bronner and Ghazal Golshiri report for <a href="https://www.lemonde.fr/en/international/article/2026/02/28/israel-and-the-us-attack-iran-what-happened-in-the-first-hours-of-bombing_6750958_4.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Le Monde</a>.</p>
<p><b>A senior U.S. official said on Saturday that the strikes were launched because the United States concluded that waiting for an imminent Iranian attack would have resulted in far higher U.S. casualties,</b> though no evidence of such plans was provided. Senate Intelligence Vice Chair Mark Warner (D-VA) told CNN he had seen no intelligence &ldquo;that Iran was on the verge of launching any kind of preemptive strike. Trump, he said, has &ldquo;started a war of choice.&rdquo; Jack Detsch, Joe Gould, Eli Stokols, and John Sakellariadis report for <a href="http://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/01/trump-iran-preparing-attack-no-evidence-00806447" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">POLITICO</a>.</p>
<p><b>Iran retaliated against the strikes,</b> aiming ballistic missiles and drones at U.S. bases and Israel. The retaliation campaign has spilled into neighbouring Arab states that host U.S. forces, including the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain, and Jordan. Lauren Floyd reports for <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/02/28/us-israel-strikes-iran-middle-east-dubai-airports" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Axios</a>.</p>
<p><b>The United States and Israel originally planned to attack Iran a week earlier, but the opening strike was delayed for operational and intelligence reasons, </b>according to senior U.S. and Israeli officials. The officials said that a key reason for the delay was bad weather in the region. One Israeli official said that the talks in Geneva last week were intended to let time pass until the new strike date, keeping the Iranians believing that diplomacy was still Trump&rsquo;s primary path. A second Israeli official said that talks were genuine and that if Trump had seen progress, he could have postponed the strikes again. Barak Ravid and Marc Caputo report for <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/03/02/iran-war-strike-israel-delay-trump" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Axios</a>.</p>
<p><b>U.S.-Israeli strikes on Saturday on a school in southern Iran killed at least 153 people, including children</b>, according to Iranian officials. U.S. Central Command said it was looking into reports of the incident, while Israel&rsquo;s military said it was &ldquo;not aware&rdquo; of any IDF operations in the area. Ghoncheh Habibiazad and Robert Greenall report for <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c1l7rvqq51eo" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">BBC News</a>.</p>
<p><i>Sunday&nbsp;</i></p>
<p><b>The Iranian government said yesterday that U.S.-Israeli strikes on Saturday killed Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.</b> Trump had announced Khamenei&rsquo;s death hours earlier, calling on Iranians to take control of the government. Farnaz Fassihi, Ronen Bergman, Zolan Kanno-Youngs, and Richard P&eacute;rez-Pe&ntilde;a report for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/live/2026/02/28/world/iran-strikes-trump/congress-iran-notification" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>Ahead of the U.S.-Israeli strikes on Saturday, U.S. intelligence suggested that a complete change in government in Iran was unlikely if Khamenei were killed.</b> It said that members of Iran&rsquo;s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps were likely to assert a larger degree of control, but might be willing to curb the country&rsquo;s nuclear program. It also said that whatever religious leader formally took over from Khamenei would be a hard-liner, according to sources. U.S. officials said that the joint strike on leadership targets and military sites in Iran created a high degree of uncertainty around all potential scenarios for political change in Iran. Julian E. Barnes and Tyler Pager report for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/28/us/politics/trump-iran-intelligence.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>U.S. Central Command announced yesterday that three U.S. troops were killed in a strike against a U.S. base in Kuwait and five more &ldquo;seriously wounded.&rdquo;</b>These are the first confirmed U.S. fatalities. In a video yesterday, Trump said there &ldquo;would likely be more&rdquo; U.S. casualties before the operation ends. On the second day of strikes on Iran, the U.S.-Israel operation hit more than 2,000 targets. Alex Gangitano reports for <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/01/trump-video-us-casualties-iran-00806533" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">POLITICO</a>; the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/live/2026/03/01/world/iran-attack-khamenei-trump?smid=url-share#heres-the-latest" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times </a>reports.</p>
<p><b>Trump told the </b>&nbsp;<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/01/us/politics/trump-iran-war-interview.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a><b> yesterday that the U.S. military intends to sustain its assault on Iran for &ldquo;four to five weeks&rdquo; if necessary</b>. Trump offered several contradictory views of how power in Iran might be transferred to a new government, saying he had &ldquo;three very good choices.&rdquo; One option, based on the overthrow of President Nicolas Maduro in Venezuela, involved removing the top leader while keeping much of the rest of the government in place. Earlier on Sunday, Secretary of the Supreme National Security Council of Iran Ali Larijani said an interim committee would run the country until a successor to Khamenei was chosen. Zolan Kanno-Youngs, David E. Sanger, and Tyler Pager report.</p>
<p><b>&ldquo;[The Iranians] want to talk, and I have agreed to talk, so I will be talking to them,&rdquo; </b>Trump told <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/national-security/2026/03/trump-iran-attack-negotiations/686201/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Atlantic</a> yesterday.&nbsp; When asked when this conversation would take place, Trump said, &ldquo;I can&rsquo;t tell you that,&rdquo; noting that some of the Iranians involved in negotiations in recent weeks were no longer alive. Michael Scherer reports; Zolan Kanno-Youngs and Tyler Pager report for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/01/world/middleeast/trump-iran-leadership-khamenei.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><i>Monday&nbsp;</i></p>
<p><b>Israeli attacks in Beirut and southern Lebanon this morning have killed at least 31 people, </b>according to the Lebanese health ministry. The Israeli military said it was responding to attacks from Hezbollah. <a href="https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/live/cy0dp1l57nxt" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">BBC News</a> reports.</p>
<p><b><i>ISRAEL-HAMAS WAR&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>Israel&rsquo;s Supreme Court on Friday issued a temporary injunction against the Israeli government, which should allow several aid organizations to continue their operations in Gaza as the case progresses.</b> <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/israeli-court-allows-ngos-facing-gaza-ban-keep-operating-now-2026-02-27/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a> reports.</p>
<p><b>Israel announced on Saturday that crossings into Gaza have been closed, as the U.S.-Israeli joint operation against Iran commenced. </b>COGAT, the Israeli army unit responsible for facilitating aid into Gaza, said that enough food had been delivered to Gaza since the start of the ceasefire to provide four times the need of the population, without providing any evidence. It said, &ldquo;the existing stock is expected to suffice for an extended period.&rdquo; Jaidaa Taha and Ahmed Tolba report for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/israel-closes-crossings-into-gaza-strip-including-humanitarian-aid-workers-2026-02-28/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>OTHER GLOBAL DEVELOPMENTS&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>Afghanistan said yesterday that it has been firing at Pakistani jets over Kabul, </b>as fighting between the two nations entered its fourth day. Afghan police also said yesterday that Afghan forces had combated Pakistani attempts to strike Bagram Air Base. There was no immediate response from Pakistan&rsquo;s military or government about attempted airstrikes or ongoing fighting. Abdul Qahar Afghan and Elena Becatoros report for <a href="https://apnews.com/article/afghanistan-pakistan-fighting-bagram-border-efccb510a9cc8fe4eaecd676a80faea6" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AP News</a>; <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/blasts-heard-kabul-amid-clashes-between-afghan-pakistani-forces-2026-03-01/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a> reports.</p>
<p><b>South Sudan is at a &ldquo;dangerous point&rdquo; as a surge in civilian killings threatens a fragile 2018 peace deal</b>, U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker T&uuml;rk said on Friday. Olivia Le Poidevin reports for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/south-sudan-dangerous-point-killings-surge-un-says-2026-02-27/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>U.S. CARIBBEAN AND PACIFIC OPERATIONS</i></b></p>
<p><b>Defense Department Inspector General Platte B. Moring III has paused a proposal to evaluate military targeting in the U.S. strikes on suspected drug-trafficking vessels in the Caribbean Sea and eastern Pacific</b>, sources told the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/28/us/politics/trump-boat-strikes-pentagon.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.&nbsp; The proposal would examine whether U.S. Southern Command has established and followed targeting practices when conducting these strikes. Moring told staff in a meeting last month that the proposed project sounded as if it could become highly political. Moring&rsquo;s office acknowledged that he had sought further information before deciding whether to approve the project. Charlie Savage reports.</p>
<p><b>Mar&iacute;a Corina Machado, the Venezuelan opposition leader, announced yesterday that she will return to Venezuela within a few weeks.</b> Jacob Wendler reports for <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/03/01/maria-corina-machado-return-to-venezuela-00806444" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">POLITICO</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>U.S. IMMIGRATION DEVELOPMENTS&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>The Justice Department announced on Friday that 30 additional people have been </b><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2026/02/27/us/doj-church-indictment.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>charged </b></a><b>with disrupting a Sunday church service with a protest</b> during the Trump administration&rsquo;s immigration crackdown in Minnesota. The new indictments bring the total number of people accused in the protest to 39, including independent journalist Don Lemon. Ernesto Londono reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/27/us/minnesota-ice-cities-church-indictment.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>Any Lucia L&oacute;pez Belloza, a student who was mistakenly deported to Honduras last year despite a federal judge&rsquo;s order blocking her removal, declined to return to the United States as she feared she would be detained and deported again. </b>Mattathias Schwartz reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/27/us/politics/college-student-honduras-deportation.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>U.S. DOMESTIC DEVELOPMENTS</i></b></p>
<p><b>Authorities are investigating whether a man who fatally shot two people and wounded 14 others at a bar in Austin, Texas, on Sunday was motivated by the U.S. military campaign in Iran, </b>according to two sources. The police identified the gunman, who was killed by officers at the scene, as 53-year-old Ndiaga Diagne. Security concerns have emerged through the United States since the strikes against Iran started on Saturday, and several local law enforcement agencies have reported heightened alert over possible domestic retaliation. Jeremy Roebuck and Molly Hennessy-Fiske report for the <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/2026/03/01/iran-attack-austin-bar-shooting/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Washington Post</a>.</p>
<p><b>&ldquo;I saw nothing and I did nothing wrong,&rdquo; Bill Clinton said on Friday during closed-door questioning about his relationship with Jeffrey Epstein by the House Oversight Committee.</b> &ldquo;Even with 20/20 hindsight, I saw nothing that ever gave me pause. We are only here because he hid it from everyone so well for so long.&rdquo; Annie Karni reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/27/us/politics/bill-clinton-epstein.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>TRUMP ADMINISTRATION ACTIONS</i></b></p>
<p><b>Trump said on Friday that the U.S. government would blacklist Anthropic, as the Pentagon declared the company a &ldquo;supply chain risk.&rdquo;</b> This follows Anthropic&rsquo;s rejection of the Pentagon&rsquo;s demands to lift all safeguards on the military&rsquo;s use of its AI model, Claude. &ldquo;The Leftwing nut jobs at Anthropic have made a DISASTROUS MISTAKE trying to STRONG-ARM the Department of War, and force them to obey their Terms of Service instead of our Constitution,&rdquo; Trump said. In his social media post, Trump also ordered that all government departments immediately cease use of Anthropic&rsquo;s technology. David Lawler and Maria Curi report for <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/02/27/anthropic-pentagon-supply-chain-risk-claude" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Axios</a>.</p>
<p><b>OpenAI announced on Friday night that it has reached an agreement with the Defense Department to deploy its AI models within the Pentagon&rsquo;s classified network.</b> CEO Sam Altman said that the agreement includes safeguards such as bans on domestic mass surveillance and human responsibility for the use of force, despite these being the two key sticking points between Anthropic and the Pentagon in recent weeks. Bob King reports for <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/02/28/openai-announces-new-deal-with-pentagon-including-ethical-safeguards-00805546" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">POLITICO</a>.</p>
<p><b>A Defense Department </b><a href="https://media.defense.gov/2026/Feb/27/2003881802/-1/-1/1/ALIGNING-SENIOR-SERVICE-COLLEGE-OPPORTUNITIES-WITH-AMERICAN-VALUES.PDF" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>memo</b></a><b>, dated Friday, shows that starting in September, the military will ban service members from attending certain graduate-level programs and fellowships at nearly two dozen universities</b>, including Princeton, Yale, MIT, and Georgetown. The memo states, &ldquo;it is imperative that our warfighter education system forges strategic senior leaders who are trained to think critically, free of bias and influence.&rdquo; Chris Cameron reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/28/us/politics/pentagon-universities-think-tanks.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>TRUMP ADMINISTRATION LITIGATION&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>A federal judge on Friday issued a preliminary injunction, extending an earlier order, blocking the Trump administration from arresting or detaining refugees on the basis that they had yet to obtain lawful permanent resident status.</b> The judge said that he would not allow the administration to &ldquo;terrorize&rdquo; Minnesota&rsquo;s refugee population by arresting and detaining them under a new policy that &ldquo;turns the refugees&rsquo; American dream into a dystopian nightmare.&rdquo; Nate Raymond reports for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/legal/government/trump-administration-cannot-terrorize-minnesotas-refugees-with-arrests-us-judge-2026-02-28/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>.</p>
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<p><strong>ICYMI: Last Week on<em> Just Security</em></strong></p>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132773/us-iran-war-international-reactions/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">International Reactions to Military Strikes on Iran: A Tipping Point for the UN Charter?</a></p>
<p>By <span>Rebecca Hamilton</span></p>
<div>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/64645/war-powers-trump-iran-strikes/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Top Experts&rsquo; Backgrounder: Military Action Against Iran and US Domestic Law</a></p>
<p><span>By Brian Egan&nbsp;and&nbsp;Tess Bridgeman</span></p>
<div>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132656/syria-al-hol-closed-international-responsibility/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Syria&rsquo;s Al-Hol Camp Is Closed, But Another Remains, as Does International Responsibility</a></p>
<p>By <span>Beatrice Eriksson</span></p>
</div>
</div>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132830/early-edition-march-2-2026/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Early Edition: March 2, 2026</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-03-02T13:12:15+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Elisabeth Jennings</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-03-02T13:12:15+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="daily news roundup"/>

	<category term="other"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-02-28:/281297</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132773/us-iran-war-international-reactions/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=us-iran-war-international-reactions" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">International Reactions to Military Strikes on Iran: A Tipping Point for the UN Charter?</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>At 2.30am EST on Saturday morning, President Donald Trump announced via a video on Truth Social from...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p><span>At 2.30am EST on Saturday morning, President Donald Trump announced via a </span><a href="https://www.google.com/search?q=trump+video+iran+attack&amp;rlz=1C1GCEA_enUS913US913&amp;oq=trump+video+iran+attack&amp;gs_lcrp=EgZjaHJvbWUyBggAEEUYOTIHCAEQIRiPAjIHCAIQIRiPAtIBCDQxNDFqMGo3qAIAsAIA&amp;sourceid=chrome&amp;ie=UTF-8#fpstate=ive&amp;vld=cid:ef34c806,vid:paTLHEKn0rc,st:0" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>video</span></a><span> on Truth Social from his resort in Mar-a-Lago that the U.S. military has begun &ldquo;major combat operations in Iran.&rdquo; The overnight strikes, which are an unequivocal violation of the UN Charter, come after weeks of U.S. military </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/01/29/us/politics/trump-iran-us-military-maps.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>build-up</span></a><span> in the region and against the backdrop of ongoing </span><a href="https://www.npr.org/2026/02/28/nx-s1-5730151/trump-iran-nuclear-talks" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>diplomatic negotiations</span></a><span> over Iran&rsquo;s nuclear program.</span></p>
<p><span>At 4pm this afternoon, the UN Security Council (UNSC) will convene in an </span><a href="https://www.c-span.org/event/united-nations/un-security-council-emergency-meeting-on-iran/440859" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>emergency session</span></a><span> to address the crisis. We can expect to hear condemnations from U.S. adversaries, several of which will be hypocritical and performative. It is the behavior of traditional U.S. allies however, and in particular permanent UNSC members the United Kingdom and France, that matters most. Their positioning will be a harbinger of whether the legal cornerstone of the current international order that is designed to maintain, as best as possible, world peace can hold.</span></p>
<p><span>In the aftermath of World War II, Article 2(4) of the UN Charter solidified a major shift in understanding about how nation states should interact. In earlier times, using force for political or territorial conquests was commonplace. As </span><a href="https://www.foreignaffairs.com/united-states/might-unmakes-right-hathaway-shapiro?check_logged_in=1" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Oona Hathway and Scott Shapiro</span></a><span> frame it: &ldquo;The outbreak of war did not constitute a breakdown of the international order&mdash;it was the order.&rdquo;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Article 2(4) pursued a new path, prohibiting the &ldquo;threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State.&rdquo; UN Member States continued to have the full range of non-military options to pursue their interests, and in the UN Charter era we have seen States using economic sanctions, travel bans, and an array of other coercive tools (from overflight denials to non-forcible cyber measures) to influence the behavior of States they feel threatened by. But the use of military force no longer has a lawful place in that toolkit.</span></p>
<p><span>There are, of course, two carefully crafted exceptions to this prohibition &ndash; one for self-defense in the face of an actual or imminent armed attack, and the other for actions taken through the UN Security Council to maintain or restore international peace and security. As Mike Schmitt, Tess Bridgeman, and Ryan Goodman </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132180/us-iran-war-strike/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>explained</span></a><span> last week in </span><i><span>Just Security</span></i><span> (and as </span><a href="https://www.ejiltalk.org/the-american-israeli-strikes-on-iran-are-again-manifestly-illegal/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Marko Milanovic</span></a><span> reiterated after the strikes began this morning), neither of these are met in the current situation, and it is not a close case.</span></p>
<p><span>The challenge facing the United Nations this afternoon is not about the interpretation of international law. The U.S. military attack on Iran is a textbook example of a manifest violation of Article 2(4). The challenge is a political, economic, and &ndash; fundamentally &ndash; ethical one. States including the U.K, France, Germany, Australia, and Canada have spent decades espousing their commitment to international law. As recently as this week, each of these countries voted in support of a </span><a href="https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/4103179?ln=en" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>UN General Assembly</span></a><span> resolution supporting Ukraine in the face of Russia&rsquo;s violation of Article 2(4), which they have each, rightly, condemned.</span></p>
<p><span>This afternoon, these States must ask themselves whether the international legal order protects the sovereignty of everyone in the international system, or only the sovereignty of like-minded States. Does their willingness to condemn violations of Article 2(4) extend to everyone, or only to their adversaries (or, alternatively, those with minimal ability to harm their national interests)?&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>It is important not to be cavalier about the scale of the challenge facing these traditional U.S. allies as they figure out how to respond to a system in which the United States no longer seems interested in paying even lip service to international law. In the living memory of all the politicians, diplomats and lawyers of these governments, the United States has wanted to present itself in compliance with international law, even amidst the many instances in which it has, in fact, breached the law. The Trump administration&rsquo;s second term marks a clear break from that approach.</span></p>
<p><span>If the recent past provides any prologue, the indicators are poor. This afternoon&rsquo;s meeting had a dress rehearsal in June 2025, after a series of </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/114556/collection-israel-iran-conflict/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>military attacks on Iran</span></a><span> by Israel, and then the United States. At that</span> <a href="https://docs.un.org/en/S/PV.9941" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>meeting</span></a><span>, the U.K. tried to speak from both sides of its mouth, noting that the U.K. did not participate in the strikes, while carefully avoiding any characterization of the strikes as unlawful:</span></p>
<blockquote><p><span>&ldquo;We have long made clear that Iran must not have a nuclear weapon and that its nuclear programme represents a serious threat to international peace and security. The United States took action last night to alleviate that threat. The United Kingdom did not participate in United States or Israeli strikes.&rdquo;</span></p></blockquote>
<p><span>So far today, the U.K. and other erstwhile supporters of the UN Charter have made statements along similar lines. In a </span><a href="https://www.gov.uk/government/news/joint-e3-leaders-statement-on-iran-28-february-2026" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>joint statement</span></a><span> by the U.K., France and Germany, the States&rsquo; leaders distance themselves from what they clearly know is unlawful U.S. military action, while refraining from condemning it:</span></p>
<blockquote><p><span>&ldquo;We did not participate in these strikes, but are in close contact with our international partners, including the United States, Israel, and partners in the region. We reiterate our commitment to regional stability and to the protection of civilian life.&rdquo;</span></p></blockquote>
<p><span>Canada, meanwhile, has placed itself into alignment with U.S. actions. In a </span><a href="https://x.com/MarkJCarney/status/2027721462233141679/photo/1" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>statement</span></a><span> issued on X, Prime Minister Carney stated:</span></p>
<blockquote><p><span>&ldquo;Canada supports the United States in acting to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon and to prevent its regime from further threatening international peace and security.&rdquo;</span></p></blockquote>
<p><span>The statement is an embarrassing about-face following the prime minister&rsquo;s </span><a href="https://www.pm.gc.ca/en/news/speeches/2026/01/20/principled-and-pragmatic-canadas-path-prime-minister-carney-addresses" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>speech</span></a><span> entitled, &ldquo;&ldquo;Principled and Pragmatic: Canada&rsquo;s Path,&rdquo; presented in Davos earlier this year.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Australia&rsquo;s Prime Minister, Anthony Albanese, made a remarkably similar </span><a href="https://x.com/AlboMP/status/2027678880220516549" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>statement</span></a><span>:</span></p>
<blockquote><p><span>&ldquo;We support the United States acting to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon and to prevent Iran continuing to threaten international peace and security.&rdquo;</span></p></blockquote>
<p><span>In the face of Trump&rsquo;s wide-ranging threats and actions against any who oppose him (</span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132269/what-just-happened-tariffs-are-gone-and-then-back-again/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>tariffs</span></a><span>, </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/129374/legal-obstacles-us-greenland/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>territorial seizure</span></a><span>, invasion and leadership </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/127962/maduro-capture-operation-and-presidents-duty-to-faithfully-execute-un-charter/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>abduction</span></a><span>), it is hardly surprising that States like Canada might pull their punches. And for the European Union, with an aggressive Russia on its doorstep and a defense system that will take </span><a href="https://www.defensenews.com/global/europe/2026/02/27/the-good-the-bad-and-the-ugly-inside-europes-race-to-supplant-us-defense-enablers/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>many years</span></a><span> to wean itself off U.S. dependency, the costs of standing up for the UN Charter at this moment are high.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>The trouble is, the long-term cost of giving up on Art 2(4) of the UN Charter may be even higher.</span></p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132773/us-iran-war-international-reactions/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">International Reactions to Military Strikes on Iran: A Tipping Point for the UN Charter?</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-02-28T19:52:02+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Rebecca Hamilton</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-02-28T19:52:02+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="armed conflict"/>

	<category term="article 2(4)"/>

	<category term="australia"/>

	<category term="canada"/>

	<category term="diplomacy"/>

	<category term="featured articles"/>

	<category term="international law"/>

	<category term="iran"/>

	<category term="israel"/>

	<category term="jus ad bellum"/>

	<category term="operation epic fury"/>

	<category term="rule of law"/>

	<category term="russia-ukraine war"/>

	<category term="trump administration second term"/>

	<category term="un charter"/>

	<category term="un general assembly (unga)"/>

	<category term="un security council (unsc)"/>

	<category term="united kingdom (uk)"/>

	<category term="united states (us)"/>

	<category term="use of force"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-02-28:/281298</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/64645/war-powers-trump-iran-strikes/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=war-powers-trump-iran-strikes" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Top Experts’ Backgrounder: Military Action Against Iran and US Domestic Law</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>(Editor&rsquo;s note: This article was originally published on June 21, 2019. It was first republish...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>(<em>Editor&rsquo;s note: This article was originally published on June 21, 2019. It was first republished on June 18, 2025 with an Authors&rsquo; note.)</em></p>
<p><b>[June 18, 2025 Authors&rsquo; Update: </b><span>With President Donald Trump </span><a href="https://www.politico.com/newsletters/playbook/2025/06/18/trumps-next-move-on-iran-00411810" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>reportedly</span></a><span> considering bringing the United States directly into the armed conflict between Israel and Iran, and in particular offensive strikes against Iran&rsquo;s nuclear program, it is important to understand the legal framework that governs whether and when a President can use military force overseas under U.S. domestic law (as we noted in 2019, the use of force must also comport with international law, which we do address briefly below).&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>As outlined in the Q&amp;A below, there are only two sources of authority for the use of force abroad &ndash; the Constitution and congressional authorizations for the use of military force (or AUMFs). As we explained in 2019 and remains true today, there is no existing AUMF that would authorize the President to use force against Iran. Second, under the Executive branch&rsquo;s own interpretation of Article II of the Constitution, which has become much broader in recent decades and is not necessarily shared by Congress or the courts, the President may use force to protect an important national interest, but only so long as the force used does not amount to war &ldquo;in the constitutional sense&rdquo; (which the Constitution delegates Congress alone the power to authorize, along with a host of other war-related powers found in Article I). A number of factors the Executive traditionally considers in this analysis point toward the &ldquo;war in the constitutional sense&rdquo; threshold being reached in the current circumstances, including but not limited to the use of force being directed at a large nation state (which has </span><a href="https://edition.cnn.com/2025/06/17/politics/trump-israel-iran-ceasefire" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>said</span></a><span> &ldquo;[a]ny American intervention would be a recipe for an all-out war in the region&rdquo;), the exposure of U.S. forces in the region, and the potential that the use of force would not be limited or narrow but could &ndash; as some reporting indicates &ndash; even point toward an intent to achieve regime change through force or would be perceived by the adversary as such. Indeed, it would be hard to envision what circumstances do </span><i><span>not</span></i><span> amount to war that Congress must authorize if using military force in Iran in this set of circumstances does not reach that threshold.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Congress has options as explained below to try to prevent the President from unlawfully using force, including through the appropriations power and the War Powers Resolution of 1973.&nbsp; Resolutions introduced by </span><a href="https://www.kaine.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/iran_war_powers_resolution.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Senator Tim Kaine (D-VA)</span></a><span> on June 16, by </span><a href="https://www.sanders.senate.gov/wp-content/uploads/DAV25B57.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Senator Bernie Sanders (I-VT)</span></a><span> on June 17, and by </span><a href="https://massie.house.gov/uploadedfiles/iranwpr.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Representatives Thomas Massie (R-KY) and Ro Khanna (D-CA)</span></a><span> on June 17 seek to prevent the President from engaging in hostilities in Iran without Congressional approval.<strong>]</strong></span></p>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p><span>What follows is a basic Q&amp;A on the circumstances under which U.S. military operations against Iran would be lawful under U.S. law. The objective is to provide journalists, lawmakers, and other members of the public a legal framework for this important issue. Our analysis is not specific to any particular scenario &mdash; such as Iranian forces&rsquo; or so-called Iranian proxies&rsquo; attacks on commercial ships, U.S. drones, U.S. military vessels, or U.S. personnel &mdash; but rather addresses broader questions about the circumstances under which the president has the authority to initiate U.S. military operations against Iran, whether Congress has already authorized the use of force against Iran, how the War Powers Resolution fits into the picture, and what Congress can do if it disagrees with the president&rsquo;s course of action. </span></p>
<h2><strong>1. </strong><b>Does the president need authorization from Congress to use U.S. military force against Iran?</b></h2>
<p><span>The president derives authority to use military force overseas from two sources: the Constitution and congressional authorization. At this point, we do not believe that there is any existing congressional authorization to use force against Iran (see Q2 below). In the absence of congressional authorization, the president could only use force against Iran by relying on his authority over foreign relations and as commander-in-chief under Article II of the Constitution.</span></p>
<p><span>There is considerable debate on the scope of the president&rsquo;s authority to use military force in the absence of congressional authorization. The executive branch, through consistent historical practice in Republican and Democratic administrations, and as reflected in a </span><a href="https://fas.org/irp/agency/doj/olc/libya.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>series</span></a><span> of </span><a href="https://www.justice.gov/olc/opinion/file/1067551/download" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>opinions</span></a><span> by the Justice Department&rsquo;s Office of Legal Counsel (OLC), has taken a relatively broad view of the president&rsquo;s Article II authority to </span><span>initiate</span><span> the use of force, arguing that it has the ability to do so when: (1) there is an important &ldquo;national interest&rdquo; in doing so (Curtis Bradley and Jack Goldsmith have explained that this has become a </span><a href="https://www.lawfareblog.com/olcs-meaningless-national-interests-test-legality-presidential-uses-force" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>very expansive concept</span></a><span> in modern practice; </span><span>Marty Lederman has </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/39674/syrian-strikes-violate-u-n-charter-constitution/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>suggested</span></a><span> the concept should be understood as limited to significant national interests that have historically supported such unilateral actions in the past</span><span>); and (2) the use of force does not constitute &ldquo;war&rdquo; in the constitutional sense. </span></p>
<p><span>The latter limitation is because Article I of the Constitution delegates the power to &ldquo;declare war&rdquo; to Congress. The executive branch has argued, in essence, that if the expected &ldquo;nature, scope, and duration&rdquo; of the military engagement falls below the threshold of &ldquo;war,&rdquo; the president may use force without congressional authorization. In the </span><a href="https://www.justice.gov/olc/opinion/file/1067551/download" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>OLC&rsquo;s view</span></a><span>, &ldquo;military operations will likely rise to the level of a war only when characterized by &lsquo;prolonged and substantial military engagements, typically involving exposure of U.S. military personnel to significant risk over a substantial period.&rsquo;&rdquo; The OLC opined most recently that the limited </span><a href="https://www.justice.gov/olc/opinion/file/1067551/download" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>strikes against Syria</span></a><span> by the United States in response to Syrian President Bashar al-Assad&rsquo;s use of chemical weapons did not cross this threshold. Prior OLC opinions reached a similar conclusion with respect to U.S. military strikes in </span><a href="https://fas.org/irp/agency/doj/olc/libya.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Libya</span></a><span> in 2011, and U.S. military activities in </span><a href="https://www.justice.gov/file/20306/download" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Haiti</span></a><span> in the 1990s, among others.</span></p>
<p><span>In the </span><a href="https://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/warpower.asp" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>War Powers Resolution of 1973</span></a><span> (WPR), Congress imposed important limitations on the president&rsquo;s ability to conduct military operations in the absence of explicit congressional authorization. Indeed, Congress does not necessarily view its own authority so narrowly or the president&rsquo;s so expansively as described in the OLC opinions noted above. The WPR explicitly states the view of Congress that the president&rsquo;s constitutional authority to introduce U.S. Armed Forces into hostilities, or situations where involvement in hostilities is imminent, may be exercised &ldquo;only pursuant to (1) a declaration of war, (2) specific statutory authorization, or (3) a national emergency created by an attack upon the United States, its territories or possessions, or its armed forces.&rdquo; Moreover, as explained below, the WPR requires the relevant military operations (&ldquo;hostilities&rdquo;) to be terminated after a defined period of time unless they have been authorized by Congress.</span></p>
<p><span>The framers of the Constitution gave the </span><a href="https://www.archives.gov/founding-docs/constitution-transcript" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>authority to declare war to Congress</span></a><span>, as well as the authority to raise and support armies, provide and maintain a Navy, provide for the common defense, regulate detention and seizure of vessels in war, and a host of other powers related to war and foreign affairs, in part to prevent the United States from being drawn into conflict for unpopular purposes or without debate and consideration by the representatives of the people. The Constitution&rsquo;s design anticipates that Congress would be less inclined to go to war than the executive branch &mdash; this is a feature, not a bug. (Of note, it has long been understood that even though Congress has the lion&rsquo;s share of authority in war-making, the president does have at least some concurrent if not exclusive authority in regard to the </span><i><span>conduct</span></i><span> of hostilities and to use force to repel a sudden attack on the United States.)</span></p>
<p><span>What&rsquo;s more, even in the OLC&rsquo;s view, the threshold for &ldquo;war&rdquo; in the constitutional sense is more easily met when the use of force at issue is against another nation state (rather than in its territory but </span><a href="https://www.justice.gov/file/20306/download" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>with its consent</span></a><span>) where there is a </span><a href="https://www.justice.gov/file/20306/download" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>high likelihood of escalation</span></a><span>. Although Iran is not a nuclear power, which would necessarily affect that calculus, its capacity as a nation-state with a strong military, including its cyber and ballistic missile capabilities, are relevant factors in this analysis, as is the extent of U.S. exposure given its significant footprint in the region where Iranian military forces (and their proxies) are present and active. The scope of U.S. objectives for the use of force will also affect the analysis, especially if those objectives are likely to require sustained operations or engender use of force in response by Iran. Those factors may distinguish this case from the U.S. strikes against Syria, for example.</span></p>
<p><span>Finally, another important limitation is that the </span><b><i>president&rsquo;s use of force &mdash; whether based on congressional authorization or not &mdash; must comply with international law</i></b><span>. The president is charged in Article II of the Constitution to &ldquo;</span><a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3315698" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>take care</span></a><span>&rdquo; that the laws are faithfully executed. This includes our international legal obligations, including the </span><a href="https://www.un.org/en/sections/un-charter/un-charter-full-text/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>U.N. Charter</span></a><span>, which prohibits the threat or use of force except in certain limited circumstances, such as self-defense. Also, under international law, even if the United States acts in self-defense, the U.S. response must be necessary and proportionate.</span></p>
<h2><strong>2. </strong><b>Does the president have authorization from Congress to strike Iran? Specifically, would the 2001 Authorization for the Use of Military Force (AUMF) authorize a strike against Iran?</b></h2>
<p><span>There is no existing congressional authorization for the use of force against Iran. While some in the Trump administration, including Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, have made arguments attempting to link Iran and al-Qaeda &mdash; in what may be an effort to lay the groundwork for invoking the 2001 AUMF, which was passed in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks, as authorization to use force against Iran &mdash; that argument is thoroughly unconvincing. </span></p>
<p><span>The 2001 AUMF authorizes the president to use:</span></p>
<blockquote><p><span>&ldquo;necessary and appropriate force against those nations, organizations, or persons he determines planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, or harbored such organizations or persons, in order to prevent any future acts of international terrorism against the United States by such nations, organizations or persons.&rdquo; </span></p></blockquote>
<p><span>This has long been understood to refer to al-Qaeda and the Taliban, who harbored al-Qaeda in Afghanistan at the time of the 9/11 attacks, and also has been interpreted by all three branches of government to apply to &ldquo;associated forces&rdquo; of those two armed groups based on the principle of co-belligerency in armed conflict. </span></p>
<p><span>As we have previously </span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/62511/wolf-sheeps-clothing-mcconnell-amendment-provide-president-rationale-military-operations-iran/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>written</span></a><span>: &ldquo;The 2001 AUMF does not authorize the use of force against Iran. Iran was not implicated in the 9/11 attacks, Iranian forces are not al Qaeda or the Taliban, or their associated forces, nor are they a &lsquo;successor&rsquo; to any of those forces.&rdquo; </span></p>
<p><span>Many have </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2019/06/19/us/politics/us-iran.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>suggested</span></a><span> that Pompeo and other officials may be laying the groundwork for an argument that the 2001 AUMF authorizes military operations against Iran because Iran is &ldquo;harboring&rdquo; some members of al-Qaeda. As a factual matter, we are not aware of any credible information that Iran is &ldquo;harboring&rdquo; al-Qaeda as a group, or allowing al-Qaeda to plot attacks from Iran. As a legal matter, the AUMF has never been construed to authorize military attacks against a foreign nation based on the fact that some al Qaeda members may be located in or transit that country, even if that is the case with Iran. In addition, the AUMF&rsquo;s use of the past tense &mdash; &ldquo;harbored&rdquo; &mdash; suggests that it was intended to refer to those who were responsible for providing safe haven for, and otherwise assisting, those who attacked the United States on Sept. 11, 2001. In the 20 years since the 9/11 attacks, there has not been any suggestion that the 2001 AUMF could be interpreted to authorize force against a present-day &ldquo;harborer.&rdquo; (Again, there is no known evidence to suggest that is what Iran is doing with al-Qaeda.) </span></p>
<p><span>The 2001 AUMF authorizes force only if it is consistent with international law, as the Supreme Court explained in </span><a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/html/03-6696.ZO.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><i><span>Hamdi v. Rumsfeld</span></i></a><i><span>.</span></i><span> Even if the 2001 AUMF were somehow thought to apply to Iran &mdash; which it does not &mdash; the executive branch would be able to use force against Iran only if necessary and proportionate to the specific threat from al-Qaeda.</span></p>
<p><span>In a House Foreign Affairs Committee </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FKK_fABJjl4" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>hearing</span></a><span> on June 19, Rep. Deutch (D-Fl.) asked State Department Special Representative for Iran, Brian Hook, whether he believes &ldquo;the administration could launch an attack against Iran under the 2001 AUMF?&rdquo; His response, &ldquo;this is something which the office of the Legal Adviser can give you an opinion on, if you&rsquo;d like to submit it,&rdquo; provides an appropriate next step for Congress to engage with the administration on this issue.</span></p>
<p><span>Finally, it bears noting that there is no viable argument that another AUMF still on the books &mdash; the &ldquo;Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002&rdquo; (</span><a href="https://www.congress.gov/107/plaws/publ243/PLAW-107publ243.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>2002 AUMF</span></a><span>) &mdash; authorizes force against Iran. It allows the president to use force that is &ldquo;necessary and appropriate&rdquo; to &ldquo;defend the national security of the United States against the continuing threat posed by Iraq;&rdquo; and &ldquo;enforce all relevant United Nations Security Council resolutions against Iraq.&rdquo; Those are plainly not relevant to the situation with Iran today.</span></p>
<h3><strong>3. </strong><b>What steps can Congress take if it disagrees with the president&rsquo;s decision to use military force? More specifically, what steps can Congress take in advance to prevent actions by the president? And, what steps would Congress be able to take after the president uses force against Iran if lawmakers are opposed?</b></h3>
<p><span>Congress has a number of tools at its disposal to constrain the president&rsquo;s ability to use force unilaterally. Even in the OLC&rsquo;s view, the president&rsquo;s ability to use force without congressional authority can be checked if Congress decides to impose restrictions. While past attorneys general and the OLC have determined the president has the power to use military force abroad to protect important national interests and below the threshold of &ldquo;war&rdquo; in the constitutional sense, as discussed above, &ldquo;[t]his independent authority of the President &hellip; exists at least insofar as Congress has not specifically restricted it,&rdquo; the OLC </span><a href="https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/olc/opinions/2011/04/31/authority-military-use-in-libya_0.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>wrote</span></a><span> in 2011.</span></p>
<p><span>Congress&rsquo; appropriations power is one of the most potent tools to restrict presidential action. In 2018, the </span><a href="https://www.justice.gov/olc/opinion/file/1067551/download" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>OLC opined</span></a><span> that the significant powers vested in Congress by the Constitution &ldquo;ensure that the use of force &lsquo;cannot be sustained over time without the acquiescence, indeed the approval, of Congress, for it is Congress that must appropriate the money to fight a war or a police action.&rsquo; &hellip; These powers further oblige the President to seek congressional approval prior to contemplating military action that would bring the Nation into a war.&rdquo;</span></p>
<p><span>Notably, an amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2020 (FY20 NDAA), which was </span><a href="https://www.c-span.org/video/?461583-8/house-armed-services-committee-marks-defense-authorization-act" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>debated</span></a> <span>last week in the House Armed Services Committee, </span><span>would have prohibited the use of federal funds to use military force in or against Iran absent Congress declaring war or enacting specific statutory authorization, with the exception of a &ldquo;national emergency &hellip; created by an attack upon the United States, its territories or possessions, or its armed forces.&rdquo; </span></p>
<p><span>While the amendment was withdrawn after lengthy discussion, Rep. Adam Smith, the Democratic chairman of the committee, has </span><a href="https://khanna.house.gov/media/press-releases/release-reps-khanna-brown-garamendi-moulton-push-prevent-war-iran-national" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>committed</span></a> <span>to &ldquo;a vote on a similar proposal when the FY20 NDAA comes to the floor of the House of Representatives.&rdquo; </span><span>(The amendment was offered by Reps. </span><span>Ro Khanna (D-Calif.), Anthony Brown (D-Md.), John Garamendi (D-Calif.), and Seth Moulton (D-Mass.). </span></p>
<p><span>It is precisely this type of action &mdash; the cutting off of funds for specific uses of force, which relies on Congress&rsquo; constitutional appropriations power &mdash; that would put Congress on its strongest footing to assert authority over the use of force abroad, and would put the president&rsquo;s authority at what the Supreme Court has described as its &ldquo;</span><a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/343/579#writing-USSC_CR_0343_0579_ZC2" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>lowest ebb</span></a><span>.&rdquo; The clear intent of this proposed amendment is to prevent the executive branch from drawing the United States into a war without a congressional vote to specifically authorize it, which is particularly important given that senior Trump administration officials are considering justifying a use of force against Iran on purported congressional authorization in the 2001 AUMF. </span></p>
<p><span>Finally, an amendment like this could be passed even after an initial use of force, making clear the president does not have authority to continue using force absent congressional authorization.</span></p>
<h2><strong>4. </strong><b>Does the War Powers Resolution authorize the president to use force? What does the War Powers Resolution require the president to do before taking military action? What does it allow Congress to do after the president uses force abroad without authorization?</b></h2>
<p><span>The War Powers Resolution (WPR) does </span><i><span>not </span></i><span>authorize the president to use force. It is a common misperception to think otherwise. The law&rsquo;s stated </span><a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/50/1541#" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>purpose</span></a><span> is &ldquo;to fulfill the intent of the framers of the Constitution&hellip; and insure that the collective judgment of both the Congress and the President will apply to the introduction of United States Armed Forces into hostilities, or into situations where imminent involvement in hostilities is clearly indicated by the circumstances&hellip;&rdquo; And as noted above, it takes a limited view of the president&rsquo;s authority to introduce U.S. Armed Forces into such situations in the absence of congressional authorization or an attack on the United States. </span></p>
<p><span>Before the president involves U.S. forces in hostilities abroad (or circumstances where hostilities are likely), the WPR requires the president to &ldquo;consult with Congress.&rdquo; The WPR also requires the president to report to Congress within 48 hours whenever certain conditions are met that could lead to the United States getting drawn into a war that Congress hasn&rsquo;t authorized. Those conditions are when U.S. Armed Forces are introduced: (1) into hostilities (or where involvement in hostilities is &ldquo;clearly indicated by the circumstances&rdquo;); (2) into the territory, airspace, or waters of a foreign nation while equipped for combat (except for routine deployments for &ldquo;supply, replacement, repair, or training&rdquo; of U.S. forces); or (3) in &ldquo;numbers which substantially enlarge&rdquo; U.S. forces equipped for combat already in a foreign nation. &nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Finally, the heart of the WPR is its termination provision, which is intended to provide a mechanism to ensure the president does not continue to involve U.S. forces in hostilities without specific congressional authorization. Under the WPR, the president must &ldquo;</span><span>terminate any use&rdquo; of U.S. Armed Forces that were introduced into hostilities (or where involvement in hostilities is clearly indicated by the circumstances) 60 days after the required notification unless Congress has specifically authorized that use of U.S. Armed Forces by statute, passed a law extending the 60-day period, or has been &ldquo;physically unable to meet as a result of an armed attack upon the United States.&rdquo;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p>The Executive Branch has <a href="https://harvardlawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/pdfs/barron_lederman2.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">not adopted a consistent view</a> on the constitutionality of the WPR&rsquo;s termination provision.&nbsp; President Nixon&rsquo;s veto statement <a href="https://www.visitthecapitol.gov/exhibitions/artifact/president-richard-nixons-letter-house-representatives-regarding-his-veto-war" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">concluded</a> that much of the WPR, including the 60-day clock, was unconstitutional, and OLC made a passing suggestion to the same effect in John Yoo&rsquo;s subsequently repudiated 2001 <a href="https://www.justice.gov/sites/default/files/olc/opinions/2001/09/31/op-olc-v025-p0188_0.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">memo</a> on the AUMF. On the other hand, OLC <a href="https://www.justice.gov/olc/file/476871/download" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">concluded</a> in 1980 that Congress may &ldquo;as a general constitutional matter&rdquo; place time limits on the use of armed forces without express Congressional authorization, and this position was <a href="https://2009-2017.state.gov/s/l/releases/remarks/167250.htm" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">reaffirmed</a> by the Obama Administration.</p>
<p><span>There is significant debate, to say the least, regarding what constitutes &ldquo;</span><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/63855/getting-past-the-veto-on-ending-yemen-war-how-congress-next-move-can-succeed/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>hostilities</span></a><span>&rdquo; for the purposes of the War Powers Resolution. Both the Obama and Trump administrations, for example, took the position that providing aerial refueling and intelligence support to the Saudi-led coalition in the conflict in Yemen did not constitute introducing U.S. forces into &ldquo;hostilities.&rdquo; Moreover, recent experience has shown that unless Congress has sufficient votes to override a presidential </span><a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/presidential-actions/presidential-veto-message-senate-accompany-s-j-res-7/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>veto</span></a><span> of a resolution requiring termination of the use of U.S. Armed Forces, it may be unable to stop military engagement abroad once it has begun using the mechanism of the WPR alone, so long as the president believes that the military engagement in question does not constitute &ldquo;hostilities.&rdquo; </span></p>
<p><span>This is all the more reason why cutting off funds for the use of military force against Iran, in the absence of congressional authorization or an armed attack by Iran on the United States or its armed forces, would be a more effective tool to curtail the ability of the executive branch to draw the United States into a war that Congress has not authorized.</span></p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/64645/war-powers-trump-iran-strikes/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Top Experts&rsquo; Backgrounder: Military Action Against Iran and US Domestic Law</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-02-28T15:04:25+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Brian Egan</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-02-28T15:04:25+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="armed conflict"/>

	<category term="authorization for use of military force (aumf)"/>

	<category term="collection: israel-iran conflict"/>

	<category term="congress"/>

	<category term="congressional oversight"/>

	<category term="executive branch"/>

	<category term="expert backgrounder"/>

	<category term="featured articles"/>

	<category term="iran"/>

	<category term="national defense authorization act ndaa"/>

	<category term="non-proliferation"/>

	<category term="office of legal counsel (olc)"/>

	<category term="operation epic fury"/>

	<category term="presidential powers"/>

	<category term="war powers"/>

	<category term="war powers resolution"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-02-28:/281196</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132297/digest-recent-articles-just-security-feb-23-27-2026/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=digest-recent-articles-just-security-feb-23-27-2026" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Digest of Recent Articles on Just Security (Feb. 23-27, 2026)</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Russia-Ukraine War

Toward A Just and Lawful Peace in Ukraine: Part II
by Harold Hongju Koh, Madelin...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<h2>Russia-Ukraine War</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132379/just-lawful-peace-ukraine-part-ii/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Toward A Just and Lawful Peace in Ukraine: Part II</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Harold Hongju Koh" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/kohharold/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Harold Hongju Koh</a>, <a title="Profile and articles by Madeline Babin" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/babinmadeline/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Madeline Babin</a>, <a title="Profile and articles by Kate Davidson" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/davidsonkate/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Kate Davidson</a>, <a title="Profile and articles by Saavni Desai" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/desaisaavni/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Saavni Desai</a>, <a title="Profile and articles by Samantha Kiernan" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/kiernansamantha/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Samantha Kiernan</a> and <a title="Profile and articles by Julian Watrous" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/watrousjulian/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Julian Watrous</a></li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131990/ukraine-talks-territorial-concessions-would-fail/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">What Negotiators Miss in Ukraine Talks: Territorial Concessions Would Abandon Real People &ndash; and Fail to Bring Peace</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Svitlana Starosvit" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/starosvitsvitlana/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Svitlana Starosvit</a></li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/81789/russias-eliminationist-rhetoric-against-ukraine-a-collection/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Russia&rsquo;s Eliminationist Rhetoric Against Ukraine: A Collection (Updated)</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Clara Apt" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/aptclara/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Clara Apt</a> and <a title="Profile and articles by Viola Gienger" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/violagienger/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Viola Gienger</a></li>
</ul>
<h2>ICE and CBP Operations</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131966/trump-administration-accountable-violating-court-orders/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Confrontation in Court: How to Hold the Trump Administration Accountable for Violating Court Orders</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by JoAnna Suriani" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/surianijoanna/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">JoAnna Suriani</a></li>
</ul>
<h2>U.S. Lethal Strikes</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/124002/timeline-vessel-strikes-related-actions/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Timeline of Boat Strikes and Related Actions (Updated)</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Jeremy Chin" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/chinjeremy/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Jeremy Chin</a>, <a title="Profile and articles by Margaret Lin" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/linmaggie/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Margaret Lin</a>, <a title="Profile and articles by Aidan Arasasingham" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/arasasinghamaidan/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Aidan Arasasingham</a> and <a title="Profile and articles by Marie Miller" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/millermarie/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Marie Miller</a></li>
</ul>
<h2>Epstein Files</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132230/fbi-stand-down-directive-epstein-timeline/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">FBI&rsquo;s &ldquo;Stand Down&rdquo; Directive to NYPD on Jeffrey Epstein Investigations, and More</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Ryan Goodman" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/goodmanryan/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Ryan Goodman</a></li>
</ul>
<h2>Ethiopia</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132370/tigray-ethiopia-action-prevent-war/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Risk of Renewed War in Tigray: Painful Reminders From Ethiopia&rsquo;s Last War Demand Action to Prevent Another</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Sarah Miller" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/millersarah/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Sarah Miller</a> and <a title="Profile and articles by Abdullahi Boru Halakhe" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/boruhalakheabdullahi/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Abdullahi Boru Halakhe</a></li>
</ul>
<h2>Syria</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132656/syria-al-hol-closed-international-responsibility/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Syria&rsquo;s Al-Hol Camp Is Closed, But Another Remains, as Does International Responsibility</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Beatrice Eriksson" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/erikssonbeatrice/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Beatrice Eriksson</a></li>
</ul>
<h2>Genocide / Myanmar</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131897/proving-genocide-intent-other-aims/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Proving Genocide: Genocidal Intent and Other Aims</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Adil Ahmad Haque" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/haqueadil/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Adil Ahmad Haque</a></li>
</ul>
<h2>Symposium: Updated ICRC Commentary</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131465/closing-loopholes-icrc-commentary-fourth-geneva-convention/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Closing Loopholes Across Time: the ICRC&rsquo;s New Commentary on the Fourth Geneva Convention</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Eliav Lieblich" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/lieblicheliav/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Eliav Lieblich</a></li>
</ul>
<h2>Trump Executive Actions</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132269/what-just-happened-tariffs-are-gone-and-then-back-again/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">What Just Happened: Tariffs Are Gone and Then Back Again</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Kathleen Claussen" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/claussenkathleen/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Kathleen Claussen</a></li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/112792/trump-administrations-state-power-big-picture/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Trump Administration&rsquo;s Use of State Power Against Media: Keeping Track of the Big Picture (Updated)</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Rebecca Hamilton" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/hamiltonrebecca/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Rebecca Hamilton</a></li>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/107087/tracker-litigation-legal-challenges-trump-administration/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Litigation Tracker: Legal Challenges to Trump Administration Actions (Updated)</a><br>
by&nbsp;<a title="Profile and articles by Just Security" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/just-security-admin/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a></li>
</ul>
<h2>United Nations</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132457/un-global-counterterrorism-strategy-negotiations/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">How to Prevent the U.N. Global Counterterrorism Strategy Negotiations from Blowing Up</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Jordan Street" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/streetjordan/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Jordan Street</a> and <a title="Profile and articles by CJ (Caleb) Pine" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/pinecjcaleb/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">CJ (Caleb) Pine</a></li>
</ul>
<h2>Nuclear Proliferation</h2>
<ul>
<li><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131851/arms-control-after-new-start/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The End of Treaty Nostalgia: Arms Control After New START</a><br>
by <a title="Profile and articles by Frank A. Rose" href="https://www.justsecurity.org/author/rosefranka/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Frank A. Rose</a></li>
</ul>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132297/digest-recent-articles-just-security-feb-23-27-2026/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Digest of Recent Articles on Just Security (Feb. 23-27, 2026)</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-02-28T12:03:41+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Just Security</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-02-28T12:03:41+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="other"/>

	<category term="weekly recap"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-02-27:/281103</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132656/syria-al-hol-closed-international-responsibility/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=syria-al-hol-closed-international-responsibility" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Syria’s Al-Hol Camp Is Closed, But Another Remains, as Does International Responsibility</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>The world&rsquo;s most notorious detention camp holding children, the infamous al-Hol camp in northeast Sy...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>The world&rsquo;s most notorious detention camp holding children, the infamous al-Hol camp in northeast Syria, where tens of thousands of family members of alleged ISIS fighters were held for seven years, has been<a href="https://www.rudaw.net/english/middleeast/syria/23022026?fbclid=IwdGRjcAQI9vNleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZAo2NjI4NTY4Mzc5AAEegGKGo_4C37fQW6ypuNkkDTlYHgfP3NQw9WmTRw4M0pR_q4xSY5ZCdiojIe8_aem_Gwch3zYZvoOswLCVJaB0BQ" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> emptied and closed</a>.</p>
<p>The <a href="https://apnews.com/article/syria-camp-alhol-islamic-state-emptied-6527081227b4aec678b58355a3c8c3b3" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">chaotic period</a> leading up to the sudden closure included fighting nearby, as the Syrian government wrested control of the region from one-time close U.S. partners, the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), which had controlled the area and held tens of thousands of people arbitrarily detained in al-Hol and a similar camp, Roj, as well as in various informal prisons and other types of detention centers that held <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/85049/repatriating-alleged-isis-linked-men-from-northeast-syria-the-start-of-judicial-responses-to-the-political-stalemate/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">suspected former ISIS-linked individuals</a>, including youths. Al-Hol most recently had held about <a href="https://media.defense.gov/2026/Feb/19/2003876973/-1/-1/1/OPERATION%20INHERENT%20RESOLVE_2026.PDF" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">23,400 people</a> (mostly women, children, and older people) in squalid conditions. Most were from Syria and neighboring Iraq, but about 27 percent, or 6,300 people, were from more than 50 countries other than Syria. Amid the shifts in control over the area, detainees left or were taken elsewhere in a series of <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/8c7b09f2-1ce6-4363-9e8a-b36d031b3c7c" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">irregular transfers</a> and a haphazard process that left already destitute families with children in an even more-vulnerable position.</p>
<p>Responsible states have the power to end this security chaos and human suffering, including at Roj (more on that camp below), but also wherever these families were taken. This critical moment underscores the urgency for governments of the detainees&rsquo; countries of origin such as Bosnia, Trinidad and Tobago, and Australia, to step forward and uphold their obligations toward their citizens. There is no room for further delay.</p>
<h2><strong>From Extrajudicial Detention to Uncontrolled Displacement</strong></h2>
<p>The families at al-Hol had been held in extrajudicial detention since the 2019 fall of the self-styled ISIS &rdquo;caliphate.&rdquo; SDF forces withdrew from al-Hol camp during last month&rsquo;s fighting and political shifts in northeast Syria, as the new post-Assad government in Damascus of President Ahmad Al-Sharaa seeks to consolidate the central government&rsquo;s control over the country and pursue <a href="https://news.un.org/en/story/2025/09/1165940" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">reforms and reconstruction</a>. But there was no organized handover or repatriation process in place for the detainees. Alongside family of suspected ISIS members were victims of human trafficking, Yazidi women and children who had been hostages of ISIS after the group&rsquo;s attacks on their communities in 2014, and local Syrians who were swept up simply for having lived in areas once under ISIS control.</p>
<p>Syrian authorities <a href="https://www.al-monitor.com/originals/2026/02/syria-closes-linked-al-hol-camp-after-emptying-it" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">announced</a> on Feb. 22 that they had officially ended the era of al-Hol camp. But <a href="https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/syrias-al-hol-camp-emptied-foreigners-sources-say" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">families reportedly already had been moved </a>to Idlib, Deir ez-Zor, and other parts of Syria since at least the end of January. Available accounts suggest these transfers were not conducted through coordinated or official procedures; there is still little verified information about how these mass transfers took place, who ordered them, or under what authority, much less who was taken where. Families who left al-Hol with whom I&rsquo;ve spoken from their new locations are not even certain whether they have been liberated or effectively abducted. At first, they thought it was the Syrian government that took them from al-Hol, but now they are being told to hide if they see Syrian military forces in the streets, so it is unclear who has custody of them. (Separately, U.S. forces <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/13/us/politics/us-isis-prisoners.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">transferred thousands of adult males</a> in the SDF prisons to Iraq.)</p>
<p>That level of uncertainty alone illustrates the acute protection risks children now face. The collapse of al-Hol camp brings longstanding state responsibility into sharp and unavoidable focus.</p>
<h2><strong>From Predictable Failure to New Risks</strong></h2>
<p>For years, many warned, including in <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/129727/northeast-syria-prisons-camps-security/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">these pages</a>, that holding people in prolonged, lawless detention would end in harm that would compound the years of damage already wrought in the camps, and before that, in the war. What is unfolding with these camps and other detention sites in northeast Syria is the predictable result of prolonged international abandonment and failure to take responsibility. Responsible states have had the opportunities to repatriate their citizens under controlled protocols, but many have chosen not to. In addition to the above, countries of origin include Morocco, the U.K., and Turkey.</p>
<p>Ending arbitrary detention was necessary, but it should never happen through chaos. The responsible states, in coordination with the Syrian authorities, and existing repatriation mechanisms, must urgently establish <a href="https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/opinion/2026/02/03/repatriating-children-syria-camps-right-thing-al-hol-al-roj" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">safe, dignified, and internationally coordinated processes</a> that focus, at the very least, on protecting the children. How many more crises must these children be forced to try to survive?</p>
<p>Without documentation, protection mechanisms, or safe pathways home, children and their caregivers are highly vulnerable to trafficking, coercion, exploitation, and recruitment by armed or violent extremist groups. This is an immediate and real threat.</p>
<p>What the collapse of al-Hol camp has also made clear is that this detention system was not only unlawful and a humanitarian catastrophe, but fundamentally unsustainable. The lessons from this dark chapter must be heeded now and going forward to ensure that similar mistakes are not repeated in the future. In the immediate term, these lessons must be applied to the remaining detention camp in northeast Syria, Roj. If it is allowed to dissolve without a managed, rights-based exit strategy, the same chaos as with al-Hol camp will be repeated.</p>
<p>More than <a href="https://www.rudaw.net/english/middleeast/syria/210220262-amp" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">2,200 individuals</a>, the vast majority of them third-country national children and their mothers, remain stranded in Roj camp, which at the time of writing remains under SDF control. <a href="https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/syria-islamic-state-women-and-children-face-abuse-syrias-al-roj-camp-amid-control-handover" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reports </a>over the past month have described escalating violence against families inside the camp. For the women and children still there, the uncertainty and distress is enormous. Many fear that leaving the camp may not mean a safe, controlled return home, but instead irregular transfers by non-state armed actors and extremist groups, forced displacement within Syria, or new forms of custody against their will.</p>
<p>Children belong in schools, in families, and in protective environments, not in detention camps, conflict, and war.</p>
<p>Many of these third-country-national women with whom my colleagues and I have spoken want to return to their countries of origin, start over in life, and ensure their children&rsquo;s safety. Many have told us they are reaching out directly to their governments, desperately requesting consular assistance. So far, those calls have gone unanswered. Relatives around the world are facing a total information vacuum about what will happen next for their family members, intensifying fear and desperation.</p>
<h2><strong>Adolescent Boys at Extreme Risk</strong></h2>
<p>The situation of adolescent boys is particularly alarming. Many were brought to Syria as children and had no agency in that decision. Some were later placed in so-called &ldquo;youth rehabilitation centers,&rdquo; which in reality were detention facilities for minors. Over time, many turned 18 while confined. There are now reports that these centers stand empty, and concerns that <a href="https://english.enabbaladi.net/archives/2026/02/iraq-transfers-157-juvenile-is-detainees-to-rehabilitation-centers/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">boys may have been transferred</a> to Iraq <a href="https://www.cbsnews.com/news/us-military-transfer-isis-suspects-syria-to-iraq-complete/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">alongside adult detainees</a>. If so, they risk being treated as adult perpetrators rather than recognized as child victims, potentially facing severe sentences, <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131218/legal-black-hole-detainees-iraq-syria/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">even the death penalty</a>. Responsible states must intervene to ensure these boys are protected in line with international law.</p>
<h2><strong>Survival Should Not Depend on Family Heroism</strong></h2>
<p>In mid-February, Eva, a girl from Albania, was <a href="https://www.gazetatema.net/editorial/fundi-i-nje-makthi-12-vjecar-per-eva-e-endrit-dumanin-i544071?fbclid=IwZnRzaAP9StBleHRuA2FlbQIxMQBzcnRjBmFwcF9pZAo2NjI4NTY4Mzc5AAEeBkJkeZVCMjv5qQCM5Le0jkucBlq6fduyLZ_0BCjf0hF6AjxdN7OXxyveRLA_aem_SGmSbZShFHfrkbGoG-o93A" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">finally reunited</a> with her family. She was 9 years old when her father brought her and her 7-year-old brother with him to Syria in 2014, without her mother&rsquo;s knowledge. After he was killed fighting for ISIS, she and her brother were left behind. No authorities intervened, until Albania finally <a href="https://www.balkanweb.com/en/pas-12-vitesh-ne-kampin-e-ferrit-ne-siri-eva-dumani-rikthehet-ne-tirane-ribashkohet-me-nenen-dhe-vellain/#gsc.tab=0" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">repatriated her brother</a> in 2020. At one point, her grandmother travelled to Syria to rescue her, only to be detained by SDF and placed in al-Hol alongside her granddaughter. After six years in the camp, the grandmother died, leaving Eva alone once again. When al-Hol dissolved, Eva&rsquo;s uncle managed to locate her, get her across the border to Turkey, and bring her home. Eva survived because a family member made extraordinary efforts to compensate for state inaction.</p>
<p>A similar case occurred in 2019, when Swedish musician Patricio Galv&eacute;z&rsquo; <a href="https://genevasolutions.news/peace-humanitarian/fifdh-the-children-of-the-enemy-that-nobody-wants-to-see" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">seven grandchildren</a> were detained in al-Hol. His daughter and her husband, an ISIS fighter, had been killed in Syria. Swedish authorities initially failed to intervene to rescue the children, despite his pleas. Ultimately, he travelled to Syria himself in an <a href="https://www.wsj.com/articles/swede-brings-his-orphaned-grandchildren-home-from-isis-trauma-11558290653" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">effort to bring them home</a>. The intense publicity he generated in pleading for the Swedish government to act, eventually resulted in their return. Without that intervention, it is far from certain that the children would have survived. (After this rescue operation, Galv&eacute;z co-founded our organization, Repatriate the Children (RTC) Sweden, together with me and Gorki Glaser-M&uuml;ller, who were also part of bringing the seven orphans home.)</p>
<p>After seven years of such cases related to al-Hol, it should be evident that children abroad in clear distress and need of consular services cannot be abandoned. It should never require relatives to take such risks to protect a child who is a victim of war and terrorism.</p>
<h2><strong>Recovery Is Possible and Prevents Radicalization</strong></h2>
<p>After following Galv&eacute;z&rsquo; grandchildren for seven years, as well as other repatriated families across several countries, my colleagues and I who&rsquo;ve been supporting their reintegration know that <a href="https://www.hrw.org/report/2022/11/21/my-son-just-another-kid/experiences-children-repatriated-camps-isis-suspects-and" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">recovery is possible.</a> Once evacuated from the camps, and brought back to their countries of origin, children returned to school, built friendships, and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/84311/as-women-and-children-return-to-the-west-from-syrian-camps-lessons-from-sweden/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">began to stabilize</a>.</p>
<p>Adults suspected of crimes were investigated, while children were protected where needed. In most cases, recovery was strongest when children were supported by their mothers and extended family, alongside public services and civil society organizations working together.</p>
<p>After seven years of international mismanagement related to the detention of, at one point, more than 70,000 individuals in northeast Syria, the situation has reached a breaking point. Repatriation is how families, especially children, are protected from exploitation and new cycles of violence. Children&rsquo;s rights are legal commitments that apply to every child. Some states, such as <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/72420/repatriating-isis-family-members-a-north-macedonian-model/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">North Macedonia</a> and <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/64567/repatriating-isis-families-an-opportunity-to-show-that-preventing-and-countering-violent-extremism-can-work/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Kazakhstan</a>, took responsibility earlier and developed plans to help their citizens return and stabilize.</p>
<p>More states must now come through and take responsibility for all of their citizens. This is the only way to prevent further radicalization and protect children and mothers from exploitation.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132656/syria-al-hol-closed-international-responsibility/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Syria&rsquo;s Al-Hol Camp Is Closed, But Another Remains, as Does International Responsibility</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-02-27T13:55:03+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Beatrice Eriksson</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-02-27T13:55:03+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="armed conflict"/>

	<category term="armed conflicts"/>

	<category term="atrocities"/>

	<category term="atrocities/mass atrocities"/>

	<category term="civilian harm"/>

	<category term="counterterrorism"/>

	<category term="detention"/>

	<category term="diplomacy"/>

	<category term="featured articles"/>

	<category term="human rights"/>

	<category term="international and foreign"/>

	<category term="international justice"/>

	<category term="international law"/>

	<category term="iraq"/>

	<category term="isis"/>

	<category term="isis detainees"/>

	<category term="northeast syria"/>

	<category term="syria"/>

	<category term="terrorism"/>

	<category term="terrorism &amp; violent extremism"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-02-27:/281104</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132680/early-edition-february-27-2026/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=early-edition-february-27-2026" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Early Edition: February 27, 2026</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Signup to receive the Early Edition in your inbox&nbsp;here.

A curated weekday guide to major news and d...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Signup to receive the Early Edition in your inbox&nbsp;<a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/newsletter-signup/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>.</p>
<div>
<p>A curated weekday guide to major news and developments over the last 24 hours. Here&rsquo;s today&rsquo;s news:</p>
<p><b><i>GLOBAL AFFAIRS</i></b></p>
<p><b>Pakistan bombed Taliban government forces in Afghanistan&rsquo;s major cities overnight, including its capital Kabul and the city of Kandahar. </b><span>&ldquo;Our cup of patience has overflowed. Now it is open war between us and [Afghanistan],&rdquo; Pakistani Defence Minister Khawaja Muhammad Asif said this morning. This is the first time that Islamabad has attacked the Taliban directly rather than militants allegedly backed by them. The strikes came hours after Afghan troops had attacked Pakistani border positions late on Thursday to retaliate for Pakistani airstrikes on Afghan border areas on Sunday. Both sides reported heavy losses, issuing sharply differing figures that </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/pakistan-strikes-afghanistan-targets-clashes-intensify-2026-02-27/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Reuters</span></a><span> could not independently verify. Mohammad Yunus Yawar and Asif Shahzad report; Abdul Qahar Afghan and Munir Ahmed report for the </span><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2026/02/26/afghanistan-pakistan-airstrikes/b4d410ac-1331-11f1-8e8d-fe91db44677b_story.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Washington Post</span></a><span>; Elian Peltier and Saifullah Padshah report for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/26/world/asia/pakistan-afghanistan-taliban.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>7,667 people died or went missing last year on migration routes, </b><span>such as crossing the Mediterranean Sea and Horn of Africa, the International Organization for Migration said yesterday. IOM added that the real death toll is likely far higher as cuts in funding have hit humanitarian access and tracking of deaths. Amina Ismail reports for </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/almost-8000-died-migration-routes-2025-toll-likely-far-higher-says-un-agency-2026-02-26/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Reuters</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Authorities in the Democratic Republic of the Congo have found two mass graves with at least 171 dead bodies in part of eastern DRC that the M-23 rebel group has recently withdrawn from</b><span>, according to the Governor of South-Kivu, Jean-Jacques Purusi. Jean-Yves Kamale and Mark Banchereau report for </span><a href="https://apnews.com/article/congo-mass-graves-uvira-m23-rebels-cbc711ebbb230bced71c3af11cd17a63" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>AP News</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>World Economic Forum CEO Borge Brende said yesterday that he would resign following an independent investigation by the WEF into his ties to Jeffrey Epstein.</b><span> Amelia Nierenberg reports for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/26/business/world-economic-forum-davos-epstein-brende.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>IRAN</i></b></p>
<p><b>Iran and the United States concluded a six-hour round of negotiations in Geneva yesterday without a diplomatic breakthrough.</b><span> Iranian officials and Omani mediators said the two sides had agreed to continue talking next week in an effort to avert war. Omani Foreign Minister Badr al Busaidi said on social media that significant progress had taken place, without offering further details. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said, &ldquo;more than ever there is seriousness on both sides to reach a deal.&rdquo; One source said that the U.S. side was &ldquo;disappointed&rdquo; by the Iranian position during the morning session. A senior U.S. official said the talks were &ldquo;positive.&rdquo; Farnaz Fassihi and David. E. Sanger report for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/26/world/middleeast/iran-us-talks.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>; Barak Ravid reports for </span><a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/02/26/iran-nuclear-talks-geneva" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Axios</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>With a potential U.S. strike on Iran looming, U.S. Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee emailed the U.S. embassy in Jerusalem this morning urging staff to leave Israel immediately if they wish,</b><span> citing an &ldquo;authorized departure&rdquo; for nonessential personnel due to safety concerns. Natan Odenheimer and David M. Halbfinger report for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/27/world/middleeast/us-embassy-jerusalem-authorized-departure.html?smid=nytcore-ios-share" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>China has advised its citizens to avoid travelling to Iran and urged those in the country to evacuate as soon as possible, </b><span>citing the security situation, state news agency Xinhua reported today. </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/china-urges-citizens-iran-evacuate-xinhua-reports-2026-02-27/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Reuters</span></a><span> reports.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>President Trump&rsquo;s claim in his State of the Union address that Iran was &ldquo;working on missiles that will soon reach&rdquo; the United States is not backed by U.S. intelligence reports</b><span>, according to three sources. Two of the sources said there have been no changes to an unclassified 2025 U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency assessment that Iran could take until 2035 to develop a &ldquo;militarily viable intercontinental ballistic missile&rdquo; from its existing satellite-lofting space-launch vehicles. Jonathan Landay, Humeyra Pamuk, and Gram Slattery report for </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/business/aerospace-defense/trump-iranian-missile-claim-unsupported-by-us-intelligence-say-sources-2026-02-27/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Reuters</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Vice President JD Vance told the </b><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2026/02/26/vance-no-chance-us-will-be-drawn-out-war-middle-east/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>Washington Post</b></a><b> yesterday that there is &ldquo;no chance&rdquo; that the United States would be drawn into a prolonged war in the Middle East if Trump authorizes strikes on Iran.</b><span> While acknowledging that military action in Iran remains possible, Vance said that Trump is being careful to avoid repeating past mistakes like the Iraq War. Natalie Allison reports.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Sen. Tim Kaine (D-VA), Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-NY), and Sen. Adam Schiff (D-CA) </b><a href="https://www.kaine.senate.gov/press-releases/kaine-schumer-and-schiff-push-for-vote-on-iran-war-powers-resolution" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>announced</b></a><b> yesterday that they will force a vote in the coming days on their War Powers Resolution</b><span> to ensure any military action against Iran is explicitly authorized by Congress. House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-NY) and his leadership also announced they will compel a vote next week. Connor O&rsquo;Brien and Meredith Lee Hill report for </span><a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/02/26/house-dems-iran-war-powers-vote-00800710" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>POLITICO</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>ISRAEL-HAMAS WAR&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>Israeli airstrikes yesterday killed eight people in Gaza</b><span>, according to health officials and the Israeli military. </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/israeli-fire-kills-three-people-gaza-truce-deal-staggers-2026-02-26/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Reuters</span></a><span> reports.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>SUDANESE CIVIL WAR&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>Attacks carried out by the Sudanese Rapid Support Forces paramilitary on the town of Misteriha in recent days have killed at least 28 people, wounded 39, and displaced more than 3,000 residents,</b><span> the Sudan Doctors Network said today. Fatma Khaled reports for </span><a href="https://apnews.com/article/sudan-darfur-displaced-paramilitary-rsf-31d4a6c48cf3162b3be391a37dedef36" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>AP News</span></a><span>.</span></p>
<p><b><i>U.S. FOREIGN AFFAIRS </i></b><span>&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>State Department officials on Tuesday warned Syrian Communications Minister Abdulsalam Haykal against relying on Chinese technology in Syria&rsquo;s telecommunication sector</b><span>, arguing that it conflicts with U.S. interests and threatens U.S. national security, three sources said. A U.S diplomat said that the State Department &ldquo;clearly urged Syrians to use American technology or technology from allied countries in the telecoms sector.&rdquo; Syrian officials said infrastructure development projects were time-critical and that Damascus was seeking greater vendor diversity, according to one of the sources. Feras Dalatey reports for </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/china/washington-presses-syria-shift-chinese-telecom-systems-2026-02-26/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Reuters</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>First lady Melania Trump will preside over a U.N. Security Council meeting on Monday, </b><span>the U.N. said yesterday. Her office said that the meeting will &ldquo;emphasize education&rsquo;s role in advancing tolerance and world peace.&rdquo; Edith M. Lederer reports for </span><a href="https://apnews.com/article/melania-trump-united-nations-security-council-a73e49e3062a991c634292cee89220ed" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>AP News</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>U.S. CARIBBEAN AND PACIFIC OPERATIONS</i></b></p>
<p><b>The Cuban authorities yesterday identified those aboard the Florida-registered speedboat, </b><span>which they say was meant to &ldquo;carry out an infiltration for terrorist purposes.&rdquo; Cuban officials initially mistakenly identified Miami-based activist Robert Azcorra Consuegra as a participant. At least two of the men, including one who died, were U.S. citizens, one was on a </span><span>fianc&eacute;</span> <span>visa, and the others were believed to be legal permanent residents in the United States, according to a U.S. official. Frances Robles and Patricia Mazzei report for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/26/world/americas/cuba-gunfight-boat-miami.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>U.S. IMMIGRATION DEVELOPMENTS&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>The United States aims to process 4,500 refugee applications per month for white South Africans</b><span>, according to a U.S. contracting document. The document states that trailers are being installed on U.S. embassy property in Pretoria to support the effort, explaining that due to the urgency of the situation there was no competitive bidding process for the contract. Ted Hesson and Nellie Peyton report for </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/us-aims-bring-4500-white-south-africans-per-month-refugees-document-says-2026-02-26/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Reuters</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem acknowledged in a </b><a href="https://www.judiciary.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/25-28166%20S1%20SIGNED%20Durbin%20Responses_Durbin.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>letter</b></a><b> to Sen. Richard Durbin (D-IL) that DHS detained 261 recipients of Deferred Action for Child Arrivals and deported 86 of them. </b><span>Eric Bazail-Eimil reports for </span><a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/02/26/dhs-daca-immigration-noem-dreamers-00801921" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>POLITICO</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>The chief federal judge in Minnesota yesterday </b><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2026/02/26/us/schiltz-order.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>identified</b></a><b> 210 orders issued in 143 cases in which he said ICE officials had not complied with court orders</b><span>. The order states that &ldquo;one way or another, ICE will comply with this court&rsquo;s orders,&rdquo; threatening to hold government officials in criminal contempt if the pattern continues. &ldquo;The court is not aware of another occasion in the history of the United States in which a federal court has had to threaten contempt &ndash; again and again and again &ndash; to force the United States government to comply with court orders,&rdquo; the judge said. Mitch Smith, Ernesto Londono, and Mattathias Schwartz report for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/26/us/minnesota-judge-ice-immigration.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.</span></p>
<p><b>Federal prosecutor Robert E. McGuire yesterday testified that he alone decided to indict Kilmar Abrego Garcia after his wrongful deportation to El Salvador,</b><span> denying that the Trump administration forced his hand, even as internal emails showed senior Justice Department officials closely monitoring and pressing the case. The hearing was examining whether the charges were filed vindictively amid political attacks on Abrego Garcia. Alan Feuer reports for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/26/us/kilmar-abrego-garcia-justice-department-trump.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Denver Mayor Mike Johnston (D) yesterday announced that federal immigration agents are banned from city property</b><span>, while also mandating Denver law enforcement to protect protestors. Johnston issued the ban via an executive order. Ryan Mancini reports for The </span><a href="https://thehill.com/homenews/state-watch/5758220-denver-mayor-bans-ice/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Hill</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>U.S. DOMESTIC DEVELOPMENTS</i></b></p>
<p><b>The Federal Reserve, in sealed proceedings, is asking a judge to quash a pair of subpoenas issued as part of U.S. Attorney Jeanine Pirro&rsquo;s criminal investigation into Chair Jerome Powell</b><span>, according to sources. C. Ryan Barber, Sadie Gurman, and Nick Timiraos report for the </span><a href="https://www.wsj.com/politics/policy/federal-reserve-mounts-closed-door-fight-against-justice-department-subpoenas-2ab66630?mod=hp_lead_pos3" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Wall Street Journal</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Hillary Clinton yesterday denied ever meeting Epstein or knowing anything about his crimes in her closed-door deposition in front of the House Oversight Committee.</b><span> Annie Karni reports for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/26/us/politics/hillary-clinton-epstein-deposition-lauren-boebert.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>A Miami-based U.S. attorney, Jason A. Reding Qui&ntilde;ones, has expanded a criminal inquiry into former law enforcement and intelligence officials who investigated Trump, </b><span>issuing new subpoenas related to the FBI&rsquo;s probe into ties between the 2016 Trump campaign and Russia and the 2020 election interference case. Charlie Savage reports for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/26/us/trump-investigations-miami-prosecutor.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>The Kansas state government yesterday invalidated the driver&rsquo;s licenses and birth certificates of transgender residents who changed the gender on those documents,</b><span> in accordance with a new law. The law also requires transgender people to use bathrooms and locker rooms in buildings owned or leased by government entities that match their sex assigned at birth. Helen Coster reports for </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/legal/government/kansas-invalidates-drivers-licenses-birth-certificates-over-1000-transgender-2026-02-26/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Reuters</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>Brady Tkachuk, captain of the NHL&rsquo;s Ottawa Senators and member of the U.S. Olympic ice hockey team, denounced an AI-generated White House video that falsely showed him insulting Canada,</b><span> emphasizing that it was not his voice or words. Gregory Svirnovskiy reports for </span><a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/02/26/brady-tkachuk-white-house-ai-video-00802767" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>POLITICO</span></a><span>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b><i>TRUMP ADMINISTRATION ACTIONS</i></b><span>&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>The U.S. military yesterday used a laser to shoot down a &ldquo;seemingly threatening&rdquo; drone flying near the U.S.-Mexico border which turned out to belong to Customs and Border Protection</b><span>, lawmakers said.The incident prompted the Federal Aviation Administration to close additional airspace around Fort Hancock. It was the second time in two weeks that a laser was fired in the area and resulted in a shut down of air traffic. This time the closure was smaller and commercial flights were not affected. Josh Funk and Konstantin Toropin report for </span><a href="https://apnews.com/article/military-laser-border-drone-texas-airport-55aaab7093f7d6dd174f909f3875001c?utm_source=onesignal&amp;utm_medium=push&amp;utm_campaign=2026-02-26-Breaking+News" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>AP News</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>&ldquo;We cannot in good conscience accede to [the Pentagon&rsquo;s] request,</b><span>&rdquo; Anthropic CEO Dario Amodei said yesterday, ahead of today&rsquo;s 5pm deadline. &ldquo;The contract language we received overnight from the Department of War made virtually no progress on preventing Claude&rsquo;s use for mass surveillance of Americans nor fully autonomous weapons,&rdquo; Amodei added. Maria Curi and Dave Lawler report for </span><a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/02/26/anthropic-rejects-pentagon-ai-terms" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Axios</span></a><span>.</span></p>
<p><b>Madhu Gottumukkala, the former acting director of the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency, has been reassigned as DHS&rsquo;s director of strategic implementation.</b><span> Nick Anderson, CISA&rsquo;s executive assistant director for cybersecurity, will serve as acting director while the agency awaits a Senate-confirmed leader. Dana Nickel, Maggie Miller, and John Sakellariadis report for </span><a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/02/26/madhu-gottumukkala-dhs-cisa-00803221" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>POLITICO</span></a><span>.</span></p>
<p><b><i>TRUMP ADMINISTRATION LITIGATION&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>A federal judge has again refused to block Trump&rsquo;s White House ballroom construction plans. </b><span>Josh Gerstein reports for </span><a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/02/26/white-house-ballroom-ruling-00801516" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>POLITICO</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>The Trump administration yesterday asked the Supreme Court to allow it to end Temporary Protected Status for thousands of migrants from Syria.</b><span> Ann E. Marimow reports for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/26/us/politics/supreme-court-deportation-syrians.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>The Justice Department yesterday filed a lawsuit against five additional states, demanding they share election data with the Trump administration.</b><span> Jacob Wendler reports for </span><a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/02/26/doj-sues-5-more-states-for-access-to-voter-rolls-00802317" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>POLITICO</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><b>The family of U.N. Special Rapporteur on the Occupied Palestinian Territories Francesca Albanese filed a lawsuit on Wednesday against the Trump administration,</b><span> challenging the sanctions that the U.S. government imposed against her over her support for the prosecution of Israeli leaders and international companies involved in the war in Gaza. John Yoon reports for the </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/26/us/francesca-albanese-lawsuit-trump-sanctions-israel-gaza.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>New York Times</span></a><span>.&nbsp;</span></p>
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<p><img decoding="async" src="https://lh7-rt.googleusercontent.com/docsz/AD_4nXchCAluDft2LKA1wOLQ4i6pCzxIl0l-NcwpWXsODFsCUPu4amZ-9579JwGXy0dHUrxRzx7xqb2qETGLFJ1nxK5VHTcANGd2_preWoUqx5Ao8QjqEuWytBWhQsJDb8EB0dWQv-sVMg?key=3LGEnQeAgyeBawKRekdMORYu" referrerpolicy="no-referrer" loading="lazy"></p>
<p>If you enjoy listening, Just Security&rsquo;s analytic articles are also available in audio form on the justsecurity.org website.</p>
<p><strong>ICYMI: Yesterday on<em>&nbsp;Just Security</em></strong></p>
<div>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/112792/trump-administrations-state-power-big-picture/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Trump Administration&rsquo;s Use of State Power Against Media: Keeping Track of the Big Picture</a></p>
<p>By <span>Rebecca Hamilton</span></p>
<div>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131966/trump-administration-accountable-violating-court-orders/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Confrontation in Court: How to Hold the Trump Administration Accountable for Violating Court Orders</a></p>
<p>By <span>JoAnna Suriani</span></p>
<div>
<p><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132370/tigray-ethiopia-action-prevent-war/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Risk of Renewed War in Tigray: Painful Reminders From Ethiopia&rsquo;s Last War Demand Action to Prevent Another</a></p>
<p>By Sarah Miller&nbsp;and&nbsp;Abdullahi Boru Halakhe</p>
</div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132680/early-edition-february-27-2026/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Early Edition: February 27, 2026</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-02-27T13:11:13+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Elisabeth Jennings</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-02-27T13:11:13+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="daily news roundup"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-02-26:/281048</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/112792/trump-administrations-state-power-big-picture/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=trump-administrations-state-power-big-picture" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">The Trump Administration’s Use of State Power Against Media: Keeping Track of the Big Picture</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>(Editor&rsquo;s Note: This article, originally published May 2, 2025, is updated periodically to add...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p><em>(Editor&rsquo;s Note: This article, originally published May 2, 2025, is updated periodically to add recent developments in the interactive graphic, marked as &ldquo;NEW,&rdquo; and to add the latest analysis below the graphic.)</em></p>
<p>Faced with a barrage of breaking news out of the Trump administration, it is easy to become paralyzed. This is arguably intentional: Flood the zone to ensure the news cycle is so overwhelming that the media (not to mention, the public) cannot keep up. In this information ecosystem, it is crucial that people retain the ability to track how State power is being used. This, in turn, requires systematically identifying linkages between individual developments and broader trends.</p>
<p>The graphic below offers one method, or practice, of resistance to a &ldquo;<a href="https://www.nytimes.com/video/opinion/100000009968320/dont-believe-him.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">muzzle velocity</a>&rdquo; news cycle that makes it hard to think about, let alone understand, the ways in which the Trump administration is wielding State power. This focuses on threats to press freedom, but the concept can be applied to other broad issues, too. By absorbing each additional news item as a data point for or against a threat to a particular democratic norm, rather than as a singular development, it becomes possible to keep sight of the big picture &ndash; and direct action accordingly. (cont&rsquo;d below&hellip;)</p>
<div></div>
<p>Credit: <a href="https://observablehq.com/embed/da2fc828e300d079@375" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Threats to Press Freedom by Just Security</a></p>



<p><img fetchpriority="high" decoding="async" src="https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/threats-on-press-freedom-radial-legend-800.png?resize=800%2C150&amp;ssl=1" alt="Legend" srcset="https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/threats-on-press-freedom-radial-legend-800.png?w=800&amp;ssl=1 800w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/threats-on-press-freedom-radial-legend-800.png?resize=300%2C56&amp;ssl=1 300w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/threats-on-press-freedom-radial-legend-800.png?resize=768%2C144&amp;ssl=1 768w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/threats-on-press-freedom-radial-legend-800.png?w=800&amp;ssl=1 800w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/threats-on-press-freedom-radial-legend-800.png?resize=300%2C56&amp;ssl=1 300w,https://i0.wp.com/www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/05/threats-on-press-freedom-radial-legend-800.png?resize=768%2C144&amp;ssl=1 768w" sizes="(max-width: 800px) 100vw, 800px" referrerpolicy="no-referrer" loading="lazy"></p>
<p>Click on any of the titles below to see more specific items and links through to reporting/sources.</p>
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                <div accordionsid="113224">
                    </div>

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            <div post_id="113224" itemcount="0" header_id="header-1746159880799" toggle-text="" main-text="Hostility of media environment">
                                    <span>
                        <span><i></i></span>
                        <span><i></i></span>
                    </span>
                    <span>Hostility of media environment</span>
                            </div>
            <div>
                <p><span><a href="https://www.mediaite.com/news/trump-unleashes-on-nyts-sycophant-peter-baker-for-boring-fake-news-hit-pieces/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Trump publicly attacks reporters</a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/posts/114056934528746786" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Trump publicly attacks reporters</a></span></p>
<p><a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/videos/c70j210g4e7o" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Trump publicly attacks female reporters</a></p>
<p><span><a href="https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.cand.388335/gov.uscourts.cand.388335.1.0_1.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Trump v. Facebook</a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.flsd.664183/gov.uscourts.flsd.664183.1.0_5.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Trump v. ABC</a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/documents/32ef3d27-2afa-4702-bc83-fea82fa68f1e.pdf?itid=lk_inline_manual_4" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Trump v. CBS</a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://static.poder360.com.br/2024/12/trump-processo-des-moines-register.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Trump v. Des Moines and Tribune</a></span></p>
<p><a href="https://www.npr.org/2025/06/24/nx-s1-5440286/mario-guevara-salvadoran-journalist-ice-protest" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Journalist covering protest arrested</a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.reuters.com/business/media-telecom/homeland-security-secretary-noem-says-cnn-may-be-prosecuted-over-report-2025-07-01/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Trump administration suggests prosecuting CNN</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://static01.nyt.com/newsgraphics/documenttools/1fb8ca7c78ffa801/da62860f-full.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Trump v. WSJ</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://bsky.app/profile/atrupar.com/post/3lyxjkbpkhh26" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Trump publicly attacks reporters</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.flmd.447437/gov.uscourts.flmd.447437.1.0.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Trump v. NYT</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.flmd.447437/gov.uscourts.flmd.447437.5.0.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Judge strikes Trump filing against NYT</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/10/17/business/media/trump-lawsuit-new-york-times.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Trump re-files lawsuit against NYT</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/10/03/us/mario-guevara-journalist-deported.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Journalist deported to El Salvador</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IvtLf0N8NrI" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Trump publicly attacks reporter</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/mediabias/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>White House launches media "bias" tracker</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/01/14/us/politics/fbi-washington-post-journalist.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>NEW - FBI searches home of journalist</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2026/01/14/fbi-raid-press-freedom-first-amendment/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>NEW - WashPo editorial defends journalist</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.cnn.com/2026/01/30/politics/don-lemon-custody" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>NEW - Journalists Lemon &amp; Fort arrested</span></a></p>
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            <div post_id="113224" itemcount="1" header_id="header-1746159778449" toggle-text="" main-text="Growing self-censorship">
                                    <span>
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                        <span><i></i></span>
                    </span>
                    <span>Growing self-censorship</span>
                            </div>
            <div>
                <p><span><a href="https://anntelnaes.substack.com/p/why-im-quitting-the-washington-post" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Washington Post cartoonist resigns</a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://x.com/_Eric_Reinhart/status/1885356410600337642" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">L.A. Times op-ed interference</a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://www.commoncause.org/articles/jeff-bezos-doesnt-want-you-to-see-this/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Here's the ad the Washington Post wouldn't run</a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://www.newyorker.com/news/essay/why-ruth-marcus-left-the-washington-post" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Washington Post columnist resigns </a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://www.cnn.com/2025/04/28/media/60-minutes-criticism-paramount-producer-exit/index.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">60 Minutes exec. producer resigns</a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://apnews.com/article/cnn-acosta-quit-trump-d686887cfc546dddc86fffa09e928b2c" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">CNN anchor resigns</a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://www.npr.org/2025/02/25/g-s1-50551/joy-reid-msnbc-fired" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">MSNBC host fired</a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://www.cjr.org/business_of_news/last-member-la-times-editorial-board-takes-buyout-carla-hall-patrick-soon-shiong-kamala-harris-endorsement-exodus.php" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">LA Times editorial resignations</a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://www.pbs.org/newshour/politics/washington-post-owner-bezos-says-opinion-pages-shift-from-broad-focus-to-will-defend-free-market-and-personal-liberties" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Washington Post editorial constriction</a></span></p>
<p><a href="https://apnews.com/article/stephen-colbert-late-show-cbs-end-8bad9f16f076df62c0ffc50e9c8adbab" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Colbert show canceled by CBS</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.foxnews.com/media/washington-post-obituary-section-life-support-writers-take-buyouts-report" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Veteran journalists depart under WashPo buyouts</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.msnbc.com/opinion/msnbc-opinion/south-park-trump-maga-jesus-season-27-premiere-rcna220928" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Paramount screens South Park mocking Paramount-Trump deal</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/09/05/business/cbs-face-the-nation-editing-rules.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>CBS changes editing rules</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://karenattiah.substack.com/p/the-washington-post-fired-me-but" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Washington Post fires last Black full-time columnist</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.pbs.org/newshour/nation/abc-suspends-jimmy-kimmels-late-night-show-indefinitely-over-his-remarks-about-charlie-kirks-death" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>ABC suspends Jimmy Kimmel indefinitely</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/business/business-news/pressure-mounts-disney-kimmel-suspension-boycott-calls-spread-rcna232396" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Pushback against Disney over Kimmel</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/17/business/media/colbert-cbs-fcc-talarico-carr.html?smid=nytcore-ios-share" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">NEW - CBS censors Colbert interview</a></p>
            </div>
    
            <div post_id="113224" itemcount="2" header_id="header-1746159906858" toggle-text="" main-text="Media curry favor with the president">
                                    <span>
                        <span><i></i></span>
                        <span><i></i></span>
                    </span>
                    <span>Media curry favor with the president</span>
                            </div>
            <div>
                <p><span><a href="https://www.npr.org/2025/01/29/nx-s1-5279570/meta-trump-settlement-facebook-instagram-suspensions" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Meta pays Trump $25 million to settle lawsuit</a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/01/30/business/media/paramount-trump-cbs-news-settlement.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Paramount/Trump settlement talks </a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/jan/20/trump-inauguration-tech-executives" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Tech titans at Trump inauguration</a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://x.com/HowardMortman/status/1886499310478479575" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Media moguls praised in Oval Office</a></span></p>
<p><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/may/07/bernie-sanders-paramount-60-minutes" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>8 Senators urge Paramount not to settle with Trump</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/international/global-trends/why-melania-trumps-40-million-documentary-deal-with-amazon-has-sent-hollywood-into-a-tizzy/articleshow/121435333.cms?from=mdr" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>$40M Amazon-Melania Trump deal for doco</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/07/02/business/media/paramount-trump-60-minutes-lawsuit.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Paramount pays Trump $16M to settle lawsuit</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.pbs.org/newshour/show/the-politics-behind-the-8b-paramount-skydance-merger" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>FCC approves Paramount-Skydance merger</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2025/07/24/she-cant-stop-paramount-merger-she-is-speaking-out-anyway/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>FCC Gomez opposes Paramount merger</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.cnn.com/2025/09/29/business/youtube-settle-trump-lawsuit" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>YouTube pays Trumps $24.5M to settle lawsuit</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://apnews.com/article/pentagon-media-rules-new-press-corps-b14b8cef6ba63cdac17c8ffac375e615" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Right-wing outlets sign Pentagon "pledge"</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.cnn.com/2026/02/04/media/washington-post-layoffs" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>NEW - Bezos owned WashPo layoffs</span></a></p>
            </div>
    
            <div post_id="113224" itemcount="3" header_id="header-1746160038894" toggle-text="" main-text="Erosion of public access">
                                    <span>
                        <span><i></i></span>
                        <span><i></i></span>
                    </span>
                    <span>Erosion of public access</span>
                            </div>
            <div>
                <p><span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/02/01/business/media/pentagon-press-corps.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">4 news outlets ousted from Pentagon offices </a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://apnews.com/article/pentagon-reporters-ejected-press-room-trump-administration-359d22d77ee22cb0f256170f8f67178c" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">More news outlets ousted from Pentagon offices </a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://www.ap.org/the-definitive-source/announcements/ap-statement-on-oval-office-access/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">AP statement on Oval Office access </a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://www.cnn.com/2025/02/14/media/white-house-ap-ban-air-force-one-oval-office-gulf-of-mexico/index.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">White House bans AP access</a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://apnews.com/article/trump-ap-press-freedom-court-gulf-caffd32aa8ec6b04a50b8c5277d7c9cb" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Defying court, AP barred from Oval Office </a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://www.axios.com/2025/04/15/ap-reporter-allowed-into-white-house-event" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">AP reporter allowed into White House event</a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/15/business/media/trump-white-house-newswire-press.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">White House ends regular slot for major news agencies</a></span></p>
<p><a href="https://www.reuters.com/business/media-telecom/trump-administration-puts-new-limits-reporters-pentagon-2025-05-24/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Further limits on reporters at Pentagon</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/07/21/business/media/trump-scotland-wsj-press-pool.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>WSJ barred from POTUS press pool in Scotland</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.npr.org/2025/09/20/g-s1-89713/pentagon-new-strict-guidelines-for-media" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Pentagon requires "pledge" from reporters</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/americas/us-politics/newsmax-rejects-pentagon-press-rules-b2844673.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Pentagon press corps refuse to sign "pledge"</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/12/04/business/media/new-york-times-pentagon-lawsuit.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>NYT sues Trump adminisrtation over Pentagon "pledge"</span></a></p>
            </div>
    
            <div post_id="113224" itemcount="4" header_id="header-1746160040315" toggle-text="" main-text="Harm to independent outlets">
                                    <span>
                        <span><i></i></span>
                        <span><i></i></span>
                    </span>
                    <span>Harm to independent outlets</span>
                            </div>
            <div>
                <p><span><a href="https://www.voanews.com/a/us-communications-agency-reinstates-complaints-starts-investigating-media/7964421.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">FCC investigates ABC, CBS, NBC</a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/01/30/business/media/npr-pbs-fcc-investigation.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">FCC investigates NPR, PBS</a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://oversight.house.gov/wp-content/uploads/2025/02/Letter-to-Maher-NPR-020325.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Congress calls NPR CEO to testify</a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://thehill.com/homenews/media/5141303-comcast-fcc-diversity-equity-inclusion/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">FCC DEI investigation of Comcast, NBC </a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://www.axios.com/2025/02/06/trump-politico-subscriptions-doge-elon-musk" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">GSA ordered to cancel media subscriptions</a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/feb/19/state-department-media-subscriptions-cancelled" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">State Dept. cancels media subscriptions</a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2025/04/14/white-house-to-send-congress-a-formal-request-to-nix-9-3b-for-pbs-state-department-00289543" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">White House asks Congress to defund PBS, NPR</a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://www.msn.com/en-us/news/politics/trump-cuts-off-funding-for-pro-democracy-media-outlets-voa-and-rferl/ar-AA1B17sU" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Trump defunds VOA, RFERL</a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c0jz58zjllzo" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Court halts Trump's shutdown of VOA</a></span></p>
<p><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2026/01/13/voice-of-america-trump-congress-funding/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>NEW - Congress funds VOA</span></a></p>
<p><span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/04/29/us/politics/radio-free-europe-funding-trump.html?searchResultPosition=1" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Court orders disbursement of RFE funds</a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/05/01/us/politics/attorney-general-lifts-ban-on-subpoenaing-reporters-notes-in-leak-investigations.html?smid=url-share&amp;smid=nytcore-android-share" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">AG enables subpoenas for reporters' notes</a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/05/02/us/politics/trump-funding-npr-pbs.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Trump EO to defund NPR PBS</a></span></p>
<p><span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/05/02/us/politics/trump-blocks-federal-news-funding.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Court upholds defunding of RFE/RL MEBN</a></span></p>
<p><a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2025/05/07/trump-administration-far-right-news-voice-of-america-00333631" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Trump official seeks to publish pro-Trump outlet through VOA</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://newsguild.org/dc-circuit-court-overturns-stay-orders-restoration-of-funding-to-radio-free-asia/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Full DC Circuit Court forces release of some funds to USG media</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/06/20/us/politics/voice-america-layoffs.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Over 600 VOA staff laid off</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/09/29/us/politics/voa-voice-of-america-layoffs.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Judge reinstates over 500 VOA staff</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.cbsnews.com/news/trump-signs-rescissions-package-foreign-aid-npr-pbs-funding/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">CBP funding rescinded</a></p>
<p><a href="https://cpb.org/pressroom/Corporation-Public-Broadcasting-Addresses-Operations-Following-Loss-Federal-Funding" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">CBP winding down with no FY26 funding</a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.foxnews.com/media/fcc-chair-levels-threat-against-abc-disney-after-kimmel-suggested-charlie-kirk-assassin-maga" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>FCC threatens license revocation</span></a></p>
<p><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2026/01/14/stars-and-stripes-trump-loyalty-test/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>NEW - Trump loyalty test on Stars &amp; Stripes employees</span></a></p>
            </div>
    </div>




            </div>
<p>&nbsp;</p>
<p>This graphic is based on an earlier <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/107377/trump-control-us-media-information/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">article</a> I wrote for <i>Just Security</i>, which synthesized numerous breaking news items to illuminate a set of growing threats to press freedom. Those threats came from aggressive actions by the Trump administration, such as evicting independent media organizations from office space in the Pentagon in favor of enthusiastically pro-Trump outlets, and from appeasement actions by media outlets &ndash; like the ABC&rsquo;s $15 million settlement with then-candidate Donald Trump in a case that legal experts say it could have readily won on the merits.</p>
<p>There is every reason to expect that freedom of the press will remain under threat for the foreseeable future, but the public will only be able to comprehend the scale and severity of the threat if individual developments are explained in reference to the bigger picture. And press freedom is far from the only pillar of a democratic society that is under attack. One could readily imagine running this same exercise to develop &ldquo;Big Picture Trackers&rdquo; that help keep track of threats to judicial independence, right to counsel, voting rights, and more.</p>
<hr>
<h2>Latest Analysis</h2>
<h3>February 26, 2026</h3>
<p><span>Press freedom in the United States has continued to come under attack since the last reporting period (Dec. 9), with individual journalists bearing the brunt of recent events through a mix of layoffs, arrests, and in one case an FBI raid of a journalist&rsquo;s home.</span></p>
<p><span>A seismic shift in the press landscape came in the first week of February 2026, with mass layoffs at the </span><i><span>Washington Post</span></i><span>. The storied broadsheet, bought by Amazon billionaire Jeff Bezos in 2013, terminated roughly </span><a href="https://apnews.com/article/washington-post-staff-reduction-layoffs-cuts-923f87d4bd319c8a64b278165d0a6e27" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>one third of its staff</span></a><span>, shuttering its</span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/04/business/media/washington-post-layoffs-sports-section.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> <span>sports desk</span></a><span>, ending its</span><a href="https://www.newyorker.com/books/page-turner/the-death-of-book-world" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> <span>book section</span></a><span>, and decimating its</span><a href="https://www.npr.org/2026/02/13/nx-s1-5707268/these-foreign-correspondents-covered-hard-to-reach-places-then-they-were-laid-off" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> <span>international reporting</span></a><span>.</span></p>
<p><span>Reflecting on the news, former </span><i><span>Washington Post</span></i><span> editor</span><a href="https://www.newyorker.com/news/annals-of-communications/how-jeff-bezos-brought-down-the-washington-post" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> <span>Marty Baron</span></a><span> said: &ldquo;Bezos&rsquo;s sickening efforts to curry favor with President Trump have left an especially ugly stain . . . This is a case study in near-instant, self-inflicted brand destruction.&rdquo;</span></p>
<p><span>At a more granular level, individual journalists were arrested as they covered protests following the surge by Immigrations and Customs Enforcement (ICE) in Minnesota that resulted in the high-profile killings of Renee Good and Alex Pretti. In two prominent cases, former </span><i><span>CNN </span></i><span>anchor Don Lemon and independent journalist Georgina Fort have both pleaded</span><a href="https://minnesotareformer.com/2026/02/17/journalist-georgia-fort-pleads-not-guilty-to-felony-charges-stemming-from-church-protest/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> <span>not guilty</span></a><span> to the felony charges brought against them.</span></p>
<p><span>Speaking to the press after her court hearing, Fort noted that &ldquo;[t]he attack on the press did not start with my arrest.&rdquo; She highlighted examples including</span><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/oct/28/journalist-mario-guevara-trump-ice-deportations" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> <span>Mario Guevara</span></a><span>, who was arrested and deported to El Salvador after covering ICE protests, and</span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tMDFu03uXgE" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> <span>Jana Shortel</span></a><span>, who was pepper sprayed while wearing press credentials at the scene when Pretti was killed.</span></p>
<p><span>Similarly shocking was the FBI raid, in January, of the home of </span><i><span>Washington Post</span></i><span> journalist</span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/01/14/us/politics/fbi-washington-post-journalist.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> <span>Hannah Natanson</span></a><span>. Law enforcement officials seized items including her laptop, phone, and smartwatch. The raid is the most high-profile consequence to date of Attorney General Pam Bondi&rsquo;s decision last year to</span><a href="https://s3.documentcloud.org/documents/25919716/attorney-general-bondi-memorandum-updated-policy-regarding-obtaining-information-from-or-records-of-members-of-the-news-media.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> <span>rescind</span></a><span> a Biden-era</span><a href="https://www.justice.gov/archives/ag/file/1557506/dl?inline=" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> <span>memo</span></a><span> that precluded the Department of Justice from compelling reporters to disclose information obtained within the scope of their newsgathering activities. (In two bright spots, the </span><i><span>Washington Post</span></i><span> editorial board came out strongly in</span><a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2026/01/14/fbi-raid-press-freedom-first-amendment" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> <span>support</span></a><span> of Natanson and the First Amendment rights of all journalists, and a U.S. magistrate judge ruled Feb. 24 that federal authorities </span><a href="https://www.nbcwashington.com/news/local/judge-bars-government-post-reporter-seized-devices/4066477/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>could not search the electronic devices</span></a><span> they seized in the raid, though that case is ongoing.)</span></p>
<p><span>In what is becoming something of a pattern of late-night comedians serving as the vanguard of press freedom, Stephen Colbert took to the airwaves in February to call out his employer, </span><i><span>CBS News</span></i><span>, for</span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/17/business/media/colbert-cbs-fcc-talarico-carr.html?smid=nytcore-ios-share" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> <span>censoring his interview</span></a><span> with a Democratic candidate for the U.S. Senate. The decision by </span><i><span>CBS </span></i><span>seems to have been a case of self-censorship via an over-broad interpretation of new</span><a href="https://www.fcc.gov/document/bureau-provides-guidance-political-equal-opportunities-requirement" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> <span>guidance</span></a><span> by the Federal Communications Commission regarding late-night talk shows.</span></p>
<p><span>Finally, Trump&rsquo;s efforts to sue the </span><i><span>Wall Street Journal</span></i><span> and the </span><i><span>New York Times</span></i><span> continue to proceed slowly through the court system. Both outlets have filed motions to dismiss (see</span><a href="https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.flsd.693830/gov.uscourts.flsd.693830.35.0_1.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> <span>here</span></a><span>, and</span><a href="https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.flmd.447437/gov.uscourts.flmd.447437.44.0.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> <span>here</span></a><span>), and it&rsquo;s worth monitoring how these cases unfold.</span></p>
<p><span>Even looking at the cumulative impact of events as the above interactive graphic does may underplay the broader impact.&nbsp; It doesn&rsquo;t account, for example, for the chilling effect that such singular examples have on other journalists as they go about their daily reporting duties. Even as journalists continue to cover ICE protests, what are the extra safeguards they have to take, the additional anxieties they carry? How much do they feel compelled to self-censor? What is it to work for an employer that you are no longer confident has your back? What is the cumulative impact of working in a profession that is regularly and routinely demeaned and attacked, legally and rhetorically, with the full authority of state power?</span></p>
<h2>Analysis from Previous Updates</h2>
<h3>December 9, 2025</h3>
<p><span>Since the previous update of this tracker in October, most new developments have harmed the media environment. First though, an encouraging development to highlight: On Oct. 15, there was an impressive act of collective resistance by the media. Rather than agreeing to sign the so-called Pentagon &ldquo;pledge&rdquo; that would have severely restricted ordinary news gathering, almost all of the journalists in the Pentagon press corps turned in their access cards and </span><a href="https://apnews.com/article/pentagon-press-access-hegseth-trump-restrictions-5d9c2a63e4e03b91fc1546bb09ffbf12" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>walked out</span></a><span> en masse.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>Those restrictions reflect the more general trend during this reporting cycle: the Trump administration is increasing its hostility towards the press on two fronts &ndash; legal and rhetorical. And these two sets of actions proceed on distinctly different timelines.</span></p>
<p><span>With respect to legal action, in cases where media outlets have resisted the Trump administration&rsquo;s attacks, litigation is moving slowly through the courts. Since the last update, President Donald Trump refiled his $15 billion libel suit against the </span><i><span>New York Times</span></i><span> that, readers will recall, U.S. District Judge Steven D. Merryday </span><a href="https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.flmd.447437/gov.uscourts.flmd.447437.5.0.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>struck down</span></a><span> as &ldquo;decidedly improper and impermissible,&rdquo; with leave to amend. Meanwhile, in his suit against the </span><i><span>Wall Street Journal</span></i><span>, Trump also continues to push forward, recently asking the court to</span><a href="https://abcnews.go.com/amp/US/trump-seeks-proceed-10b-lawsuit-wsj-story-epsteins/story?id=126717491" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> <span>deny</span></a><span> the WSJ&rsquo;s request that the $10 billion defamation suit be dismissed.</span></p>
<p><span>There is an emerging pattern from the 2024 election season onwards of Trump suing media outlets for enormous sums of money with one of two outcomes resulting. In one set of cases, the parent companies of outlets (including ABC, Paramount, and Meta) moved quickly to settle legally winnable cases; this effectively signaled to Trump that what amounts to a shakedown strategy can be effective. In the other cases, though, media outlets are resisting. The current litigation against the </span><i><span>New York Times</span></i><span> and the </span><i><span>Wall Street Journal </span></i><span>falls</span><span> into this set, with legal proceedings likely to be ongoing for the foreseeable future.</span></p>
<p><span>Turning to rhetorical action, this moves at a much more rapid pace. Long before Trump&rsquo;s current term in office, he was renowned for demeaning journalists who were critical of him or who pursued lines of questioning that he didn&rsquo;t like. Since the last tracker update, Trump&rsquo;s disparaging approach targeted </span><a href="https://www.cnn.com/2025/12/09/politics/video/trump-insults-female-reporter-vrtc" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>female journalists</span></a><span> in particular; among several incidents, one example went viral. At an informal press briefing in mid-November, Trump pointed his finger at Bloomberg White House correspondent Catherine Lucey, instructing &ldquo;</span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IvtLf0N8NrI" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Quiet. Quiet piggy</span></a><span>,&rdquo; after Lucey asked a follow up question about late alleged sex-trafficker Jeffrey Epstein. Coming on the heels of the release of a new set of Epstein emails, Trump&rsquo;s reflexive misogyny generated a public</span><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/nov/19/trump-quiet-piggy" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> <span>outcry</span></a><span>. The result though, has not been for the Trump administration to shy away from these spectacles, but rather to generate more.</span></p>
<p><span>On Nov. 28, the White House launched a so-called</span><a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/mediabias/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> <span>Media Bias Tracker</span></a><span> on its website featuring a &ldquo;Media Offender of the Week&rdquo; and an &ldquo;Offender Hall of Shame.&rdquo; Individual reporters are called out by name, their articles labeled with tags including &ldquo;lie,&rdquo; &ldquo;bias,&rdquo; or &ldquo;left-wing lunacy.&rdquo; It is the same style of bullying that has long been characteristic of Trump&rsquo;s interactions with journalists he disfavors, but now it is being promulgated, systematically and at scale, from the White House, on the taxpayers&rsquo; dime.</span></p>
<p><span>Finally, of particular significance since the last update, the Trump administration</span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/10/03/us/mario-guevara-journalist-deported.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> <span>deported</span></a><span> Emmy Award-winning journalist</span><a href="https://www.aclu.org/cases/guevara-v-francis" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> <span>Mario Guevara</span></a><span> to El Salvador, after he covered ICE raids in Atlanta. Guevara had a U.S. work permit and has a U.S. citizen mother and</span><a href="https://www.aclu.org/cases/guevara-v-francis?document=Declaration-of-Oscar-Guevara-Saenz" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> <span>children</span></a><span>. Asked about U.S. press freedom after his deportation to El Salvador, he concluded: &ldquo;</span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8Hqf_ld8woI" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>It&rsquo;s damaged &hellip; it&rsquo;s horrible</span></a><span>.&rdquo;&nbsp;</span></p>
<h3>October 3, 2025</h3>
<p><span>After the previous press tracker update on Aug. 4, there was a relative lull in activity through the remainder of August. That changed in mid-September, with a flurry of attacks on press freedom in the aftermath of the assassination of conservative activist Charlie Kirk.</span></p>
<p><span>The most high-profile threat in this period came as Federal Communications Commission Chairman Brendan Carr reacted to comments made by late-night comedian Jimmy Kimmel in relation to Kirk&rsquo;s assassination. Two major owners of ABC affiliates, Sinclair and Nexstar, said they would boycott the show, and then Carr, in an </span><a href="https://x.com/BulwarkOnline/status/1968392506711613526" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>interview</span></a><span> with far-right podcaster Benny Johnson, implied that the FCC would consider revoking Disney&rsquo;s broadcast license (Disney is the parent company of ABC, which produces Kimmel&rsquo;s show) if it did not pull Kimmel off the air. Here are excerpts from that interview:&nbsp;&nbsp;</span></p>
<blockquote><p><span>&ldquo;[T]here&rsquo;s actions that we can take on licensed broadcasters. And frankly, I think that it&rsquo;s sort of past time that a lot of these licensed broadcasters themselves push back on Comcast and Disney and say, &ldquo;Listen, we are going to preempt. </span><b>We are not going to run Kimmel anymore until you straighten this out because we the licensed broadcaster (cq) are running the possibility of fines or license revocations from the FCC</b><span> if we continue to run content that ends up being a pattern of news distortion.&rdquo;</span></p></blockquote>
<p><span>Whether or not Carr intended this as a direct threat to Disney, that is evidently how the corporation understood it; just hours later, ABC announced that Kimmel&rsquo;s show was suspended &ldquo;</span><a href="https://www.cnn.com/2025/09/17/media/jimmy-kimmel-charlie-kirk-trump-fcc-brendan-carr" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>indefinitely</span></a><span>.&rdquo; President Trump then </span><a href="https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/posts/115222372625104790" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>posted</span></a><span> on Truth Social &ldquo;Congratulations to ABC for finally having the courage to do what had to be done.&rdquo;</span></p>
<p><span>What followed was an immediate and intense pushback by consumers, who</span><a href="https://www.usatoday.com/story/entertainment/tv/2025/09/19/disney-plus-cancellations/86249954007/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> <span>boycotted</span></a><span> Disney&rsquo;s streaming service; celebrities, who spoke out; and members of Congress, including Republican Senator Ted Cruz, who</span><a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/business/business-news/pressure-mounts-disney-kimmel-suspension-boycott-calls-spread-rcna232396" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> <span>described Carr&rsquo;s comments</span></a><span> as &ldquo;dangerous as hell.&rdquo; A week later, ABC announced that Kimmel&rsquo;s show would return to air, although&nbsp; </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/09/23/business/media/jimmy-kimmel-nexstar-sinclair-boycott.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Sinclair and Nexstar</span></a><span> initially still refused to carry his program. Trump </span><a href="https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/posts/115256938634035559" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>reacted</span></a><span> with further threats on Truth Social:</span></p>
<blockquote><p><span>&ldquo;I can&rsquo;t believe ABC Fake News gave Jimmy Kimmel his job back. The White House was told by ABC that his Show was cancelled! &hellip; I think we&rsquo;re going to test ABC out on this. Let&rsquo;s see how we do. Last time I went after them, they gave me $16 Million Dollars. This one sounds even more lucrative.&rdquo; (Trump appears to be referring to the $15 million settlement he got from ABC when he was president-elect, after suing them for defamation in a claim that legal experts believed ABC could have won).</span></p></blockquote>
<p><span>The Kimmel cancellation was not an outlier in the aftermath of Kirk&rsquo;s assassination. The </span><i><span>Washington Post</span></i><span> fired Global Opinion columnist, Karen Attiah, for &ldquo;public comments on social media regarding the death of Charlie Kirk&rdquo; (read dismissal email</span><a href="https://karenattiah.substack.com/p/why-washington-post-fired-me" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> <span>here</span></a><span>).</span> <a href="https://karenattiah.substack.com/p/the-washington-post-fired-me-but" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Attiah</span></a><span>, an award-winning journalist and 11-year veteran of the </span><i><span>Post</span></i><span>, was also the paper&rsquo;s last remaining full-time Black columnist. Attiah is</span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/09/24/business/media/washington-post-karen-attiah.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> <span>challenging the legality</span></a><span> of her termination.</span></p>
<p><span>Beyond self-censorship and threats to harm outlets in relation to Kirk&rsquo;s assassination, reporters and outlets disfavored by Trump continue to face hostile conditions more generally. Trump continues to display personal </span><a href="https://bsky.app/profile/atrupar.com/post/3lyxjkbpkhh26" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>antagonism</span></a><span> towards certain reporters, and on Sept. 15, he </span><a href="https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.flmd.447437/gov.uscourts.flmd.447437.1.0.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>sued</span></a><span> the </span><i><span>New York Times</span></i><span> for $15 billion in a defamation claim. The judge immediately </span><a href="https://www.reuters.com/business/media-telecom/judge-strikes-trumps-lawsuit-against-new-york-times-over-its-content-2025-09-19/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>struck down the filing</span></a><span> for failing to meet the basic requirements of such suits, but Trump has leave to file an amended complaint. Another such lawsuit by Trump is also pending &ndash; the defamation claim he filed against the </span><i><span>Wall Street Journal</span></i><span> in August. On Sept. 22, the </span><i><span>Journal </span></i><a href="https://abcnews.go.com/US/wsj-moves-dismiss-trumps-10b-lawsuit-alleged-letter/story?id=125830250" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>filed for dismissal</span></a><span> of that suit.</span></p>
<p><span>Finally, the administration&nbsp; renewed efforts to erode access for reporters who cover national security. Readers will recall (see the accompanying graphic) that Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth had already taken action earlier this year to erode access by ousting several media outlets from their longtime offices and desks in the Pentagon press area. Then in May, he posted a message on X severely </span><a href="https://apnews.com/article/military-pentagon-hegseth-press-access-ff9ed0431848cae8816108a8b19c640f" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>restricting reporters&rsquo; movements</span></a><span> within the Pentagon. In a memo released on Sept. 19, he announced that reporters covering the Pentagon would be required to sign a </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/09/20/us/pentagon-press-restrictions.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>pledge</span></a><span> not to gather any information, including unclassified material, unless &ldquo;approved for public release by an appropriate authorizing official before it is released&hellip;&rdquo; The </span><a href="https://www.press.org/newsroom/national-press-club-statement-pentagon-restrictions-threaten-independent-reporting" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>National Press Club</span></a><span> and other associations of journalists have </span><a href="https://thehill.com/policy/defense/5522567-hegseth-pentagon-press-policy/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>condemned</span></a> <span>the memo as a dangerous incursion on the free press, and the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press is </span><a href="https://www.rcfp.org/pentagon-press-restrictions-statement/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>challenging </span></a><span>the move. The memo also formalizes the movement restrictions, which had gone into effect, with &ldquo;updated physical control measures for press/media access within the Pentagon.&rdquo;</span></p>
<h3>August 4, 2025</h3>
<p><span>Since the previous tracker update on June 30, press freedom in the United States has continued to deteriorate. Developments in relation to two threats are of particular note.&nbsp;</span></p>
<p><span>First, there were unprecedented actions in relation to the threat classified in this graphic as &ldquo;Harm to Outlets,&rdquo; which tracks instances of State power being used to harass or shutter media outlets. On July 24, Trump signed a bill that Congress passed at his behest to </span><a href="https://www.cbsnews.com/news/trump-signs-rescissions-package-foreign-aid-npr-pbs-funding/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>rescind</span></a><span> funding it had previously appropriated for the Corporation for Public Broadcasting (CPB). Then, on July 31, the Senate Appropriations Committee voted </span><a href="https://thehill.com/business/budget/5429713-public-broadcasting-funding-senate/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>not to provide CPB funding</span></a><span> going forward. This marks the first time that Congress, which established the CPB in 1967 as a private nonprofit, will not appropriate funds for the Corporation. The CPB&rsquo;s role has been to distribute federal funds to support more than 1,500 locally managed and operated public television and radio stations nationwide, as well as their research, technology, and program development. </span><a href="https://cpb.org/pressroom/Corporation-Public-Broadcasting-Addresses-Operations-Following-Loss-Federal-Funding" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>On Aug. 1, the CPB </span><span>announced</span></a><span> that it would be closing.</span></p>
<p><span>Second, in relation to the threat category &ldquo;Currying Favor&rdquo; which tracks deal-making between the president and media/platform owners, the Trump administration approved the </span><a href="https://www.pbs.org/newshour/show/the-politics-behind-the-8b-paramount-skydance-merger" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>Paramount-Skydance merger</span></a><span>. The approval came after Paramount agreed to a </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/07/02/business/media/paramount-trump-60-minutes-lawsuit.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>$16 million settlement deal</span></a><span> with Trump over his lawsuit against Paramount over the CBS show 60 Minutes&rsquo; pre-election interview with Kamala Harris. (This joins the list of multi-million dollar settlements by major outlets with Trump in relation to suits that legal experts say could have been won by the outlets in court.) The merger approval also came on the heels of an announcement by CBS that it was </span><a href="https://apnews.com/article/stephen-colbert-late-show-cbs-end-8bad9f16f076df62c0ffc50e9c8adbab" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>canceling</span></a><span> &ldquo;The Late Show with Stephen Colbert.&rdquo; Colbert has been a fierce critic of both Trump and the Paramount-Skydance merger.</span></p>
<p><span>Among the dynamics to watch in the month ahead is the escalating fight between Trump and the </span><i><span>Wall Street Journal</span></i><span>, after the paper reported on a lewd birthday card sent by Trump to the now-deceased child sex offender, Jeffrey Epstein. Invoking tactics that are becoming familiar, Trump </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2025/07/21/business/media/trump-scotland-wsj-press-pool.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>excluded a </span><i><span>Wall Street Journal</span></i><span> reporter</span></a><span> from one of his press pools in Scotland, and filed a </span><a href="https://static01.nyt.com/newsgraphics/documenttools/1fb8ca7c78ffa801/da62860f-full.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><span>$10 billion lawsuit</span></a><span> against the </span><i><span>Journal </span></i><span>for defamation.</span></p>
<p><em>(Readers are invited to submit by <a href="mailto:lte@justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">email</a> any developments we may have missed. This article is part of the <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/106653/collection-trump-administration-executive-actions/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Collection: Just Security&rsquo;s Coverage of the Trump Administration&rsquo;s Executive Actions</a>. Readers might also be interested in <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/112876/podcast-keeping-track-big-picture-press-freedom/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Just Security Podcast: Keeping Track of the Big Picture&ndash;Challenges to Press Freedom and Beyond.</a><a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/112876/podcast-keeping-track-big-picture-press-freedom/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">)</a></em></p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/112792/trump-administrations-state-power-big-picture/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Trump Administration&rsquo;s Use of State Power Against Media: Keeping Track of the Big Picture</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-02-26T17:00:48+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Rebecca Hamilton</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-02-26T17:00:48+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="accountability"/>

	<category term="civil liberties"/>

	<category term="courts"/>

	<category term="democracy"/>

	<category term="democracy &amp; rule of law"/>

	<category term="democratic backsliding &amp; solutions"/>

	<category term="donald trump"/>

	<category term="executive branch"/>

	<category term="executive orders"/>

	<category term="executive power"/>

	<category term="featured articles"/>

	<category term="freedom of expression"/>

	<category term="freedom of the press"/>

	<category term="journalism"/>

	<category term="litigation"/>

	<category term="media"/>

	<category term="news media"/>

	<category term="trump administration second term"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-02-26:/281026</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131966/trump-administration-accountable-violating-court-orders/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=trump-administration-accountable-violating-court-orders" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Confrontation in Court: How to Hold the Trump Administration Accountable for Violating Court Orders</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>The Trump administration&rsquo;s surge in deportation operations has put an unprecedented strain on both c...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>The Trump administration&rsquo;s surge in deportation operations has put an unprecedented strain on both communities and courts around the country. <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/02/10/ice-immigration-detention-court-orders-00771727" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Alarming</a> <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/18/us/politics/court-orders-new-jersey-immigrants.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">reports</a> this month highlight in painstaking detail one added challenge federal courts are facing in managing the growing caseload of habeas cases: how widespread the administration&rsquo;s defiance of court orders has become in immigration cases.</p>
<p>The strain has been particularly acute in Minnesota, where judges are managing the legal fallout of Operation Metro Surge, which began on Nov. 29 when the Trump administration started sending 3,000 immigration agents to Minneapolis. But orders issued last month by Chief Judge Patrick Schiltz of the District Court of Minnesota illustrate two powerful strategies to hold the Trump administration accountable for violating court orders: calling high-ranking government witnesses to testify about noncompliance, and shining an authoritative spotlight on the unprecedented number of court orders violated during this administration.</p>
<p>The case, <a href="https://protect.checkpoint.com/v2/r01/___https:/www.courtlistener.com/docket/72120823/tobay-robles-v-noem/___.YzJ1OnByb3RlY3RkZW1vY3JhY3k6YzpnOjFmZmU4ZWE5ZmQ1ODM1OTBiNDQxYjUwYWJkZjU0MDdiOjc6YTI0YzpiYzUxNzAwMWUyYWRlZjUwZmU0MjAzOWUxMDBlYjAyOWQzNzg5MzRjNzViNjc1ZjFiMjVkY2M3YTlkYjQ4YWYwOnA6VDpG" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><em>Tobay Robles v. Noem</em></a><em>,</em> is one of the many habeas cases pending in the District of Minnesota. After lawyers for Juan Hugo Tobay Robles, a 43-year-old Ecuadoran man, notified the court that their client remained detained in violation of a court order for his release, Judge Schiltz scheduled a show cause hearing, an opportunity for the defendant, the Department of Homeland Security, to explain why it should not face penalties for the violation.</p>
<p>This was no routine scheduling notice. In a <a href="https://protect.checkpoint.com/v2/r01/___https:/www.courtlistener.com/docket/72120823/7/tobay-robles-v-noem/___.YzJ1OnByb3RlY3RkZW1vY3JhY3k6YzpnOjFmZmU4ZWE5ZmQ1ODM1OTBiNDQxYjUwYWJkZjU0MDdiOjc6Mzg5ZTo1NGNiNmMxMzYyNjQxMmQzYjc0MzMwZTVkZDk4Yzc2M2UxZWQxNTUzYjUxY2VmMWM2YTNiMDI3YjE5NmZmYzU1OnA6VDpG" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">short but explosive order</a>, the judge wrote that Tobay Robles&rsquo; case was &ldquo;one of dozens of court orders with which respondents have failed to comply in recent weeks&rdquo; and ordered Todd Lyons, the acting director of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), to personally appear at the hearing three days later to &ldquo;show cause why he should not be held in contempt of court for violating the Court&rsquo;s January 14, 2026, order.&rdquo; The order stipulated that the hearing would be cancelled, and Lyons&rsquo; appearance no longer required, if the plaintiff were released from government custody.</p>
<p>Within hours of the judge&rsquo;s order, the government released Tobay Robles. And as promised, the court cancelled the show cause hearing.</p>
<p>The <a href="https://protect.checkpoint.com/v2/r01/___https:/www.courtlistener.com/docket/72120823/10/tobay-robles-v-noem/___.YzJ1OnByb3RlY3RkZW1vY3JhY3k6YzpnOjFmZmU4ZWE5ZmQ1ODM1OTBiNDQxYjUwYWJkZjU0MDdiOjc6YzVlZjpkYzUzNWZiY2I4M2Y0NjQ4N2E0ZWY5OGFlYmEyNTkzMDM1Y2I3YmE3YTY3NWUyMTRiNThmYjgwODIxNmU3MDc0OnA6VDpG" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">order</a> cancelling the hearing was also anything but an ordinary case management order:</p>
<blockquote><p>[A]s promised, the Court will cancel the hearing, and Lyons will not be required to appear.</p>
<p>That does not end the Court&rsquo;s concerns, however. Attached to this order is an appendix that identifies 96 court orders that ICE has violated in 74 cases. The extent of ICE&rsquo;s noncompliance is almost certainly substantially understated. This list is confined to orders issued since January 1, 2026, and the list was hurriedly compiled by extraordinarily busy judges. Undoubtedly, mistakes were made, and orders that should have appeared on this list were omitted.</p>
<p>This list should give pause to anyone&mdash;no matter his or her political beliefs&mdash;who cares about the rule of law. ICE has likely violated more court orders in January 2026 than some federal agencies have violated in their entire existence. The Court warns ICE that future noncompliance with court orders may result in future show&#8208;cause orders requiring the personal appearances of Lyons or other government officials. ICE is not a law unto itself. ICE has every right to challenge the orders of this Court, but, like any litigant, ICE must follow those orders unless and until they are overturned or vacated.</p></blockquote>
<p>It has been clear since long before this case that the Trump administration&rsquo;s relationship with the federal courts&mdash;and especially its failure to comply with dozens of federal court orders in constitutional and Administration Procedure Act cases, as <a href="https://protect.checkpoint.com/v2/r01/___https:/www.justsecurity.org/120547/presumption-regularity-trump-administration-litigation/___.YzJ1OnByb3RlY3RkZW1vY3JhY3k6YzpnOjFmZmU4ZWE5ZmQ1ODM1OTBiNDQxYjUwYWJkZjU0MDdiOjc6ZmI1Yjo0MzFiYmMxODBmNGM0NzY1ODc2YjA5MmFmYTAwMWRiODk3Y2VkZjc3MGY1NDc0MzE5ZTcyZWJhN2FkOTAxYWY3OnA6VDpG" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><em>Just Security</em></a><a href="https://protect.checkpoint.com/v2/r01/___https:/www.justsecurity.org/120547/presumption-regularity-trump-administration-litigation/___.YzJ1OnByb3RlY3RkZW1vY3JhY3k6YzpnOjFmZmU4ZWE5ZmQ1ODM1OTBiNDQxYjUwYWJkZjU0MDdiOjc6ZmI1Yjo0MzFiYmMxODBmNGM0NzY1ODc2YjA5MmFmYTAwMWRiODk3Y2VkZjc3MGY1NDc0MzE5ZTcyZWJhN2FkOTAxYWY3OnA6VDpG" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> has documented</a>&mdash;has been markedly different than past administrations. As analysis from <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/02/10/ice-immigration-detention-court-orders-00771727" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><em>POLITICO</em></a> makes clear, Tobay Robles&rsquo; experience is sadly far from unique in individual immigration proceedings as well. However, holding the executive branch accountable for those violations has challenged litigators and courts alike, especially as the administration has <a href="https://protect.checkpoint.com/v2/r01/___https:/papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=5241936___.YzJ1OnByb3RlY3RkZW1vY3JhY3k6YzpnOjFmZmU4ZWE5ZmQ1ODM1OTBiNDQxYjUwYWJkZjU0MDdiOjc6MjI3MDowOTQ2YjczZGVmYzU2NGQ0ZTQyZTVmNmNiOGQwMDZhNGZmMDUwZjViY2NhMTQ3YWQyN2NlOWI5OTI5ZmU2NjdmOnA6VDpG" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">weaponized</a> legal arguments and procedures to avoid exposing their noncompliance.</p>
<p>But in <em>Tobay Robles</em>, Judge Schiltz and the District of Minnesota judges who worked together to compile the list of court order violations modeled two powerful forms of accountability for violations of court orders.</p>
<h2><strong>Calling Witnesses Forces Compliance</strong><strong>&nbsp;</strong></h2>
<p>The first lesson is that this administration is afraid to allow its top officials to testify about court order defiance. Taking the stand would have required Lyons to testify under penalty of perjury, to subject himself to examination by opposing counsel or the presiding judge, and to be prepared to answer detailed factual questions about his and his agents&rsquo; actions. It is one thing to defy a court in the abstract and to hide behind the protective lawyering of the Department of Justice. It is another thing entirely to show up and defy a judge, and the constitutional judicial power they represent, to their face.</p>
<p>(It is worth noting that not all DOJ lawyers are willing to make excuses for defiant behavior. As Judge Schiltz noted in his show cause order, the assistant U.S. attorneys on the case &ldquo;struggled mightily to ensure that respondents comply with court orders despite the fact that respondents have failed to provide them with adequate resources.&rdquo; The civil division chief referenced by name in the order has since <a href="https://protect.checkpoint.com/v2/r01/___https:/kstp.com/kstp-news/top-news/star-tribune-8-more-federal-prosecutors-leaving-minnesota-u-s-attorneys-office/___.YzJ1OnByb3RlY3RkZW1vY3JhY3k6YzpnOjFmZmU4ZWE5ZmQ1ODM1OTBiNDQxYjUwYWJkZjU0MDdiOjc6OWY1Njo5ZTQ4NjUwNjUxZjRiZjRiM2U3ZWI1MTg3MTZmMDFhM2ExZjFiNmUwNTJmOTJmNDFmMjgwZjJlMjUwZDk4NjlkOnA6VDpG" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">resigned</a>.)</p>
<p>Judge Schiltz called the administration&rsquo;s bluff that they would come in and have a defensible answer for their actions. And the administration blinked.</p>
<p>Requiring top officials to appear in court to testify looks like it is becoming a winning strategy for judges to force court order compliance. Before <em>Tobay Robles</em>, few judges had sought this kind of accountability, perhaps out of deference to the executive branch, a well-intentioned risk aversion to dealing with claims of <a href="https://protect.checkpoint.com/v2/r01/___https:/www.justsecurity.org/68288/executive-privilege-cannot-block-boltons-testimony/___.YzJ1OnByb3RlY3RkZW1vY3JhY3k6YzpnOjFmZmU4ZWE5ZmQ1ODM1OTBiNDQxYjUwYWJkZjU0MDdiOjc6OGYyYzpiZGYxMGRlOTkxMzMzZGM4NGEwMjEzMjJmZTcxNDE3Y2E1MDgyMmFlNjcwNGIzNzhkYmU2MzRkNGZlODdlZGNjOnA6VDpG" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">executive privilege</a> to excuse testimony, or the risk of politicized impeachment proceedings, like those against District of D.C. Judge <a href="https://protect.checkpoint.com/v2/r01/___https:/www.congress.gov/bill/119th-congress/house-resolution/229/text___.YzJ1OnByb3RlY3RkZW1vY3JhY3k6YzpnOjFmZmU4ZWE5ZmQ1ODM1OTBiNDQxYjUwYWJkZjU0MDdiOjc6MjUzNzpkMTg5YTkxYzdiNjljMDQyYzc1MGRmZDdmYzZkNGIwYmNhMWZhNDllNjg4MGIyZmZkMTFkODM4OWZjZGNmZDQ1OnA6VDpG" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">James A. Boasberg</a>, for addressing executive defiance.</p>
<p>But the few other judges who have ordered testimony from Trump officials have been able to use those orders to appear to answer questions about noncompliance or factual misrepresentations. In March 2025, Judge William Alsup of the Northern District of California scheduled a hearing in <a href="https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/69655364/american-federation-of-government-employees-afl-cio-v-united-states/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><em>AFGE v. OPM</em></a>, a case challenging Reduction in Force notices sent to thousands of federal employees, requiring the testimony of Acting Director of the Office of Personnel Management Charles Ezell. In support of the government&rsquo;s opposition brief to plaintiffs&rsquo; motion for a preliminary injunction, Ezell filed a sworn declaration stating that he never ordered agencies to carry out the challenged mass firings. Judge Alsup made the judgment to require Ezell&rsquo;s testimony directly.</p>
<p>Rather than defend its representations and produce Ezell for testimony, the government took the extraordinary step of filing a <a href="https://protect.checkpoint.com/v2/r01/___https:/www.courtlistener.com/docket/69655364/97/american-federation-of-government-employees-afl-cio-v-united-states/___.YzJ1OnByb3RlY3RkZW1vY3JhY3k6YzpnOjFmZmU4ZWE5ZmQ1ODM1OTBiNDQxYjUwYWJkZjU0MDdiOjc6MmVhYjpmZGQ2MDlhMDhmYmRjMWQyN2NiZjU0ZGQ4ZjUzZDlkOTY4ZWRmYTJmNjU2YzMxODVhZGFlYzY0ZWM4ZjlhOTkxOnA6VDpG" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">notice</a> retracting his declaration entirely, and stating that they would not produce Ezell for testimony as he was no longer a relevant fact witness. With the administration&rsquo;s main piece of evidence against injunctive relief retracted, Judge Alsup <a href="https://protect.checkpoint.com/v2/r01/___https:/abcnews.go.com/US/top-trump-administration-official-lie-mass-firings-federal/story?id=119679685___.YzJ1OnByb3RlY3RkZW1vY3JhY3k6YzpnOjFmZmU4ZWE5ZmQ1ODM1OTBiNDQxYjUwYWJkZjU0MDdiOjc6ODg5NjphY2RjNTU2Y2FjOTRmYzExYzI2OWUyZjIwMTcyMjk5YWI2MmJiZThkNGZiYjM3OGUyZjAyMjA2NGI2NzE4YTdiOnA6VDpG" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">easily</a> granted plaintiffs their requested preliminary relief. The administration would rather lose in court than put their officials on the stand.</p>
<p>These are only two data points, and perhaps there are alternative explanations. Lyons may have made the calculation to release one individual rather than travel to Minneapolis to testify. Ezell may have thought OMB could achieve its Reductions in Force through other means than fighting a preliminary injunction. Even so, <em>Tobay Robles</em> and <em>AFGE v. OPM</em> illustrate a promising strategy&mdash;whether letting officials testify is seen as a risk to the administration, or just inconvenient, the administration changed course in response to an order to testify.</p>
<p>So why have orders for officials to testify worked where other strategies have not? The answer likely lies in the few examples in which the administration <em>has </em>allowed officials to testify. It hasn&rsquo;t gone well.</p>
<p>In <em>Chicago Headline Club</em>, a case challenging excessive and retaliatory use of force against protestors during Operation Midway Blitz, an ICE operation in Chicago, Judge Sara Ellis of the Northern District of Illinois received numerous notices from plaintiffs&rsquo; counsel that her temporary restraining order (TRO) blocking federal agents from using tear gas or other chemical munitions on protestors or journalists had been violated. (For full disclosure, colleagues of mine at Protect Democracy Project helped litigate the case.) In response, Judge Ellis ordered Gregory Bovino, the commander-at-large for Customs and Border Patrol (CBP), to testify about violations of the TRO. At an Oct. 28, 2025 <a href="https://protect.checkpoint.com/v2/r01/___https:/www.nytimes.com/2025/10/28/us/chicago-bovino-tear-gas.html___.YzJ1OnByb3RlY3RkZW1vY3JhY3k6YzpnOjFmZmU4ZWE5ZmQ1ODM1OTBiNDQxYjUwYWJkZjU0MDdiOjc6YzQ5Mjo1NjllYzQ3YzkyNDM1OWU2OWNlMzMyYzgwNTQ4YmQyZjYwZTAzYjJkNWVmNTMwYTIwMWZkNmU0ZGIwMWE2OWVmOnA6VDpG" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">hearing</a>, Judge Ellis read Bovino the restrictions she had ordered his agents to follow and walked through several examples of his agents violating those restrictions. Bovino provided few answers to the questions Judge Ellis asked about the violations and often gave one-word responses.</p>
<p>Bovino&rsquo;s subsequent court-ordered <a href="https://protect.checkpoint.com/v2/r01/___https:/www.fox9.com/news/border-patrol-chief-was-outright-lying-about-previous-ice-surge___.YzJ1OnByb3RlY3RkZW1vY3JhY3k6YzpnOjFmZmU4ZWE5ZmQ1ODM1OTBiNDQxYjUwYWJkZjU0MDdiOjc6Yjc2ODplZjFlZjIxNTkzYTRhOTUzYjI5N2FkOWFjNzQ4YjJmYWQwYjhhYmQ5MWI2Mjk1OWRmODk4NTFkYmExYjllMDBiOnA6VDpG" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">deposition</a>, in which he was faced with numerous videos of violations of the TRO, fared no better. As just one notable example, Bovino was impeached with video evidence about an earlier claim that he deployed tear gas into a crowd only after being hit in the head with a rock, ultimately admitting that he was not hit until after he threw the tear gas. Judge Ellis concluded in a <a href="https://protect.checkpoint.com/v2/r01/___https:/www.courtlistener.com/docket/71559589/281/chicago-headline-club-v-noem/___.YzJ1OnByb3RlY3RkZW1vY3JhY3k6YzpnOjFmZmU4ZWE5ZmQ1ODM1OTBiNDQxYjUwYWJkZjU0MDdiOjc6OGY3MjpkNTU4NDU1NzQ2MDQ4NTE1ZDQ0MjE4NzM5MDlhMGExZjlmNmNlNzMyNzJjMGM1ZjE5YzQ0MDY3MzQwODUxODE0OnA6VDpG" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">233-page decision</a> that &ldquo;the Court specifically finds [Bovino&rsquo;s] testimony not credible. Bovino appeared evasive over the three days of his deposition, either providing &ldquo;cute responses to Plaintiffs&rsquo; counsel&rsquo;s questions or outright lying.&rdquo; Bovino&rsquo;s disastrous testimony proved critical in obtaining a preliminary injunction against ICE tactics in Chicago. Though the injunction was stayed pending appeal and the case was voluntarily dismissed, Bovino and CBP left Chicago a few weeks later and quietly wrapped up Operation Midway Blitz.</p>
<p>A notable nuance here is that the administration does not seem to fear sending <em>any</em> federal employee into court&mdash;just certain high-level officials, and perhaps just those responsible for its most controversial actions. Career attorneys, for example, have been increasingly sent in to court to answer for the noncompliance of other federal agencies. To the contrary, the recent <a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/justice-department/attorney-government-tells-judge-ice-case-job-sucks-rcna257349" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">colloquy</a> between District of Minnesota Judge Jerry Blackwell and a Special AUSA handling ICE cases paints a picture of line attorneys who are often not equipped, purposefully or otherwise, to answer questions about noncompliance, even as the heads of the noncompliant agency component avoids testifying. For similar reasons, while recent moves by judges in Minnesota and elsewhere to <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/23/us/politics/judges-contempt-immigration-trump.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">hold lower-level officials in contempt</a> may be a necessary step toward accountability, it is unlikely to seriously dissuade the administration to address the systemic factors causing widespread violations of court orders, especially in cases involving DHS.</p>
<h2><strong>Communication is Key</strong></h2>
<p>The second strategy for accountability for court order defiance can be found in Judge Schiltz&rsquo;s second order. By including an <a href="https://protect.checkpoint.com/v2/r01/___https:/storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.mnd.230171/gov.uscourts.mnd.230171.10.1_2.pdf___.YzJ1OnByb3RlY3RkZW1vY3JhY3k6YzpnOjFmZmU4ZWE5ZmQ1ODM1OTBiNDQxYjUwYWJkZjU0MDdiOjc6OGM0ZDoxMDVhMDAwNGYzNjNmZTFiZmFkNWIxZjVlZWNlMDVhMTU3NjIzOWQ5MjBjNzcxZjJkZTY3ODliNWNiNzMyNzcwOnA6VDpG" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">appendix</a> of the staggering 96 violations of court orders in his district in January 2026 alone, Judge Schiltz performed a powerful service for the American public by exposing the depth of the court order defiance taking place across his state.</p>
<p>This strategy for accountability lies at the intersection of the power of the courts and the power of the people. As the <a href="https://protect.checkpoint.com/v2/r01/___https:/www.fjc.gov/history/administration/executive-enforcement-judicial-orders___.YzJ1OnByb3RlY3RkZW1vY3JhY3k6YzpnOjFmZmU4ZWE5ZmQ1ODM1OTBiNDQxYjUwYWJkZjU0MDdiOjc6MjFlYTowMzJiMjNiOGQ4MDUxMGJmYzNlZTg1NzgxOGNjNzlmOGI4ODI2OGNjODVmNzViMGRmYTA5ODFhNDk3M2Q0ZDM1OnA6VDpG" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">apocryphal</a> story of Andrew Jackson remarking that &ldquo;[Chief Justice] John Marshall has made his decision, now let him enforce it&rdquo; teaches us, the constitutional reality is that a determined executive branch may make the political calculus to pick an inter-branch fight with the judiciary and simply defy orders it does not want to follow. The administration has flirted with this strategy in immigration cases like the <a href="https://protect.checkpoint.com/v2/r01/___https:/www.justsecurity.org/109194/trump-violation-court-order/___.YzJ1OnByb3RlY3RkZW1vY3JhY3k6YzpnOjFmZmU4ZWE5ZmQ1ODM1OTBiNDQxYjUwYWJkZjU0MDdiOjc6YzRlNTpkYTBlMzE2YjI0MGE1ZGEyNmEwYjA0YTY3MzMzNjliNDg4MzAwNDQ3YTIxMmI0MzY5OTE3YTI2MzU2MmYwMzJiOnA6VDpG" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Alien Enemies Act case</a>, <a href="https://protect.checkpoint.com/v2/r01/___https:/www.justsecurity.org/110658/three-ways-abrego-garcias-rights-violated-two-of-which-the-government-admits/___.YzJ1OnByb3RlY3RkZW1vY3JhY3k6YzpnOjFmZmU4ZWE5ZmQ1ODM1OTBiNDQxYjUwYWJkZjU0MDdiOjc6NjY5MTpkM2VhZDllMzUzYzU5N2U0ZmMzYjY4OTc1OWVmODAzYzg2N2FmYThkYjA0ZTdkZWY5OTZkOWNkYTI2MjFkZTY2OnA6VDpG" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><em>Abrego Garcia</em></a>, and <a href="https://protect.checkpoint.com/v2/r01/___https:/www.stevevladeck.com/p/161-the-courts-disastrous-ruling___.YzJ1OnByb3RlY3RkZW1vY3JhY3k6YzpnOjFmZmU4ZWE5ZmQ1ODM1OTBiNDQxYjUwYWJkZjU0MDdiOjc6ZjA0NjoxNjUzYmYwM2Q0NjU0MDZhNjNiMTk0NWJlZjg1ZTg4OTMzZDc2ZWU0ZWJiNTUyMjUxZTgyNTc1NGE0YmRjZWNiOnA6VDpG" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><em>D.V.D. v. DHS</em></a>.</p>
<p>But polling shows that the public <a href="https://protect.checkpoint.com/v2/r01/___https:/www.reuters.com/world/us/majority-americans-believe-presidents-should-obey-courts-reutersipsos-poll-finds-2025-03-25/?utm_source=substack&amp;utm_medium=email___.YzJ1OnByb3RlY3RkZW1vY3JhY3k6YzpnOjFmZmU4ZWE5ZmQ1ODM1OTBiNDQxYjUwYWJkZjU0MDdiOjc6Yzk3MDplZGI5OTQ5YjY2NzM5NGMyOTAzMzAyY2YxZTMxYzE1YjQ5NTZiMjk5YjQ3MzQwYzU5NmJiZGZmMjQ3MGEwYjZjOnA6VDpG" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">strongly</a> <a href="https://protect.checkpoint.com/v2/r01/___https:/www.nbcnews.com/politics/supreme-court/poll-americans-overwhelmingly-want-trump-obey-court-rulings-maga-repub-rcna212783___.YzJ1OnByb3RlY3RkZW1vY3JhY3k6YzpnOjFmZmU4ZWE5ZmQ1ODM1OTBiNDQxYjUwYWJkZjU0MDdiOjc6NmQ4MDowZDNlNzMzYmE0ZDA4YTg2ZTQzOTM5MWM4NTZhYmZjMzQ0NmNmMDg1MmQwNGRhYTdjNjBlMWJmODIzNmEzMThjOnA6VDpG" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">disapproves</a> of the administration&rsquo;s disregard of court orders. Key to generating public outrage is painting an authoritative, factual picture of noncompliance that the public cannot look away from. The public outcry in response to Abrego Garcia&rsquo;s treatment, for example, which was <a href="https://protect.checkpoint.com/v2/r01/___https:/x.com/ChrisVanHollen/status/1913034619710034094?s=20___.YzJ1OnByb3RlY3RkZW1vY3JhY3k6YzpnOjFmZmU4ZWE5ZmQ1ODM1OTBiNDQxYjUwYWJkZjU0MDdiOjc6NzY1NzplYWQyOTYxZTllNjc0N2E4NGYzMTdlZmVmYmEzZDIyYTZkZWU4MTY1OGIyOTVlZjgzNGVhMWM3YTNiODA3MTMwOnA6VDpG" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">viscerally captured</a> in the campaign to raise awareness of his experience in El Salvador&rsquo;s megaprison, was likely a significant factor in ultimately securing his release (and in securing compliance with the court order requiring facilitation of his release).</p>
<p>Judge Schiltz&rsquo;s order is a novel way of using the unique power of the bench to communicate critical information to the American people. The public has followed the defiance of court orders in individual high-profile cases, but rarely is it given a sense of the volume of this administration&rsquo;s lawlessness, especially related to immigration enforcement. That lack of public visibility comes at significant cost to both the rule of law and to the individuals who are detained despite an order supposedly guaranteeing their release. Highlighting the breadth of this administration&rsquo;s defiance in the cases it thinks it can get away with has the power to remind the American people that the law <em>is</em> often on their side, even if this administration fails to respect it.</p>
<p>With the Trump administration likely to continue to pursue its goal of large-scale deportations, with all the widespread rights violations that has entailed to date, this moment is unlikely to be the last in which the courts are faced with the administration&rsquo;s failure to comply with court orders. Judge Schiltz and his colleagues have demonstrated powerfully that the federal bench has both the power and the tactics to meet the moment.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131966/trump-administration-accountable-violating-court-orders/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Confrontation in Court: How to Hold the Trump Administration Accountable for Violating Court Orders</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-02-26T14:00:34+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>JoAnna Suriani</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-02-26T14:00:34+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="accountability"/>

	<category term="alien enemies act"/>

	<category term="courts"/>

	<category term="courts &amp; litigation"/>

	<category term="department of homeland security (dhs)"/>

	<category term="executive branch"/>

	<category term="immigration"/>

	<category term="immigration and customs enforcement (ice)"/>

	<category term="law enforcement"/>

	<category term="litigation"/>

	<category term="trump administration second term"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-02-26:/281027</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132370/tigray-ethiopia-action-prevent-war/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=tigray-ethiopia-action-prevent-war" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Risk of Renewed War in Tigray: Painful Reminders From Ethiopia’s Last War Demand Action to Prevent Another</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>A recent flare-up of fighting has put Ethiopia once again on the brink of war. The escalation in the...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>A recent <a href="https://www.crisisgroup.org/anb/africa/ethiopia-eritrea/flare-tigray-highlights-risk-more-war-northern-ethiopia" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">flare-up of fighting</a> has put Ethiopia once again on the brink of war. The escalation in the northern Tigray region in January prompted the government to suspend flights to Tigray, and buses to Addis Ababa were packed with panicked passengers, as people rushed to <a href="https://apnews.com/article/ethiopia-tigray-war-eritrea-a89d6c79ded625d65e7105697fda785c" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">withdraw cash</a> from banks, fearing that conflict was returning.</p>
<p>As Ethiopia faces the prospect of renewed war, its leaders and those in countries of influence such as the United States would do well to remember the devastation wrought in Ethiopia&rsquo;s last <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/125778/ethiopia-unfinished-peace-tigray-region/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">war in Tigray in 2020-2022</a>, the impact of which continues to be felt by the people of Tigray every day. The horrifying death toll alone has been estimated as high as <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/2f385e95-0899-403a-9e3b-ed8c24adf4e7" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">600,000</a> people, more than that in the recent <a href="https://www.bmj.com/content/392/bmj.s239" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Israel-Gaza </a>war, and even more than the <a href="https://www.hurstpublishers.com/book/understanding-ethiopias-tigray-war/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">1984-1985 famine in Ethiopia</a>.</p>
<p>With the possibility of <a href="https://martinplaut.com/2026/02/18/ethiopia-deploys-troops-to-the-north-the-war-could-be-even-bigger-than-the-last-tigray-war/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">new fighting</a>, the United States and the rest of the world must heed the risks and act now to avoid an even greater cataclysm. The following are some urgent reminders, followed by recommendations for action:</p>
<ul>
<li><strong>The death toll of the 2020-2022 Tigray War was among the highest in modern world history, and renewed fighting would likely be even bloodier and more widespread.</strong></li>
</ul>
<p>Over the course of just two years, in addition to the 600,000 people killed, <a href="https://news.un.org/en/story/2026/02/1166930" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">millions</a> more were displaced, injured, and <a href="https://www.savethechildren.org/us/about-us/media-and-news/2021-press-releases/children-separated-from-parents-by-conflict-in-tigray" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">separated</a> from families. Many are still unaccounted for, or bear the scars of widespread <a href="https://www.globalr2p.org/publications/ethiopia-five-years-on-justice-eludes-victims-of-atrocities-in-tigray-and-beyond/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">human rights violations</a>, including <a href="https://phr.org/our-work/resources/you-will-never-be-able-to-give-birth-conflict-related-sexual-and-reproductive-violence-in-ethiopia/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">conflict-related sexual violence</a>.</p>
<p>If a new conflict emerges, it will affect more than just Tigray. Neighboring regions inside Ethiopia, such as Amhara and Afar, could be engulfed in the conflict, and <a href="https://www.economist.com/middle-east-and-africa/2026/02/05/ethiopia-inches-ever-closer-to-war" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">other countries in the region</a>, including Sudan and Eritrea, would also be affected far more than in the last conflict. The Ethiopia-Eritrea alliance that fought against Tigray has fractured, with their respective leaders in Addis Ababa and Asmara, respectively, supporting different Tigray factions and pitted against each other. Furthermore, both Ethiopia and Eritrea are supported by various Gulf countries: the United Arab Emirates supports Ethiopia, with Saudi Arabia and Egypt backing Eritrea. The potential for a proxy conflict playing out in Tigray is therefore higher. The players include Sudan, now involved in its own civil war, with Ethiopia supporting the Rapid Support Forces and Eritrea backing the Sudanese Armed Forces. If the conflict breaks out, it would engulf multiple countries, with catastrophic human and humanitarian consequences. The spread of the conflict could easily create higher death rates than those observed during the 2020-2022 conflict.</p>
<ul>
<li><strong>Violence was routinely used as a weapon of war, and women and girls are likely to pay a particularly high price if the conflict resumes.</strong></li>
</ul>
<p>Staggering numbers of women and girls <a href="https://www.refugeesinternational.org/reports-briefs/scars-of-war-and-deprivation-an-urgent-call-to-reverse-tigrays-humanitarian-crisis/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">survived conflict-related sexual violence</a>. Health workers and advocates <a href="https://www.amnesty.org/en/petition/demand-justice-for-sexual-violence-survivors-in-tigray/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">have reported</a> assault survivors ranging from young girls all the way through to elderly women, with some women gang raped or held in <a href="https://phr.org/our-work/resources/medical-records-sexual-violence-tigray-ethiopia/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">sexual slavery</a>. There have been very few resources available for their recovery, and most women cannot afford treatment or access to the care they need. Medical professionals reported spikes in cases of <a href="https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9736519/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">traumatic fistula</a>, an injury associated with extreme sexual violence.</p>
<p>Women understand that if conflict returns, they are likely to face new attacks from a range of actors. Due to aid cuts from the US and other donors, local women&rsquo;s groups running shelters <a href="https://www.refugeesinternational.org/reports-briefs/womens-bodies-were-the-battleground-survivors-left-behind-amid-tigrays-uncertain-peace/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">have had to cut staff </a>and support to survivors. Some organizations have <a href="https://www.harambeecollective.org/publications" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">reported</a> knock-on effects from the conflict, including increased intimate-partner violence and even femicide. Women&rsquo;s groups in Tigray have indicated women are seeking morning-after pills to stockpile, knowing that they may be raped if conflict returns.</p>
<ul>
<li><strong>Internal displacement has been extensive and protracted, as many cannot return home. A new conflict could displace millions again and lead to increased migration to neighboring countries, as well as to Europe, the Middle East, and beyond.</strong></li>
</ul>
<p>The war displaced some <a href="https://www.unrefugees.org/news/ethiopias-tigray-refugee-crisis-explained/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">2.6</a><a href="https://www.unrefugees.org/news/ethiopias-tigray-refugee-crisis-explained/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> million</a> people, and <a href="https://news.un.org/en/story/2026/02/1166930" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">1 million remain displaced today</a>. Internal displacement that has gone unresolved is leading <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/12/Tigray-IDP_research_report-1.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">to a range of other challenges and issues </a>for Tigray, including large numbers of children <a href="https://www.nrc.no/perspectives/2025/six-years-without-school-in-ethiopia" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">out of school </a>for more than five years, destroyed <a href="https://upr-info.org/sites/default/files/country-document/2025-04/JS22_UPR47_Ethiopia.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">infrastructure</a>, and a deeply <a href="https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11026641/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">damaged health system</a>. Resolving displacement issues is key to implementing peace and rebuilding the region.</p>
<p>While many stayed within Ethiopia&rsquo;s borders, others fled to neighboring Sudan, now suffering its own bloody conflict. Increasingly, Tigrayans are choosing to undertake <a href="https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/68406/the-only-solution-is-to-leave-ethiopians-driven-into-exile-by-poverty-and-insecurity" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">long and dangerous journeys</a> to seek refuge and livelihood opportunities in Europe and beyond. The threat of renewed fighting has prompted many to flee in advance. Renewed fighting could mean that European countries would see a sharp increase in the number of Ethiopians seeking refuge in the years to come. Those left behind are more likely to be poor, elderly, disabled, or unable to flee for other reasons.</p>
<ul>
<li><strong>The international aid community failed to adequately support Ethiopians during the 2020-2022 conflict.</strong></li>
</ul>
<p>The international aid community did not rise to the moment during the last conflict and has not done enough in recent years. During the war, the Ethiopian government and its allies imposed an aid blockade on the little support that was heading to Tigray, a blockade that brought millions to the <a href="https://theconversation.com/starvation-as-a-weapon-of-war-how-ethiopia-created-a-famine-in-tigray-268395" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">brink of starvation</a>. Even after the blockade was lifted, there was a surprisingly small scale-up in humanitarian response, given the scope of the need.</p>
<p>In the year after the war ended, &nbsp;an aid corruption scandal implicating Ethiopian, Tigrayan, and Eritrean officials, prompted the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) to <a href="https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/u-s-will-resume-food-aid-to-millions-in-ethiopia-after-monthslong-pause-over-massive-corruption" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">pause</a><a href="https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/u-s-will-resume-food-aid-to-millions-in-ethiopia-after-monthslong-pause-over-massive-corruption" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> all food assistance</a>. It did not restore the majority of aid for more than five months. In 2025, the U.S. government and other donors imposed severe cuts, leaving people in <a href="https://phr.org/news/u-s-aid-freeze-unleashes-devastating-health-crisis-in-ethiopia-new-phr-research/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">dire straits</a>. In response, the region has seen <a href="https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/u-s-aid-cuts-hit-ethiopias-fragile-tigray-region" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">m</a><a href="https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/u-s-aid-cuts-hit-ethiopias-fragile-tigray-region" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">alnutrition</a> rates increasing, and services are dwindling. In this context of <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/health/2026/02/trump-state-department-ending-aid-seven-african-countries/686106/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">ever-shrinking aid in the region</a>, it seems even less likely that the aid community would adequately address a new humanitarian crisis in Ethiopia.</p>
<p>Local groups have long stepped up to meet their communities&rsquo; needs, but they require additional resources, especially given the dangerous environment in which they operate.</p>
<ul>
<li><strong>The 2020-2022 Tigray War affected more than just Tigray. New fighting could be even worse for the Horn of Africa and beyond.</strong></li>
</ul>
<p>The conflict involved a range of actors, including the Eritrean military, the Amhara militia, the Ethiopian Defense Forces, and the Tigray People&rsquo;s Liberation Front (TPLF). It also drew in other armed actors from abroad, and caused shockwaves across the Horn of Africa. Eritrean forces committed widespread atrocities and showed no inclination to withdraw even after the November 2022 <a href="https://igad.int/wp-content/uploads/2022/11/Download-the-signed-agreement-here.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Pretoria Agreement</a> between the Ethiopian National Defense Force and the TPLF, an accord for a cessation of hostilities, mandated the departure of external forces.</p>
<p>During the war, <a href="https://ecfr.eu/publication/deadly-skies-drone-warfare-in-ethiopia-and-the-future-of-conflict-in-africa/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">evidence</a> also emerged of the United Arab Emirates&rsquo; (UAE&rsquo;s) provision of drone technology and support to Ethiopian forces. Drones were used extensively in the conflict and contributed to civilian casualties and terror among the population. Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Qatar also have varying degrees of interest and influence in Ethiopia and the wider Horn of Africa.</p>
<p>Sudan absorbed tens of thousands of Ethiopian refugees during the 2020-2022 war. Now, with Sudan itself engulfed in a devastating civil war between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) that began in mid-April 2023, it is unlikely to have the capacity to absorb more refugees should war break out again in Ethiopia.</p>
<p>Today, Tigray is more fractured and alliances within Ethiopia and with other countries are more complex. Major renewed fighting in Tigray, conceivably involving Eritrean forces, weapons from <a href="https://www.crisisgroup.org/brf/africa/ethiopia-eritrea/b210-ethiopia-eritrea-and-tigray-powder-keg-horn-africa" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">rival</a> <a href="https://addisstandard.com/from-allies-to-adversaries-how-saudi-uae-rivalry-reshapes-horn-of-africa-opens-window-for-tigrays-consolidation/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Gulf states</a>, and occurring alongside Sudan&rsquo;s civil war, could create a humanitarian catastrophe that destabilizes the entire region for years to come.</p>
<h2><strong>Five Actions That Could Help Avoid the Worst</strong><strong>&nbsp;</strong></h2>
<p>The widespread impacts of the 2020-2022 Tigray conflict are clear. Failure to act early and robustly to prevent fighting and ensure aid delivery led to massive deaths, sexual violence, displacement, and hunger, all of which spilled over into neighboring countries and reverberated even beyond Africa&rsquo;s shores. Current dynamics risk an even heavier toll if action is not taken now.</p>
<p>Outside actors have a key role to play, as seen in what ultimately ended the prior conflict &mdash; the signing of the Pretoria Agreement, after <a href="https://www.cbc.ca/news/world/peace-talks-ethiopia-tigray-south-africa-1.6628808" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">talks brokered</a> by the African Union with the help of former Nigerian President and AU envoy Olesegun Obasanjo, former South African Deputy President Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, and former Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta, and with the support of the United States. But the failure of outside actors to maintain pressure on Ethiopia to<a href="https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/africaatlse/2024/04/24/the-pretoria-peace-agreement-brought-broken-promises-and-unfulfilled-hope-to-tigray/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"> implement </a>the agreement, which should have included the withdrawal of Amhara and Eritrean forces from western and southern Tigray, has led to the present precarious moment.</p>
<p>Outside actors, including the African Union and individual African states such as Kenya, Nigeria, and South Africa, as well as the United States, the United Kingdom, and the European Union must:</p>
<ul>
<li>Engage Ethiopia at the highest levels to avoid a return to war. President Donald Trump and other world leaders should call <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-43567007" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed</a> directly to warn against a return to war.</li>
<li>Engage Saudi Arabia and the UAE to abstain from providing weapons to potential combatants and to use their influence to quell tensions.</li>
<li>Press the U.N. Security Council to call an emergency session.</li>
<li>Support U.N. and other humanitarian actors in preparing contingency plans now to mitigate the dire effects of a new outbreak of war in the region.</li>
<li>Urge the implementation of the Pretoria Agreement, including by resourcing AU monitors.</li>
</ul>
<p>Above all, the painful impact of the 2020-2022 war must not be forgotten. The levels of death and suffering from those years are well-established. The greater tragedy would be to let the lessons of that war &ndash; the failure to prevent it and the failure to follow through once the fighting stopped &mdash; go unheeded and allow what could be an even greater calamity.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132370/tigray-ethiopia-action-prevent-war/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Risk of Renewed War in Tigray: Painful Reminders From Ethiopia&rsquo;s Last War Demand Action to Prevent Another</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-02-26T13:50:37+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Sarah Miller</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-02-26T13:50:37+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="africa"/>

	<category term="african union"/>

	<category term="armed conflict"/>

	<category term="armed conflicts"/>

	<category term="atrocities"/>

	<category term="civilian harm"/>

	<category term="conflict"/>

	<category term="diplomacy"/>

	<category term="displaced people"/>

	<category term="egypt"/>

	<category term="eritrea"/>

	<category term="ethiopia"/>

	<category term="featured articles"/>

	<category term="human rights"/>

	<category term="international and foreign"/>

	<category term="migration"/>

	<category term="saudi arabia"/>

	<category term="sexual and gender-based violence (sgbv)"/>

	<category term="sudan"/>

	<category term="tigray"/>

	<category term="united arab emirates (uae)"/>

	<category term="use of force"/>

	<category term="women"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-02-26:/281028</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132599/early-edition-february-26-2026/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=early-edition-february-26-2026" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Early Edition: February 26, 2026</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>Signup to receive the Early Edition in your inbox&nbsp;here.

A curated weekday guide to major news and d...</p>]]></summary>
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<p>A curated weekday guide to major news and developments over the last 24 hours. Here&rsquo;s today&rsquo;s news:</p>
<p><b><i>IRAN</i></b></p>
<p><b>The United States and Iran will meet today for a further round of nuclear negotiations in Geneva, mediated by Oman.</b> Four Iranian officials said that Iran is likely to offer a suspension of nuclear activity and the enrichment of uranium for three to five years. After that, Iran would join a regional nuclear consortium while maintaining a very low level of enrichment, 1.5 percent, for medical research. It would also offer to dilute the 400 kilograms of highly enriched uranium it still maintains in phases. The United States, in turn, has to incentivize Iran with rewards, such as lifting both the threat of war and sanctions. Farnaz Fassihi reports for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/26/world/middleeast/iran-us-nuclear-talks.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>President Trump&rsquo;s senior advisers would prefer Israel to strike Iran before the United States launches any strikes,</b> according to two sources. The officials are arguing that an Israeli attack would trigger Iran to retaliate, helping garner support from U.S. voters for U.S. strikes. One source said that the thinking among those closest to Trump is &ldquo;we&rsquo;re going to bomb them&rdquo; as a deal with Iran seems unlikely. Dasha Burns and Nahal Toosi report for <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/02/25/white-house-politics-israel-strikes-iran-00799456" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">POLITICO</a>.</p>
<p><b>U.S. envoy Steve Witkoff yesterday told a gathering of AIPAC donors that the Trump administration is demanding that any nuclear deal with Iran must remain in effect indefinitely</b>, according to two U.S. officials and two other sources. &ldquo;We start with the Iranians with the premise that there is no sunset provision. Whether we get a deal or not, our premise is: you have to behave for the rest of your lives,&rdquo; Witkoff said, according to the sources. Barak Ravid reports for <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/02/25/witkoff-iran-deal-indefinite-geneva-talks" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Axios</a>.</p>
<p><b>The U.S. Treasury Department yesterday </b><a href="https://home.treasury.gov/news/press-releases/sb0405" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>imposed</b></a><b> sanctions on more than 30 individuals, entities, and &ldquo;shadow fleet&rdquo; vessels that it said enabled Iran&rsquo;s illicit petroleum sales, ballistic missiles, and weapons production. </b>The Treasury&rsquo;s Office of Foreign Assets Control also targeted multiple networks that enable Iran&rsquo;s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps and Ministry of Defense and Armed Forces Logistics to secure precursor materials and machinery required for ballistic missiles. Patricia Zengerle reports for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/us-treasury-issues-fresh-iran-related-sanctions-website-shows-2026-02-25/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>RUSSIA-UKRAINE WAR</i></b></p>
<p><b>After Elon Musk&rsquo;s SpaceX shut down access to Starlink satellite-internet terminals for Russian forces earlier this month, Russian troops lost crucial battlefield internet access, causing communication breakdowns and reduced military activity,</b> according to radio transmissions intercepted by the Ukrainian reconnaissance unit. &ldquo;On the Russian side, we observed on the very day Starlink was shut down that artillery and mortar fire dropped drastically,&rdquo; a Ukrainian reconnaissance operator said, adding &ldquo;coordination between their units has also become more difficult since then.&rdquo; Ibrahim Naber reports for <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/02/25/elon-musk-russian-army-starlink-00793742" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">POLITICO</a>.</p>
<p><b>Trump reiterated to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy yesterday that he wants to push for an end to the war as soon as possible,</b> according to a Ukrainian official and two other sources. Trump also told Zelenskyy that he will work on making a trilateral leaders summit happen if the negotiating teams make some progress in early March. Yesterday&rsquo;s 30-minute call was the first conversation between Trump and Zelenskyy since they met in Davos at the end of January. U.S. envoys Witkoff and Jared Kushner are set to meet with Zelenskyy&rsquo;s negotiating team in Geneva today. Barak Ravid reports for <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/02/25/trump-zelensky-call-end-war-ukraine" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Axios</a>.</p>
<p><b>Images of debris from Russian strikes on Ukraine strongly indicate that Moscow has used the 9M729 cruise missile which led Trump to withdraw from the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty in 2019</b>, according to two experts. The specialists based their analysis on images of fragments provided to <a href="https://www.reuters.com/business/aerospace-defense/ukraine-images-indicate-russia-used-missile-heart-nuclear-pact-collapse-2026-02-26/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a> by three Ukrainian law enforcement sources. Tom Balmforth reports.</p>
<p><b><i>ISRAEL-HAMAS WAR&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>Masoud &amp; Ali Contracting Co, a Gaza-based firm, has been contracted to build an Emirati-funded compound for tens of thousands of displaced Palestinians in a part of Gaza which remains under Israeli military control,</b> two Israeli officials and two Palestinian businessmen told <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/gaza-firm-build-uae-funded-housing-compound-israeli-held-south-sources-say-2026-02-25/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>. The United Arab Emirates has not formally announced the housing project, but according to planning maps seen by Reuters, the compound would be built near Rafah. One of the Palestinian businessmen said the project consisted of pre-fabricated trailer-style units stacked multiple storeys high. Rami Ayyub, Nidal al-Mughrabi, and Alexander Cornwell report.</p>
<p><b><i>WEST BANK VIOLENCE</i></b></p>
<p><b>Israeli settlers set fire to vehicles and tents in the Palestinian village of Susiya in the occupied West Bank on Tuesday night,</b> residents said. Videos verified by <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/israeli-settlers-burn-tents-vehicles-west-bank-village-say-residents-2026-02-25/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a> showed a masked group of men, who residents said were Israeli settlers, burning property and vehicles. &ldquo;They attack us almost every day, repeatedly, because we live near the main road,&rdquo; a Susiya resident said yesterday. The U.N. has documented at least 86 instances of settler violence from Feb. 3 to 16, leading to the displacement of 146 Palestinians and injury of 64. Reuters reports.</p>
<p><b><i>OTHER GLOBAL DEVELOPMENTS</i></b></p>
<p><b>Violent incidents involving Islamist groups in the border region between Niger, Benin, and Nigeria rose 90% between 2024 and 2025,</b> and deaths more than doubled to over 1,000 as attacks intensified, the Armed Conflict Location &amp; Event Data project said in a report published today. The report said fighters aligned with al Qaeda and Islamic State have deepened their presence in Benin&rsquo;s Alibori and Borgou departments, Niger&rsquo;s Dosso region, and Nigeria&rsquo;s Sokoto, Kebbi, Niger and Kwara states. Their operations now reflect &ldquo;continued spread, growing lethality, and rising risks to civilians,&rdquo; it added. Macdonald Dzirutwe and David Lewis report for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/islamist-militant-attacks-niger-benin-nigeria-border-zone-soaring-research-shows-2026-02-26/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>.</p>
<p><b>A Hong Kong court today sentenced Kwok Yin-sang, the father of a U.S.-based activist, to eight months in prison for attempting to withdraw some funds from his daughter&rsquo;s insurance policy.</b> This is the first case against a family member of a pro-democracy advocate brought under national security law. Kanis Leung reports for <a href="https://apnews.com/article/hong-national-security-anna-kwok-father-sentence-d4a4419b33fed9290292d88770fe049c" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AP News</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>TECH DEVELOPMENTS&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>OpenAI has banned a ChatGPT account linked to Chinese Law enforcement which tried to use the AI chatbot to undermine support for Japan&rsquo;s prime minister,</b> OpenAI said in a report yesterday. The operation was unusual and &ldquo;revealed a lot about China&rsquo;s strategy for covert influence operations and transnational repression,&rdquo; Ben Nimmo, a principal investigator at OpenAI, told reporters. Sam Sabin reports for <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/02/25/openai-chatgpt-china-japan-prime-minister" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Axios</a>.</p>
<p><b>Major tech companies, including OpenAI, Amazon, Google, Meta and Microsoft, are expected to join Trump next week at the White House to sign a &ldquo;ratepayer protection pledge&rdquo; committing to build or buy their own electricity to power AI data centers</b>. Energy Secretary Chris Wright told reporters yesterday that the event would result in a &ldquo;unified announcement&rdquo; on companies&rsquo; cooperation. Chuck McCutcheon and Ben Geman report for <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/02/25/trump-data-center-electricity-ratepayer-protection-pledge" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Axios</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>U.S. FOREIGN AFFAIRS </i></b></p>
<p><b>Zimbabwe has rejected a U.S. health deal that would have provided $367 million in funding over five years because of Washington&rsquo;s demand for sensitive data. </b>A spokesperson for Zimbabwe&rsquo;s government explained that the United States was demanding access to biological samples for research and commercial gain, but was not willing to share the benefits for future vaccines or treatments. &ldquo;We will now turn to the difficult and regrettable task of winding down our health assistance in Zimbabwe,&rdquo; U.S Ambassador to Zimbabwe Pamela Tremont <a href="https://x.com/USEmbZim/status/2026563611502547288" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">announced</a> on Tuesday. Shingai Nyoka reports for <a href="https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cwy6nd3664no" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">BBC News</a>.</p>
<p><b>The Trump administration has ordered U.S. diplomats to oppose foreign &ldquo;data sovereignty&rdquo; and localization laws,</b> according to an internal diplomatic cable, dated Feb. 18, seen by <a href="https://www.reuters.com/sustainability/boards-policy-regulation/us-orders-diplomats-fight-data-sovereignty-initiatives-2026-02-25/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>. The cable, signed by Secretary of State Marco Rubio, said such laws would &ldquo;disrupt global data flows, increase costs and cybersecurity risks, limit Artificial Intelligence and cloud services, and expand government control in ways that can undermine civil liberties and enable censorship.&rdquo; Raphael Satter and Alexandra Alper report.</p>
<p><b>British far-right and anti-Islam activist Tommy Robinson yesterday visited the State Department and met with at least one U.S. official</b>, social media posts from Robinson and a department official showed. &ldquo;Honored to have free speech warrior @TRobinsonNewEra at Department of State today,&rdquo; State Department official Joe Rittenhouse said. &ldquo;The World and the West is a better place when we fight for freedom of speech and no one has been on the front lines more than Tommy.&rdquo; Humeyra Pamuk reports for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/us/british-far-right-activist-tommy-robinson-visits-us-state-department-2026-02-25/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>U.S. CARIBBEAN AND PACIFIC OPERATIONS</i></b></p>
<p><b>Cuban border troops killed four people and wounded six during a confrontation with a Florida-tagged speedboat yesterday. </b>Cuba&rsquo;s Ministry of Interior said the speedboat&rsquo;s passengers opened fire on troops after they approached the vessel in Cuban territorial waters. In a statement, the Cuban government said the 10 people involved in the attack were Cuban nationals living in the United States who &ldquo;intended to carry out an infiltration for terrorist purposes.&rdquo; The Cuban authorities seized assault rifles, handguns, and explosive devices following the confrontation. Jacob Wendler reports for <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/02/25/cuba-florida-speedboat-killed-00798754" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">POLITICO</a>.</p>
<p><b>Rubio said yesterday that U.S. officials are looking into Cuba&rsquo;s confrontation with the Florida-tagged boat,</b> adding that there was no U.S. government operation in Cuba and no U.S. personnel were involved. &ldquo;We&rsquo;re going to find out exactly what happened here, and then we&rsquo;ll respond accordingly,&rdquo; Rubio said. Julianna Bragg and Rebecca Falconer report for <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/02/25/us-trump-4-americans-killed-cuba-florida-boat-republican" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Axios</a>.</p>
<p><b>The Treasury Department said yesterday that it would authorize companies seeking licenses to resell Venezuelan oil to Cuba&rsquo;s private sector,</b> according to guidance posted on the Department&rsquo;s website. The guidance makes clear that potential transactions must &ldquo;support the Cuban people, including the private sector,&rdquo; while transactions involving or benefiting the Cuban military or other government institutions would not be covered. Marianna Parraga and Simon Lewis report for <a href="https://www.reuters.com/business/energy/us-allow-resale-venezuelan-oil-cuba-treasury-department-says-2026-02-25/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a>.</p>
<p><b>Former Venezuelan President Nicol&aacute;s Maduro cannot pay for his legal defense in the federal cases against him because the Trump administration will not allow the Venezuelan government to fund his representation, </b>according to a <a href="https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.nysd.376123/gov.uscourts.nysd.376123.288.0.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">court filing</a> from Maduro&rsquo;s lawyer yesterday. Erica Orden reports for <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/02/25/trump-admin-wont-let-venezuela-pay-for-maduros-legal-fees-his-lawyer-says-00798724" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">POLITICO</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>U.S. DOMESTIC DEVELOPMENTS</i></b></p>
<p><b>The Trump administration told Congress earlier this month that it will not share the classified intelligence that led to a whistleblower complaint against Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard, citing executive privilege</b>, according to an email reviewed by the <a href="https://www.wsj.com/politics/national-security/spy-agency-blocks-congress-from-seeing-gabbard-whistleblower-intelligence-1baea148?st=X2mDeK&amp;reflink=desktopwebshare_permalink" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Wall Street Journal</a>. In a letter to Gabbard sent on Tuesday, Sen. Mark Warner (D-IN) and Rep. Jim Himes (D-CT) asked who asserted privilege over the intelligence report and on what basis. Dustin Volz reports.</p>
<p><b>Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-MN) yesterday condemned the arrest of her guest to the State of the Union, Aliya Rahman, </b>who was previously dragged from her vehicle by an ICE agent in Minneapolis<b>.</b> Rahman has been charged with unlawful conduct by disrupting congress, according to Rahman, Omar, and the U.S. Capitol Police. Omar said the arrest &ldquo;sends a chilling message about the state of our democracy.&rdquo; Chris Cameron and Michael Gold report for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/25/us/politics/ilhan-omar-state-of-the-union-arrest.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>Rep. Robert Garcia (D-CA) yesterday sent a </b><a href="https://oversightdemocrats.house.gov/imo/media/doc/2026-02-25garciatobondireepstein.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>letter</b></a><b> to Attorney General Pam Bondi asking her to explain why dozens of pages of interviews and notes relating to allegations of Trump&rsquo;s sexual abuse of a minor were not among the documents released</b> <b>in the latest tranche of Epstein files. </b>Stephen Fowler reports for <a href="https://www.npr.org/2026/02/25/nx-s1-5726780/democrats-doj-epstein-files-trump-missing-pages" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">NPR</a>.</p>
<p><b>Lawrence H. Summers, a Harvard University economist and the school&rsquo;s former president, will resign from his faculty appointments, relinquishing his University Professorship</b>, a Harvard spokesperson confirmed to <a href="https://www.thecrimson.com/article/2026/2/25/summers-retire-harvard-epstein/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">The Crimson</a>. Summers has also resigned as co-director of the Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Business and Government. The announcement comes months after documents released by the Justice Department showed a close relationship between Summers and Jeffrey Epstein. Mark Arsenault reports for&nbsp; the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/25/us/larry-summers-resignation-harvard-epstein.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>TRUMP ADMINISTRATION ACTIONS</i></b></p>
<p><b>Around 10 FBI employees were dismissed this week for their work on the investigation into Trump&rsquo;s retention of classified documents at Mar-a-Lago,</b> according to five sources. The firings came hours after FBI Director Kash Patel told <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/us/fbi-obtained-kash-patel-susie-wiles-phone-records-during-biden-administration-2026-02-25/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Reuters</a> that the FBI had subpoenaed phone metadata from himself and White House Chief of Staff Susie Wiles in 2022 and 2023 during the documents inquiry. Patel portrayed the seizing of his phone records by the FBI and efforts to conceal them as an example of overreach by unelected government officials under Biden. It has been known for years that Patel was closely scrutinised by the investigators under special counsel Jack Smith and that some of Wiles&rsquo;s phone records were obtained. Glenn Thrush, Alan Feuer, and Devlin Barrett report for the <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2026/02/25/us/politics/patel-fbi-firings-trump-classified-records.html" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">New York Times</a>.</p>
<p><b>Vice President JD Vance yesterday announced that the Trump administration would temporarily halt $259.5 million in Medicaid funding to the state of Minnesota over fraud concerns.</b> Michelle L. Price and Ali Swenson report for <a href="https://apnews.com/article/minnesota-medicaid-funding-fraud-trump-47b160fd664cdfeef355ae00ca5fecc0" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AP News</a>.</p>
<p><b>Homeland Security Department official Heather Honey yesterday told election officials that ICE officers will not be stationed at polling places in November. </b>&ldquo;Any suggestion that ICE is going to be present at polling places is simply disinformation,&rdquo; Heather Honey said. Andrew Howard and Erin Doherty report for <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2026/02/25/dhs-ice-polling-places-00799613" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">POLITICO</a>.</p>
<p><b>Treasury Department Undersecretary for Terrorism and Financial Intelligence John Hurley is leaving his post after privately raising objections to the Trump administration&rsquo;s plan to crack down on alleged fraud within the Somali immigrant community in Minnesota</b>, according to seven sources. Two sources said he raised data privacy concerns over the plans in question. Hurley denied these claims, saying &ldquo;anyone who has told you I do not proudly support these America First efforts is either uninformed or malicious.&rdquo; Andrew Ackerman, Jeff Stein, Natalie Allison, and Ellen Nakashima report for the <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2026/02/25/sanctions-chief-treasury/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Washington Post</a>.</p>
<p><b><i>TRUMP ADMINISTRATION LITIGATION&nbsp;</i></b></p>
<p><b>A federal judge yesterday </b><a href="https://storage.courtlistener.com/recap/gov.uscourts.mad.282404/gov.uscourts.mad.282404.241.0.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><b>ruled</b></a><b> that the Trump administration&rsquo;s policy to quickly remove people to third countries to which they have no previous connection is unlawful, </b>stating that people must receive meaningful notice and the chance to challenge their deportations. Gary Grumbach and Daniella Silva report for <a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/news/us-news/federal-judge-murphy-trump-third-country-deportations-unlawful-rcna260684" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">NBC News</a>.</p>
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<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132599/early-edition-february-26-2026/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Early Edition: February 26, 2026</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-02-26T13:13:15+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Elisabeth Jennings</name></author>
	<source>
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		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-02-26T13:13:15+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="daily news roundup"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-02-25:/280988</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132536/big-techs-moment-truth-ai-safety/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=big-techs-moment-truth-ai-safety" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Big Tech’s Moment of Truth on AI Safety</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>The Pentagon has given leading AI company Anthropic until Feb. 27 to abandon its AI safety limits or...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>The Pentagon has given leading AI company Anthropic <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/02/24/anthropic-pentagon-claude-hegseth-dario?utm_source=newsletter&amp;utm_medium=email&amp;utm_campaign=newsletter_axiospm&amp;stream=top" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">until Feb. 27</a> to abandon its AI safety limits or face extraordinary punitive measures. If Anthropic refuses&mdash;as it has signaled it will&mdash;Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth has <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/02/23/hegseth-dario-pentagon-meeting-antrhopic-claude" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">threatened</a> to <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/technology/2026/02/24/pentagon-demands-ai-access/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">invoke</a> the Defense Production Act, use the government&rsquo;s contracting power to blacklist Anthropic from the defense ecosystem, and turn to Google, OpenAI, or xAI to fill the gap. Those companies have now been handed an unexpected choice: step in and profit or stand with Anthropic and demonstrate that the industry&rsquo;s safety commitments are more than marketing. There is only one right answer.</p>
<p>Anthropic has so far declined the Defense Department&rsquo;s request that its flagship model, Claude, be made available for all &ldquo;lawful purposes,&rdquo; an expansive formulation that could encompass applications such as mass domestic surveillance and the operation of fully autonomous weapons. Anthropic has insisted on retaining contractual limits regarding those two uses. Defense officials have pushed back, arguing that those constraints are incompatible with national security needs.</p>
<p>On its face, the clash looks like a narrow contractual disagreement. In reality, it raises a much larger and pressing question: When AI companies publicly emphasize safety and responsibility, are those commitments real, or are they contingent on whether a sufficiently large and powerful customer is at the table? So far, Anthropic is showing that its safety commitments are not merely rhetorical. This moment presents an opportunity for Anthropic&rsquo;s closest competitors&mdash;OpenAI, Google, and xAI&mdash;to demonstrate the same by aligning publicly with Anthropic&rsquo;s stance.</p>
<p>The temptation to do otherwise is significant. Claude is currently the only model integrated into the military&rsquo;s classified systems, giving Anthropic a privileged position that its competitors are now being courted to fill. Elon Musk&rsquo;s xAI already <a href="https://www.axios.com/2026/02/23/ai-defense-department-deal-musk-xai-grok" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">reportedly signed</a> an agreement with the Defense Department to allow its model, Grok, to be used in classified settings without restrictions. Offering the U.S. military unencumbered access to a competing model would deliver a short-term advantage. Defense partnerships typically come with large, stable contracts and tend to yield political goodwill. From a narrow commercial perspective, it seems rational for another frontier model company to step into the space that Anthropic is declining to occupy, offering a willingness to interpret &ldquo;lawful use&rdquo; as the sole governing standard. A short-sighted business leader might even frame this as cynical opportunism: If the Pentagon is going to deploy AI anyway, better to ensure that it does so using one&rsquo;s own technology.</p>
<p>But that logic is flawed and dangerous, for several reasons.</p>
<p>First, undercutting Anthropic would strip AI companies&rsquo; safety commitments of whatever credibility they currently retain. <a href="https://openai.com/global-affairs/openais-approach-to-ai-and-national-security/?utm_source=chatgpt.com" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">OpenAI</a>, <a href="https://ai.google/principles/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Google</a>, <a href="https://x.ai/legal/acceptable-use-policy" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">xAI</a>, and <a href="https://www-cdn.anthropic.com/872c653b2d0501d6ab44cf87f43e1dc4853e4d37.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Anthropic</a> have all publicly emphasized the importance of responsible deployment and articulated red lines on certain high-risk uses. If those commitments collapse the moment a sufficiently powerful customer demands broader access, they will be revealed as marketing slogans rather than actual governing principles. That loss of credibility would bleed into every future claim these companies make about their capacity to self-govern AI risk. For xAI, that moment appears to have already arrived with the agreement it signed this week with the Department of Defense.</p>
<p>Second, the Pentagon&rsquo;s insistence on &ldquo;lawful purposes&rdquo; as the constraint invites a slippery slope because it is vague and unverifiable. What counts as &ldquo;lawful&rdquo; depends on shifting statutory authorities, classified interpretations, and executive discretion&mdash;inscrutable to the public and model provider itself. Even if a company wanted to ensure that its system was used only in legally permissible ways, it would have no practical way to audit compliance once a model is embedded in classified military workflows. The result is a blank check in practice, even if it appears bounded in theory.</p>
<p>Third, unrestricted military use exposes companies to long-lasting reputational, legal, and political risks. History offers ample warning: Technology firms that have enabled large-scale harm have discovered that contractual distance provides little protection once public scrutiny arrives. When harms surface, investigators and the public focus not only on the direct perpetrator but also on who <em>enabled</em> them. For example, Facebook, which <a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/world/un-investigators-cite-facebook-role-in-myanmar-crisis-idUSKCN1GO2Q4/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">facilitated</a> ethnic cleansing in Myanmar, faced reputational damage that persisted for years.</p>
<p>These reasons point to the best, if not necessarily easiest, course of action: The leading AI companies should act collectively to reject the Pentagon&rsquo;s demand for carte-blanche access. They should recognize the pressure being applied for what it is&mdash;an attempt to compel compliance through threats of exclusion and to fracture the industry. Normalizing that tactic would mark a troubling shift toward <a href="https://stevenadler.substack.com/p/ai-powered-authoritarianism-is-coming" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">AI authoritarianism</a>.</p>
<p>There are only a few frontier AI models available. That scarcity creates leverage, but only if it is exercised collectively. If leading AI labs reinforce Anthropic&rsquo;s stance, they demonstrate that certain boundaries are non-negotiable industrywide. If instead they exploit Anthropic&rsquo;s restraint, the Pentagon and every other powerful customer will learn that safety constraints are negotiable and that pressure yields capitulation.</p>
<p>Anthropic is doing the right thing. Its refusal to meet the Pentagon&rsquo;s demands is not about being &ldquo;<a href="https://www.wsj.com/politics/national-security/woke-ai-spat-escalates-between-pentagon-and-anthropic-433b7c5c?gaa_at=eafs&amp;gaa_n=AWEtsqfc70G2DTF6VQX9lnzbEfFvF0Yq5zrBNGhFzfS2YXd2OQA1vbVAzZNavlNYoAs%3D&amp;gaa_ts=699df789&amp;gaa_sig=zFgiC9bShbN-ar8ON3Vz67JshXWeJAvhxJLqJH8RsadJZYF4u-T7gvKq4-6RN3qkN_5Sc1ORMWazeTZ0BsMt2A%3D%3D" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">woke</a>,&rdquo; as Hegseth has claimed. The uses it is drawing lines around (mass domestic surveillance and fully autonomous weapons) are foreseeable and dangerous. Just as important, its willingness to hold that line in the face of coercive pressure sets an example for the rest of the industry. This is exactly the kind of moment when safety commitments are tested. It may be too late for xAI, but Google and OpenAI should resist the urge to undercut Anthropic and instead act together, using their collective leverage to make clear that access to frontier AI comes with reasonable limits.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/132536/big-techs-moment-truth-ai-safety/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Big Tech&rsquo;s Moment of Truth on AI Safety</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-02-25T20:57:16+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Mariana Olaizola Rosenblat</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-02-25T20:57:16+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="ai &amp; emerging technology"/>

	<category term="artificial intelligence (ai)"/>

	<category term="big tech"/>

	<category term="department of defense (dod)"/>

	<category term="deregulation"/>

	<category term="digital surveillance"/>

	<category term="domestic surveillance"/>

	<category term="emerging technology"/>

	<category term="featured articles"/>

	<category term="intelligence &amp; surveillance"/>

	<category term="lethal autonomous weapons systems (laws)"/>

	<category term="military"/>

	<category term="surveillance"/>

	<category term="technology"/>

	<category term="trump administration second term"/>

	<category term="united states (us)"/>


</entry>

<entry>
	<id>tag:vifa-recht.de,2026-02-25:/280962</id>
	<link href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131897/proving-genocide-intent-other-aims/?utm_source=rss&amp;utm_medium=rss&amp;utm_campaign=proving-genocide-intent-other-aims" rel="alternate" type="text/html"/>
	<title type="html">Proving Genocide: Genocidal Intent and Other Aims</title>
	<summary type="html"><![CDATA[<p>The International Court of Justice (ICJ) recently concluded its public hearings in the case brought ...</p>]]></summary>
	<content type="html"><![CDATA[<p>The International Court of Justice (ICJ) recently concluded its <a href="https://www.icj-cij.org/case/178/oral-proceedings" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">public hearings</a> in the case brought by the Gambia alleging that Myanmar&rsquo;s security forces committed acts of genocide against the Rohingya group. This article concerns some technical issues which the Court may wish to clarify in its final judgment, regarding proof that a State acted with genocidal intent alongside other political or military aims.</p>
<p>The Gambia and Myanmar <a href="https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/178/178-20241230-wri-01-00-en.pdf#page=113" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">agree</a> that the definition of genocide may be satisfied when a State acts with genocidal intent&mdash;the intent to destroy a protected group in whole or in substantial part&mdash;alongside other political or military aims. This basic point of substantive law follows from the text of the <a href="https://www.un.org/en/genocideprevention/documents/atrocity-crimes/Doc.1_Convention%20on%20the%20Prevention%20and%20Punishment%20of%20the%20Crime%20of%20Genocide.pdf" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Genocide Convention</a>, the caselaw of the Court and international criminal tribunals, and the legal positions of States (see <a href="https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/178/178-20241211-int-01-00-en.pdf#page=9" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>). Again, even Myanmar accepts this basic point. The problem is one of proof, not substantive law, and that is where the parties diverge. This article explains how this problem of proof may be solved.</p>
<p>The Gambia must prove that Myanmar acted with genocidal intent <em>alongside</em> other aims, rather than <em>exclusively</em> with those other aims. Myanmar&rsquo;s <a href="https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/178/178-20241230-wri-01-00-en.pdf#page=113" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">written rejoinder</a> explains the problem remarkably well:</p>
<blockquote><p>As a matter of law, it may well be possible for an individual or a State to act with a genocidal intent (intent A), while simultaneously seeking to achieve an ulterior purpose that has nothing to do with genocide (intent or motive B). As The Gambia says, the conclusion that an individual or State is acting with intent B would not necessarily exclude the conclusion that the individual or State is also acting with intent A.</p>
<p>However, where a <em>pattern of conduct</em> is consistent both with intent A and intent B, in many cases all of following three inferences would be consistent with the evidence as a whole:</p>
<p>(1) the individual or State acted with intent A only;</p>
<p>(2) the individual or State acted with both intent A and intent B; and</p>
<p>(3) the individual or State acted with intent B only.</p>
<p>In such a case, the inference that the individual or State acted with intent A would not be the only inference that could reasonably be drawn. The first two of the three possible inferences, if drawn, would lead to the conclusion that the individual or State acted with intent A (the genocidal intent). However, the third inference, if drawn, would lead to the conclusion that the individual or State acted without intent A (that is, without genocidal intent). As long as the third inference is one of the possible inferences that could reasonably be drawn from the evidence as a whole, then the existence of a genocidal intent will not be the only reasonable inference that can be drawn.</p></blockquote>
<p>In other words, Myanmar agrees that genocidal intent <em>can</em> exist alongside other aims. The Gambia must prove that genocidal intent <em>did</em> exist alongside other aims.</p>
<p>In broad terms, when a State acts with both genocidal intent and other aims, its other aims will motivate or explain <em>some</em> of its actions, or <em>some</em> aspects of its actions, and so these other aims can be reasonably inferred from <em>some</em> of the evidence. But these other aims will not motivate or explain <em>all</em> of its actions, or <em>all</em> aspects of its actions, and so only a combination of genocidal intent and other aims can be reasonably inferred from &ldquo;<a href="https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/118/118-20150203-JUD-01-00-EN.pdf#page=67" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">all of the evidence taken together</a>.&rdquo;</p>
<p>As we will see, genocidal intent may reveal itself in the specific acts committed, the manner of their commission, the accepted costs of their commission, or the instrumental value of group destruction to other aims. Different methods of proof reveal different patterns of interaction between genocidal intent and other aims. The following sections describe these different patterns of interaction in somewhat abstract and stylized terms. But the point is entirely practical: to explain how genocidal intent may be established when a State simultaneously pursues other political or military aims.</p>
<h2><strong>Parallel Intent</strong></h2>
<p>Genocidal intent may coexist with other aims in a variety of ways. The simplest pattern involves what I call <em>Parallel Intent</em>:</p>
<blockquote><p><em>Parallel Intent</em>: The State commits some acts with the intent to destroy a substantial part of a protected group, and commits other acts with a different aim (e.g., to defeat an armed insurgency).</p></blockquote>
<p>In this pattern, the State&rsquo;s acts are divisible into some acts committed with genocidal intent and other acts committed with non-genocidal aims. These acts may be committed in the same time period and geographical area, by the same State organs or individuals under the State&rsquo;s effective control, but on closer inspection they pursue different ends. The genocidal intent behind one subset of acts committed against group members may be inferred from their gravity, scale, systematicity, repetition, and discriminatory targeting, as well as from public speeches, private meetings, and the State&rsquo;s general political doctrine (see <a href="https://api.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/178/178-20241211-int-01-00-en.pdf#page=20" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">here</a>). In contrast, the non-genocidal aims behind another subset of acts may be inferred from various other circumstances, such as the precise targeting of armed group members and the taking of precautions to avoid or minimize harm to civilians. The crucial point is that while non-genocidal aims may be reasonably inferred from the evidence related to one subset of acts, only genocidal intent may be reasonably inferred from the evidence related to another subset of acts.</p>
<p>In its final submissions, the Gambia discussed the possibility that Myanmar&rsquo;s security forces may have acted with parallel intent, <a href="https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/178/178-20260127-ora-01-00-bi.pdf#page=33" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">saying</a> that:</p>
<blockquote><p>the fact that there was a counter-terrorism operation in progress&mdash;if that was indeed the case&mdash;is pure context. It is not intent. It is not the intent of the State at the time its authorized agents began firing their weapons deliberately at Rohingya civilians, including women and children, upon entering scores of Rohingya villages and began to slaughter the civilian population.</p></blockquote>
<p>Put another way, counter-terrorism aims might explain why Myanmar&rsquo;s security forces were in certain areas at certain times, and why they may have performed certain acts directed at armed insurgents. But counter-terrorism aims cannot explain the alleged acts of systematically killing civilians. Indeed, Myanmar did not attempt to explain how such killings could reflect or result from an intent to defeat an armed insurgency. The Court must therefore determine whether the scale of such killings&mdash;as well as other particular circumstances, including any patterns of similar conduct in different locations&mdash;supports a reasonable inference of genocidal intent and excludes any other reasonable inference.</p>
<h2><strong>Overlapping Intent</strong></h2>
<p>The most complex pattern of interaction between genocidal intent and additional aims involves what I call <em>Overlapping Intent</em>.</p>
<blockquote><p><em>Overlapping Intent</em>: The State commits the same acts with both the intent to destroy a substantial part of a protected group and another aim (e.g., defeating an opposing armed insurgency).</p></blockquote>
<p>In this pattern, the State&rsquo;s acts are not fully divisible into some acts committed with genocidal intent and other acts committed with non-genocidal aims. Instead, the same acts (typically composite acts or courses of action) reflect both genocidal intent and non-genocidal aims. In such cases, it may be possible to identify the distinct influence of genocidal intent and show that the course of action can only be fully explained as partly intended to destroy a protected group. The means and manner of its commission, as well as the costs accepted or risks incurred, may reveal that the course of action is partly intended to destroy a protected group and is not exclusively aimed at other ends.</p>
<p>Further complicating matters, genocidal intent may <em>partially overlap</em> or <em>fully overlap</em> with other aims. In cases of partial overlap, genocidal intent and other aims explain different parts of a single course of action. In such cases, other aims may be reasonably inferred from some aspects of the course of action, but only genocidal intent may be reasonably inferred from other aspects of the course of action. In cases of full overlap, genocidal intent and other aims <em>each</em> contribute to <em>every</em> part of a single course of action. In such cases, every part of the course of action promotes or realizes both aims. Nevertheless, it is still possible to infer the existence of multiple aims, including from the costs that the perpetrator is willing to accept in pursuit of its course of action.</p>
<p>The Gambia alleges that Myanmar&rsquo;s security forces separated and killed the men and boys in several villages. In its Counter-Memorial, Myanmar <a href="https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/178/178-20230824-wri-01-00-en.pdf#page=595" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">wrote</a>:</p>
<blockquote><p>To the extent that The Gambia alleges that there has been &ldquo;selectivity&rdquo; in the killings by the Tatmadaw, namely by targeting particular members of the group (&ldquo;men and boys&rdquo;, or &ldquo;women and girls&rdquo;), this would in any event suggest &ldquo;that considerations other than a genocidal intent determined the scope of victimhood&rdquo;. Equally, the attempted neutralisation by the Myanmar Defence Services of ARSA terrorists and their mobilised supporters, who presented a real and sustained threat to the peace and security of the area, is indicative of an intention other than the destruction of a group as such.</p></blockquote>
<p>Myanmar appears to argue that, if <em>some</em> men and boys in a village may be members or supporters of an armed insurgency, then killing <em>all</em> men and boys in that village would be consistent with the aim of defeating that armed insurgency. Such killings would constitute war crimes, crimes against humanity, and violations of the human right to life, but genocidal intent would not be the only reasonable inference from the evidence.</p>
<p>The Court faced a similar situation in <em>Bosnia v. Serbia</em>. Bosnian Serb forces executed around 8,000 Bosnian Muslim men and teenage boys at Srebrenica. Some were fighters, but most were civilians. Serb forces presumably hoped and desired to kill any fighters and thereby promote their military aims. But if Serb forces were exclusively pursuing military aims, then they would have separated the fighters from the civilians. They did not. They rounded up all the non-elderly men and teenage boys and killed them all. The <a href="https://www.icty.org/x/cases/krstic/acjug/en/krs-aj040419e.pdf#page=13" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">ICTY found</a>, and the <a href="https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/91/091-20070226-JUD-01-00-EN.pdf#page=124" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">ICJ agreed</a>, that this composite act or course of action, could only be fully explained as at least partly intended to destroy the Bosnian Muslim community in Srebrenica. Similarly, Myanmar&rsquo;s aim to defeat ARSA cannot fully explain the indiscriminate killing of men and boys in several villages. Myanmar&rsquo;s forces might have hoped and desired to kill some ARSA members, and thereby promote its military aims, but this aim can only partly explain its course of action viewed as a whole.</p>
<p>The Gambia also alleges that Myanmar &ldquo;deliberately inflicted on the Rohingya group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction, in whole or in part&rdquo; in violation of article 2(c) of the Genocide Convention. The Gambia specifically <a href="https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/178/178-20201023-wri-01-00-en.pdf#page=471" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">alleges</a> that:</p>
<blockquote><p>Myanmar carried out a widespread campaign to deny the Rohingya access to the essentials of life, including shelter, food, water and medical care, by engaging in the wholesale destruction through burning of their homes, shops, mosques and schools, by destroying or stealing their food and by preventing humanitarian aid agencies from accessing the area.</p></blockquote>
<p>In response, Myanmar does not argue that it inflicted such conditions with the aim of defeating an armed insurgency. Instead, it <a href="https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/178/178-20230824-wri-01-00-en.pdf#page=567" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">denies</a> that it inflicted such conditions at all, and insists that any such conditions it did inflict were not calculated to physically destroy the Rohingya. But an issue of broader significance looms.</p>
<p>Conditions of life are inflicted on a group, which may contain armed insurgents and a civilian population. A State that inflicts such conditions on a group might claim that it exclusively aims to defeat the insurgents and merely foresees (but does not intend) destruction of the civilian population. Without a method to verify or falsify such claims with evidence, article 2(c) of the Convention will lose much of its practical importance.</p>
<p>Conditions of life may not be divisible into discrete acts (as in cases of parallel intent) or analyzable into distinct parts of a course of conduct (as in cases of partially overlapping intent). When a State prevents humanitarian assistance from reaching an entire area that contains both civilians and fighters, it may be possible to identify the denial of certain medical supplies (such as those exclusively used to treat women and children) as clearly reflecting an exclusive intent to harm civilians. In contrast, the denial of food may be impossible to divide into acts, or even parts of a course of action, reflecting distinct aims to harm civilians on one hand and fighters on the other. Even in such cases (of fully overlapping intent), it is possible to prove that both aims are at work. Genocidal intent may be inferred from statements by relevant officials related to such conditions of life, or from the interaction of such conditions of life with other acts or courses of action (such as attacks on civilian infrastructure) as interdependent components of a broader genocidal plan.</p>
<p>Genocidal intent may also be inferred from the costs which the State accepts in order to inflict such conditions of life on the protected group. Such costs may be financial, political, or legal. Inflicting such conditions may cost money or alienate allies. Most importantly, inflicting such conditions may place the State in breach of its obligations under international humanitarian law or international human rights law, or render individual officials criminally responsible for war crimes or crimes against humanity. At the same time, inflicting such conditions on a group may offer little military advantage, since armed insurgents may seize and store the food and medicine they need despite the obstacles imposed by the State. A State&rsquo;s willingness to accept high costs for little military benefit may indicate that the State intends to destroy the group and does not exclusively aim to defeat the armed insurgency.</p>
<h2><strong>Instrumental Intent</strong></h2>
<p>Broadly speaking, patterns of <em>Parallel Intent</em> and <em>Overlapping Intent</em> reveal themselves in the specific acts committed and the manner of their commission. Other patterns reveal themselves in the overall design of a genocidal strategy. One pattern involves what I call <em>Instrumental Intent</em>.</p>
<blockquote><p><em>Instrumental Intent</em>: The State acts with the intent to destroy a substantial part of a group, where the partial destruction of the group is intended as a means to achieve some further aim (e.g., to compel surviving members of the group to flee an area, or to undermine a military adversary&rsquo;s will to fight).</p></blockquote>
<p>In this pattern, the perpetrator intends to destroy a substantial part of the group, but not for its own sake, as a final end, or as an ultimate objective. Instead, the State intends to destroy a substantial part of a group as an &ldquo;interim goal&rdquo; (as <a href="https://api.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/178/178-20241212-int-01-00-en.pdf#page=8" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Belgium</a> puts it in its declaration of intervention). The partial destruction of the group is the State&rsquo;s chosen means of achieving its other political or military aims, and not a byproduct or side-effect of pursuing these other aims. These further aims explain <em>why</em> the State intended to destroy a substantial part of the group. Evidence of such further aims may support an inference that various destructive acts committed in various locations were part of a common plan to achieve those further aims, while the scale of such destructive acts may support an inference that the common plan involved nothing less than the destruction of a substantial part of the group as a means to achieve those further aims.</p>
<p>During the public hearing, the Gambia <a href="https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/178/178-20260114-ora_02-00-bi.pdf#page=38" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">told</a> the Court that:</p>
<blockquote><p>there is no inconsistency between Myanmar or its officials having this motive [to defeat an insurgent force] and, at the same time, having a specific intent, during the &ldquo;clearance operations&rdquo;, while committing the <em>actus reus</em> of genocide to destroy the Rohingya as a group &mdash; either as an end in itself or as a means of defeating ARSA by depriving it of its potential base of support.</p></blockquote>
<p>The Gambia went on to say that &ldquo;the Tatmadaw&rsquo;s putative motive and specific intent were complementary: the ostensible object of defeating ARSA was pursued by means of the deliberate destruction of the Rohingya group, as such.&rdquo; The Gambia may have had in mind a question <a href="https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/178/178-20260122-ora-01-00-bi.pdf#page=43" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">posed</a> by Judge Hmoud to the Gambia&rsquo;s expert witness:</p>
<blockquote><p>if you target the whole population, as supporters of the &ldquo;terrorist&rdquo;, can&rsquo;t there be a plausible reason for that? Meaning that, in order to achieve the counter-terrorism operation goal, you have to nip it in the bud, destroy the incubators.</p></blockquote>
<p>The Gambia&rsquo;s response is simple: if Myanmar intended to destroy a substantial part of the Rohingya group as a means of defeating ARSA, then it acted with genocidal intent.</p>
<p>The Gambia&rsquo;s position is consistent with and supported by the Court&rsquo;s caselaw. In <em>Bosnia v. Serbia</em>, the ICTY observed that Bosnian Serb forces (the VRS) intended to destroy the Bosnian Muslims of Srebrenica as a means of achieving further political aims, including creating a viable ethnically Serb state while rendering unviable a Muslim state (<a href="https://www.icty.org/x/cases/krstic/acjug/en/krs-aj040419e.pdf#page=10" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Krsti&#263; Appeal</a>, para. 15). The crime of genocide &ldquo;became part of the means to achieve the objective&rdquo; of emptying the enclave of Bosnian Muslims (<a href="https://ucr.irmct.org/LegalRef/CMSDocStore/Public/English/Judgement/NotIndexable/IT-09-92/JUD275R0000516227.pdf#page=576" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Mladic Trial</a>, paras. 4987, 5096, 5098, 5108; <a href="https://www.irmct.org/sites/default/files/case_documents/210608-appeal-judgement-JUD285R0000638396-mladic-13-56-en.pdf#page=163" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Mladic Appeal</a>, para. 369). While the ICJ emphasized that these further goals did not <a href="https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/91/091-20070226-JUD-01-00-EN.pdf#page=157" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank"><em>necessarily</em></a> require the partial destruction of the Bosnian Muslim group, the Court found that the VRS <em>in fact</em> formed the intent to partially destroy the group in Srebrenica.</p>
<p>In <em>Croatia v. Serbia</em>, the Court confirmed that a State&rsquo;s further goals provide part of the context within which other evidence of genocidal intent must be assessed. As the Court <a href="https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/91/091-20070226-JUD-01-00-EN.pdf#page=84" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">observed</a>, &ldquo;it is clear that acts of &ldquo;ethnic cleansing&rdquo; &hellip; may be significant as indicative of the presence of a specific intent (<em>dolus specialis</em>) inspiring those acts.&rdquo; For better or worse, the Court found that the evidence before it indicated that Serb forces intended to create a &ldquo;<a href="https://www.icj-cij.org/sites/default/files/case-related/118/118-20150203-JUD-01-00-EN.pdf#page=127" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">coercive atmosphere</a>&rdquo; as a means of expelling the Croat group, but did not intend to destroy a substantial part of the group as a means of expulsion, a result of expulsion, or otherwise.</p>
<p>A State&rsquo;s instrumental intent to destroy a group as a means to achieve further aims may explain certain features of its conduct that might otherwise indicate a lack of genocidal intent. A State may intend to destroy a part of a group no larger than necessary to achieve its further aim, rather than destroy the largest part of the group it has the means and opportunity to destroy. The State may cease its destructive acts when its further aims are achieved, rather than pursue fleeing survivors across borders or continue large-scale killing of civilians after an armed adversary surrenders. The State&rsquo;s officials may speak of civilian harm with some regret, describing such harm as a lesser evil necessary to achieve a greater good. None of this negates or disproves genocidal intent that is otherwise clearly established. This simply reflects the instrumental relationship between the perpetrator&rsquo;s genocidal intent and its other aims. Relatedly, it may be true that the State would stop committing destructive acts if the group fled in large numbers, or if their adversary surrendered. But it does not matter what the State would intend or do in a counterfactual world in which its further aims were met, or could be met in other ways. It matters that, in the actual world, the State intended to destroy a substantial part of a group as means to achieve its further aims.</p>
<h2><strong>Conclusion</strong></h2>
<p>Genocidal intent coexists with other aims and relates to other aims in various ways. Multiple aims may run in parallel or overlap; they may constrain one another or create a chain of means and ends. Different relations of genocidal intent and other aims may be inferred from conduct, statements, or a combination thereof. Genocidal intent can be found in the specific acts committed, the manner of their commission, the accepted costs of their commission, and the instrumental value of group destruction to other aims. The ultimate question is whether all the evidence taken together establishes that the perpetrator acted with the intent to destroy a substantial part of a group&mdash;whatever their other aims may be.</p>
<p>This article has focused on inferring a State&rsquo;s genocidal intent from its conduct. But statements by government officials are especially useful to prove how a perpetrator&rsquo;s multiple aims related to one another. For example, statements of strategic goals (such as displacing civilians or defeating an armed adversary) can help prove instrumental intent by revealing the further aims which the perpetrator pursued by means of the partial destruction of a group. Statements indicating intent to harm civilians can help prove overlapping intent, especially when the perpetrator faces few material or legal costs that would indicate genocidal intent rather than depraved indifference. The ultimate question facing the Court is whether it is fully convinced, by all the evidence taken together, that the State acted with genocidal intent alongside its other aims.</p>
<p>The Gambia argues that Myanmar acted with a combination of parallel, overlapping, and instrumental intentions. Many acts were intended solely to partially destroy the Rohingya. Others may have been intended solely to defeat ARSA. Still others may have been committed with both genocidal intent and other aims. Myanmar may have intended to partially destroy the Rohingya as an end in itself, as a means to defeat ARSA, or both. The Court must carefully examine the totality of the evidence in order to identify the various aims at work as well as their various interactions.</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org/131897/proving-genocide-intent-other-aims/" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Proving Genocide: Genocidal Intent and Other Aims</a> appeared first on <a href="https://www.justsecurity.org" rel="noopener noreferrer" target="_blank">Just Security</a>.</p>]]></content>
	<updated>2026-02-25T14:05:18+00:00</updated>
	<author><name>Adil Ahmad Haque</name></author>
	<source>
		<id>https://www.justsecurity.org</id>
		<link rel="self" href="https://www.justsecurity.org"/>
		<updated>2026-02-25T14:05:18+00:00</updated>
		<title>Just Security</title></source>

	<category term="accountability"/>

	<category term="armed conflict"/>

	<category term="atrocities"/>

	<category term="burma/myanmar"/>

	<category term="gambia v. myanmar"/>

	<category term="genocide"/>

	<category term="human rights"/>

	<category term="international court of justice (icj)"/>

	<category term="international courts"/>

	<category term="international criminal law"/>

	<category term="international justice"/>


</entry>


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